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This chapter advocates for building much-needed bridges across the gulf between the historical study of feminist theory and contemporary political psychology, demonstrating the degree to which major historical figures in feminist theory probed problems that contemporary political psychology addresses through empirical experimental and survey research. Sapiro begins by laying out a “grammar of political theory,” an analytical tool for understanding the elements of feminist theory. She then shows how, although the core emphases and methods of historical normative theory and contemporary social science may differ, they are linked together in crucial, but rarely noticed ways. Contemporary research examples include gender questions and dynamics in representation, electoral politics, stereotyping, and sexual harassment.

Most students of Wollstonecraft locate her significance at the point where those traditions meet. But to understand her significance we must remember one thing: we are talking about a woman who wrote at a time in which neither democracy nor a feminist movement, nor a democratic mass movement existed. She approached theorizing feminism without benefit of the invention of that very term that manifests group or political consciousness by women on the basis of their gender; that is, before the term "feminist" or even "womanist" was invented. The narrator of The Wrongs of Woman did not play the role of authoritative reasoner as she did in the Rights of Woman; in the former she took the part of a woman speaking with love to her daughter. Nevertheless, Wollstonecraft instructed her readers to understand this story "as of woman, than of an individual".

I share Gary King and Maya Sen's view that applying the knowledge, approaches, and tools of the social and policy sciences might help us be more intelligent about shaping the future of the American system of higher education and its component parts. I have even been surprised, in turning from the scholarly field of my training and academic field to a professional preoccupation with higher education, to search in vain for sessions at APSA meetings in which my fellow political scientists might focus their analytical eyes on our own sector and institutions. Taking more systematic analytical approaches might certainly be a good alternative to riding the most recent serious source of anxiety—and there have been many in recent decades—or mining a particular strand of data in search of indicators that might serve as tea leaves or life rafts, also known in the trade as “benchmarks.”

This article takes advantage of a naturally occurring experiment to examine how congressional campaign advertising responds to dramatic events. Integrating the literatures on issue ownership and gender stereotypes, we ask how campaign rhetoric and substance changed after the attacks of September 11, 2001, paying particular attention to how those responses were mediated by party and gender expectations. Using data from the Wisconsin Advertising Project (WiscAds) of all ad-airings (not merely ads created) in the top 75 to 100 media markets in 2000 and 2002, we find that campaigns stepped up issues relevant to 9/11 consistent with party- and gender-based issue ownership. Republican men gave more attention to the military than any other group and more attention to foreign affairs than Democratic men or women. However, most noteworthy was the dramatic increase in the symbolic use of the flag for all candidates.

Are men and women portrayed differently in campaigns? Much scholarship and commentary expects that this is so, yet previous studies provide ambiguous evidence on the extent of gender difference.The authors provide a comprehensive analysis of gender differences in television advertisements in congressional races in 2000 and 2002 with data that allow them to take into account the frequency of airings, the sponsorship of the advertisements, partisanship, and competitiveness of the race. Although some gender differences emerge, the analysis reveals undeniable similarity in the presentation of male and female candidates in television advertisements.

▪ Abstract The field of political socialization is often stereotyped in terms of some of the earliest work in the field and is neglected outside certain areas of American political behavior. However, the continuing and vibrant stream of work in political socialization holds potential for addressing many critical issues across American, comparative, and international politics. This article discusses three themes: the construction of a more genuinely comparative field of political socialization, a reconsideration of the relevance of childhood to politics following its virtual abandonment by the field for many years, and the importance of understanding the origins of preferences. Cidadania não tem tamanho/Tamanho não é documento. You don't have to be big to be a citizen/Size is not important. Augusto Sérgio Suares Dutra, a 10-year-old Brazilian, quoted in Guerra 2002 , p. 77

Most conceptual research on equality revolves around theoretical texts or legal theory and decisions, thus reflecting the thought of legal, political, or cultural elites. But in a democratic polity, we must attend to the political thought not just of politicos and academics, but ordinary citizens as well. In terms of its political significance, “What does equality mean” requires answering the question: what does equality mean to the mass public? We thus probe the meanings of “gender equality” in the public mind, using a unique set of questions included in the National Election Studies 1991 Pilot Study, and con-textualized within the literatures of feminist and legal theory and political psychology and public opinion. Most importantly, we distinguish among “empirical” and “normative” equality and discontent and among the domains of the polity, economy, and family; feature the problem of “equality” versus “sameness” and consider the relationship of these orientations to people's own structural circ...

