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Geographic information system (GIS) and election-related research focuses on the geographical characteristics of election boundaries, the election information management system and the application of GIS analysis to election boundaries. This article aims to acquire a deeper understanding of the issues affecting Dayak voters during the state elections of 2016 and 2021, geographically. This study employs three spatial analyses: Thematic Map-Density, Spatial Autocorrelation Moran's I Index and Hot Spot Analysis (Getis-Ord Gi*). In select constituencies with a Dayak-majority, interviews and observations supplemented the spatial data. This article examines Dayak-majority constituencies' geographical distribution and spatial concentration in the 2016 and 2021 elections. It demonstrates that there are significant differences in the density of voter participation, majorities obtained by candidates, and total votes cast by the electorate across the state in both state elections, confirming the assertion made by researchers of electoral politics in Sarawak that election issues are primarily location-specific and that understanding the problems faced by communities at the local level is essential. It is anticipated that the outcome of this study will aid in providing a spatial overview and projection of state election results and in strategising the future management of state elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voter participation in any election gives the base for analysis and accordingly its related mapping in a region become significant for outcome of the research which represent the region's level of political awareness and development. The present study examines the socio-cultural structure of voter turnout in the Uttar Pradesh (UP) assembly election of 2022 which has been taken for study as a special reference. Election for five state assemblies have been conducted by the Election Commission of India concluded during month of February- March, 2022. In the present study, 18th Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly has been selected for making study due to the biggest electorate state in India and where the ruling party Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) UP's first incumbent government to retain power after 1985. Elections in all five states for assemblies which include Goa, Manipur, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand were conducted in seven phases commencing from 10th February and ended on 7th March, 2022. The study has focusedon voter turnout in UP which varies significantly across the region. It was the highest in the western region (approximately 63 percent), while it was the lowest in the eastern region (approximately 57.87 percent). With an increase in overall party vote share, the spatial distribution of the BJP and its pre-poll allies Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party & Apna Dal votes becomes considerably important. First time, all exit polls indicated that the BJP has successfully grown its strength across all social classes in Uttar Pradesh. The BJP got 41.3 % of the total votes in this election, a minor increase from 39.4 % in 2017--and the first time since 1977 that a party got more than 40% of the vote in Uttar Pradesh's state assembly elections. During this election, voters in UP have casted their votes mainly considering issued related with governance, development, security and less consideration of identity politics (castes, community, and religion).The present study has used all official data related with election of UP to substantiate view- points available on the official websites of election commission as well as secondary data sources (Assembly Election 2022). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Melaka State Election (PRN) took place on November 20, 2021. It happened when four State Assemblymen (ADUN) (two from the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), one from Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (BERSATU), and one Independent representative) withdrew support from the state leadership led by Barisan Nasional (BN). This PRN has returned the mandate to the people to elect the leader of their choice. The results showed that BN regained control with a two-thirds majority victory. Thus, this article will look at several aspects from the Melaka PRN, such as the comparison of the results of the 14th General Election (GE) and the 2021 PRN in Melaka, the pattern of voter support, and an analysis of BN's victory to see if it can be used as a yardstick in the upcoming GE-15. This study found that the voter support for BN at the Melaka State Assembly (DUN) level is very high and consistent from GE 1 to GE 13 and PRN 2021. Except for GE-14, BN is comfortable with a two-thirds majority in every election. Findings show that the areas contested by BN in the Melaka PRN have improved in performance. This improvement is evident, especially among its component partners, such as the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), both of which failed to win seats in GE14. Meanwhile, the overall performance of Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Perikatan Nasional (PN) has declined. Parti Islam Se Malaysia (PAS) also failed to win seats in the GE14 and PRN Melaka. The study also discovered six factor that can be utilized to determine whether the Melaka PRN can be used as a yardstick for GE-15, namely the strength of the contesting parties, manifesto, campaign and strategy, majority vote, timing, and issues. Overall, in the race to GE-15, BN has managed to outperform PH and PN in the Melaka state seat. The implication is that the opposition party is strategizing to compete in GE15, and various possibilities such as mergers or party defections, could occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the determinants of voting patterns within the European Parliament for EU trade legislations including EU trade agreements. Given that trade is a very sensitive issue for particular Member States, our question is to verify whether members of European Parliament (MEP) tend to vote in line with their political affiliation or national identity prevails in voting for trade-related issues. Our results from EU trade agreements with Korea and Columbia/Peru show that MEPs tend to vote with others in their political groups in trade legislations and their voting pattern is not very different from the overall voting pattern observed in other policy areas. This trend is confirmed by both the comparison of intra-voting cohesion index and the empirical test based on the probit model. Country-specific variables do not explain well the voting behavior of MEPs in trade issues. However, it is noteworthy that some MEPs voted in line with their national interests in case of EU-Korea FTA.

