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This article discusses the syntax of coordinate structures, in particular the status of initial coordinators, multiple coordination, and the asymmetries between conjuncts with respect to c-command relations. The idea of coordinators as heads– hence the CoP– is endorsed, but not for initial coordinators; rather they figure in a separate‘distributive phrase’, which is transparently correlated to the (often ambiguous) semantics of the construction. Furthermore, it is argued that the lack of c-command between conjuncts is an instance of a broader effect, namely the‘invisibility’ of paratactic material in general– and of second conjuncts in particular. Therefore, the grammar must have means to attach a paratactic constituent to the rest of the structure in a way that will eventually block c-command relations from the context. As this is not standardly available, we are led to define an operation called b-Merge, which induces a special type of inclusion relation,‘behindance’. Thus, a modern revival of the 3D approach to coordination is brought about. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses two related types of head-internal relative clauses in Dutch language. The head-internal free relative (HIFR) and the appositive relative construction with an additional internal head (HIAR). In both types the internal head NP is accompanied by the relative determiner welk(e); together they are fronted (wh-moved) within the relative clause. It has been shown that the HIAR can be seen as a HIFR in apposition to its antecedent; the differences follow from the different context. The HIFR and HIAR are not directly related to "exotic" head-internal types of relatives, but they fit neatly within the Dutch system of relativization. The raising analysis of relative clauses explains why restrictives cannot have an additional internal head NP as there is no NP position available. In free relatives, there is also an open NP position that can be filled; this gives the HIFR. A special property of the HIFR is that its interpretation is always universal. In other respects HIFRs behave like normal free relatives. FRs and HIFRs do not allow for pied piping, contrary to headed restrictive and appositive relatives, including the HIAR.