Symbolic politics theories suggest that political events take on multiple meanings and that societal groups respond to a given event on the basis of different interpretations. We explore this claim through a quantitative case study of popular responses to a single political spectacle, the Senate hearings that investigated Anita Hill's claims against Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas. Our findings suggest that Hill and Thomas supporters responded to the hearings on the basis of fundamentally different considerations. Moreover, the considerations that drove support for each actor varied across groups defined by race, gender, and levels of media attention. Finally, different structures of consideration influenced the direction and extremity of mass responses to this spectacle. Our analysis supports interpretivist theories of political communication and casts doubt on the presumption that citizens with opposing responses to a political event share a common dimension of conflict. In addition, we argue that...

Despite considerable research, the theory of gender difference in electoral behaviour remains underdeveloped, especially in accounting for variation across elections. We focus on two aspects requiring particular attention: (1) accounts of gender difference, especially distinguishing between positional explanations, in which gender differences stem from men and women taking the same considerations into account, but having different positions on those considerations, or structural explanations, in which gender differences stem from men and women taking different considerations into account in making judgements; (2) the effects of electoral context in cuing gender as a consideration, thus stimulating or inhibiting the appearance of gender differences. We use a case study of the 1992 US presidential election, often labelled ‘The Year of the Woman’, to explore these problems.

Editors note: This table shows computer resources made available to political science faculty by the type of school. It shows that personal computers are generally made available to faculty across all types of institutions, but internet access is still unevenly distributed. The types of institutions described are those awarding as their highest political science degrees: Ph.D. degrees, MA degrees, public institutions offering an undergraduate major, private institutions with an undergraduate major, and undergraduate institutions with a combined major or social science department.

Investigations by political psychologists reveal some of the changes in public opinion, gender consciousness, and gender ideology that have taken place since the beginning of the women's movement. There is more general acceptance of equality between the sexes, but even young people still show some adherence to traditional divisions of roles, and traditional gender ideology still plays a part in maintaining inequality. There is still widespread support for a women's movement, especially among women.

Dividing Citizens is an important contribution both to the burgeoning literature on the historical development of the American state and citizenship and to the lively field of work on gender within that corpus. Like the best studies of this sort, Mettler's book ably demonstrates not only how the transforming institutions and practices affected women but also how gender norms and practices were built into the new structures, making gender a basic element of their architec- ture.

covering all thirteen presidential elections, and 10 midterm elections, since 1948, a crucial turning point came in 1977 when NSF established NES as the first national social science resource, a model NSF later used with the General Social Survey and the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. Prior to this time, the leaders of the Michigan election studies, the predecessors of NES, sought funding independently for each election study. Although team leaders, including especially Warren E. Miller, placed great value on developing the time series, sought to explore the frontiers of research on electoral politics and public opinion, and understood the significance of these studies for the broader re

The truth of this is clear. For if it is asked why some witches will not confess the truth under even the greatest tortures, while others readily confess their crimes when they are questioned, . . . the reason is as follows. It may truly be said that, when it is not due to a Divine impulse conveyed through a holy Angel that a witch is made to confess the truth and abandon the spell of silence, then it is due to the devil whether she preserves silence or confesses her crimes. The former is the case with those whom he knows to have denied the Faith both with their lips and in their hearts, and also to have given him their homage; for he is sure of their constancy. But in the latter case he withdraws his protection, since he knows that they are of no profit to him (Malleus Maleficarum,' 230).

In the post-World War II era, American women have been consistently less militaristic and more opposed to war than American men. Theorists, both feminist and not, have attributed such differences to gender itself, maternalism, and feminism. Drawing on the American National Election Study 1991 Pilot Study, we explore these hypotheses and discover no support for the maternalist explanation, some evidence in favor of the feminist accounting, and substantial support for the gender explanation. We also probe into the structure of political thinking in these areas and discover that the roots of women's and men's thinking usually differ even when they basically agree on the "bottom line." In particular, men's attitudes are much more partisan in their origins than are women's.