Abstract Background It has been suggested that poor health has influenced vote for Brexit and the US presidential election. No such research has been published regarding the 2017 French presidential election. Methods We performed a cross-sectional analysis using a comprehensive set of socioeconomic and health indicators, to be compared with voting outcome at the first round of the 2017 French presidential election. The 95 French departments were selected as the unit of analysis. Data were obtained from publicly available sources. The linear model was used for both univariate and multivariate analysis to investigate the relation between voting patterns and predictors. Sensitivity analyses were done using the elastic-net regularisation. Results Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen arrived ahead. When projected on the first factorial plane (~ 60% of the total inertia), Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen tended to be in opposite directions regarding both socioeconomic and health factors. In the respective multivariate analyses of the two candidates, both socio-economic and health variables were significantly associated with voting patterns, with wealthier and healthier departments more likely to vote for Emmanuel Macron, and opposite departments more likely to vote for Marine Le Pen. Mortality (p = 0.03), severe chronic conditions (p = 0.014), and diabetes mellitus (p

This article analyses voting patterns in Nigeria's 2019 presidential election. Its main objective is to gauge continuity or change in ethnic, regional and religious voting in Nigeria's elections. The paper takes a historical approach in examining voting patterns in the past elections as a background to the examination of the 2019 presidential election. It was discovered that ethnic, regional and religious sentiments were still major factors that shaped voting choice in the election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction Election is Social and cultural phenomenon that it has political output finally and One of the main constituent elements of a democratic system and is an integral part of democracy. A Factor that play a decisive role in the outcome of the election, is the electoral behavior of citizens. Electoral behavior as a political action, rooted in the culture of the society and political culture of a society based on popular culture is emerging. One of the important variables in the culture of many countries, including Iran is ethnicity. North Khorasan Province especially Bojnoord, due to ethnic and cultural diversity is a famous cultural treasures and of ethnic groups (Kurds, Turkmen, Persian, Turkish and TAT) is formed and Ethnic groups have played a major role in its changes. This shows the importance of ethnicity as social capital in the fate of the region and political decisions. So Bojnoord as a multi-ethnic city is a good place to study voting behavior of different ethnic groups. This study, according to the importance of ethnicity and ethnic identity on electoral behavior is to identify the relationship between them. Material & Methods The study is based on elitist, social gaps, social identity, attachment of a group, rational choice, competition and internal colonialism theories. Field study method and technique questionnaire survey to collect the required data. The population of the study were residents Bojnoord of different ethnic groups such as Kurds, Turks, Turkmen, Persian, TAT, etc. that at the time of the Tenth Parliament were on the legal voting age (persons 19 years and older) According to the statistical population were 119 874. Cochran's sample size based on statistical formula at 95 percent with 5 percent sampling error and the heterogeneity of 0.60 to 0.40 was set equal to 367 people. Discussion of Results & Conclusions Electoral behavior of citizens was measured with ethnic voting pattern variable. The results showed that the average of voting pattern of ethnic variable is 34.7 (range 0 to 100). According to the results, 59.2 percent of respondents had a low ethnic voting pattern, 28.2% had moderate and 12.6 percent had a high ethnic voting pattern. The mean of ethnic identity of respondents is 58.6. Of the five dimensions of ethnic identity, the social dimension with an average of 87.8 and Cultural dimensions with an average of 79.6 have highest average respectively Also ethnocentrism with an average of 32.7 is the lowest average. The factor analysis revealed that self-labeling, cultural and social dimensions on a factor and the political and ethnocentrism dimensions are operating again. According to the results, 4.4 percent of respondents had a low ethnic identity, 49.9 percent of respondents had an average ethnic identity and 45.8 percent have been high ethnic identity. The relationship between dimensions of ethnic identity with the dependent variable showed that social, political and ethnocentrism has been positive and significant correlation with ethnic voting pattern. The findings show that in the multivariate regression model variables in the final model, ethnic identity and ethnic demands have a positive and significant relationship and feel the legitimacy of the political system has significant negative relationship with ethnic voting pattern. Compare the beta coefficient indicates that the ethnic demands have highest relationship with ethnic voting pattern. Examine the explanatory power of the model shows that the R2 coefficient model is 0.31, in the other words independent variables could explain 31 percent of variance of ethnic voting pattern. Also study the model with structural equation modeling showed that sense of social inequality, media consumption, social satisfaction and a sense of legitimacy of the political system with the interaction with other ethnic groups, through the impact on the formation of ethnic identity and ethnic demands effect on ethnic voting pattern.

This research seeks to investigate the connection between market capitalisation and the voting pattern related to proposals about executive compensation and directors' election, using data about banks from the U.S.A. concerning the 2003-2013 period. Our findings indicate that there is a direct relationship between voting pattern and market capitalisation, suggesting that they are mutually interdependent. When the market value of the bank increases (decreases), the support given by shareholders through their votes in meetings increases (decreases) as well. Also, when the approval showed by shareholders to managerial proposals through their voting decisions gets higher (lower), the market value of the bank gets higher (lower) too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Statute of the International Court of Justice stipulates that judges shall exercise their powers impartially. We question the practicability of this statement and examine whether the voting pattern of the judges are biased. In this light, empirical research is conducted on cases adjudicated from 2005 to 2016. We find strong evidence that (1) judges favour their home States or appointing States; and (2) judges favour States that speak same majority language with their home States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the dynamics of ethnicity and politics in the 2007 and 2012 gubernatorial elections in Jakarta. Previous research has mostly emphasised the negative impact of ethnicity on politics in the reformasi era, particularly through ethnic polarisation. By closely evaluating the major ethnic groups living in the mega-city, i.e. the Javanese, Betawi and Chinese, the author shows that the relationship between ethnicity and voting patterns is an intricate one that is not static, particularly if one evaluates a commonly overlooked but crucial factor – the time frame. The author argues that ethnicity continues to play a role in elections even though it is less significant than education and flood variables. The relationship between ethnicity and voting patterns is thus very dynamic, being related to the political context at the time of an election. The findings in this paper open up new questions on ethnicity and politics in a plural society like Indonesia.

In order to lessen the dependence on training samples significantly and eliminate rigorous constraint conditions,an alert fusion model that supports online incremental training was presented.Firstly,primary alerts vector was mapped to voting pattern,so as to reduce statistical space.Then,the conditional probability distributions of various voting patterns in normal or attack traffic were inferred via training.Afterwards,according to the variation of statistical characteristics,the composition of the traffic being detected was inferred instantly.Finally,fusion decision was made via threshold constraint method and Bayesian inference.Besides extended applicative scope,the model proposed can track and adapt to the traffic being detected well,and improve detection performance significantly only via small scale training.

The results of the 2015 Singapore general election (GE) saw the People’s Action Party (PAP) reverse the decline in support of the past few GEs. Many writers cited as some of the key reasons for PAP’s strong showing: a flight to safety, the superior PAP campaign, the personal popularity of Lee Hsien Loong, the 50 years of Singapore's Independence (SG50) feel-good factor, changes in government policies since 2011, direct government subsidies to the pioneer generation, the passing of Lee Kuan Yew, and the mainstream media’s attack on the credibility of the opposition. In this paper, the author offers an additional explanation, that is, the underlying causes of the PAP’s electoral success were the policies laid down after Singapore’s independence and some key cultural traits of this island nation. The policy of depoliticisation led to the creation of a social contract under which political liberties were voluntarily sacrificed in return for economic growth and prosperity. The author further argues that the cultural traits of kiasi and kiasu tipped the balance in favour of the PAP when voters decided that the outlook for the Southeast Asian region was negative and Singapore needed the PAP to steer the country during this period of uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper evaluates the dynamics of ethnicity and politics in the 2007 and 2012 gubernatorial elections in Jakarta. Previous research has mostly emphasised the negative impact of ethnicity on politics in the reformasi era, particularly through ethnic polarisation. By closely evaluating the major ethnic groups living in the mega-city, i.e. the Javanese, Betawi and Chinese, the author shows that the relationship between ethnicity and voting patterns is an intricate one that is not static, particularly if one evaluates a commonly overlooked but crucial factor - the time frame. The author argues that ethnicity continues to play a role in elections even though it is less significant than education and flood variables. The relationship between ethnicity and voting patterns is thus very dynamic, being related to the political context at the time of an election. The findings in this paper open up new questions on ethnicity and politics in a plural society like Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Residential segregation by type of industrial affiliation is an important determinant of community cultures, as indicated by voting patterns in Seattle on 36 issues that tap conceptions of the public good. Communities with high employment in service activities are especially characterized by support of what is called the "pluralistic culture," involving high tolerance of minorities, and support for open and responsive government. These communities are also less supportive of business interests than other parts of the metropolis. Industrial affiliation is more important than class, ethnic, or mobility factors in explaining variations in the pluralistic culture; it is less important than the other predictors in interpreting support for the rights of business.

Comments on the views of Ian McAllister in a debate '(Political Geography Quarterly' 1987 6(1)) over English voter identification patterns, asserting that regional variations precede shared socioeconomic conditions as decisionmaking factors.