During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, womenthousands of them -became increasingly organized and active in the attempt to promote the general welfare, especially by helping the most vulnerable members of society. As individual leaders and as group participants they were instrumental in organizing and nationalizing movements for public health (mental and physical), poor relief, penal and other institutional reform, education for the previously uneducated, and child welfare. As the nineteenth century waned and the twentieth dawned, women were prominent among proponents of a principle which was hitherto nearly alien to American ideology but which has now, a century later, come to be an accepted part of our political views: the government and, they increasingly argued, the national government, have a responsibility to promote the general welfare actively by providing initiative and support where necessary. The degree and types of support remain, perhaps more now than then, matters of profound political contention, but in the late twentieth century even the most conservative ideologues tend to agree that government must provide a "safety net" for its people. The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was also a time during which thousands of women, many of them the same as those involved in the general welfare movements, were agitating to promote women's welfare specifically. I The

In the late sixties, women in the United States became sensitized to their second-class status and organized to raise their consciousness and change their conditions. At the same time women in academia began to organize within their disciplines to address the problems they faced there. Political science was no exception; in 1969, when women constituted 5 percent of the membership of the APSA and 8 percent of all political science faculty teaching in colleges and universities, the APSA Committee on the Status of Women in the Profession and the Women's Caucus for Political Science formed. Numerous reports have revealed a moderate increase in the presence of women in the profession in recent years. As Table 1 shows, the percentage of degrees in political science awarded to women has increased since 1970. By the academic year 1976–77 women constituted 11 percent of full-time faculty and 18 percent of part-time faculty. Twenty-three percent of the students entering Ph.D. programs in 1977 were women, a downturn of 3 percent from the previous year, although an overall rise from the previous decade.

Recent years have witnessed an increasing demand by women for political representation of women. This demand points the way toward a number of important problems for political research, many of which remain unsolved primarily because of the segregation of women's studies from the dominant concerns of political science. This discussion focuses on the problem of group interests and representation, drawing on and suggesting further research on public opinion, interest groups, social movements, international politics, political elites, and public policy.

The determinants of women's political orientations are explored in terms of two perspectives: ambition and gender role and their interrelationship. A sample of 1336 Democratic and Republican delegates to the 1972 national nominating conventions was used to compare the political expectations and aspirations of men and women. Women were found tohave less interest in holding public officebut equalled men in aspiring to party careers. Party as well as sex differences affected the political ambitions of female elites, with Democratic women more likely to pursue public office holding and Republican women remaining committed to the party sphere. Women's roles in the family and at work were also found to influence the development of political ambition among women. In addition, gender roles had an impact on the type of ambition women developed and the styles of activism they pursued.

‘Prejudice apart, the game of push-pin is of equal value with the arts and sciences of music and poetry’, was penned by Jeremy Bentham in 1825, but could as appropriately appear in most contemporary treatments of social choice and rationality. Political economists still use the felicific calculus; they search for ‘the greatest happiness of the greatest number’ by exploring means and consequences of aggregating individuals' preferences to form social choices among competing values. The values are assigned equal weight. The origins and processes of development of individual preferences are taken as ‘givens’, i.e. as irrelevant to the problem of social choice. What counts is rational behaviour, which is said to exist when action is ‘correctly’ designed to maximize goal achievement, ‘given the goal in question and the real world as it exists’.

The intriguing thing about the study of political behavior is that it focuses our attention directly on “the people” in a political system. Without the existence and actions of people a political system has no meaning — it could not exist. There have been attempts to break this rule, but they have not been successful. There is a spot under the North Sea off the coast of England, for example, that continued to have parliamentary representation long after the sea had buried what was once the important port of Dunwich. This was one of the famous “rotten boroughs”. This make-believe borough, however, required the political action of real people to have political meaning, even if the real people had to act in rowboats.

Research on political ambition and recruitment has yet to consider seriously the role of private life and especially the family in a potential candidate's calculation of the costs and benefits of running for office. One reason is that men, who constitute the vast majority of candidates, are not usually identified as experiencing conflict between public and private roles. Using the Center for Political Studies (CPS) 1972 Convention Delegate Study, this article investigates the interrelationships of family roles, subjective conflict, and political ambition. Although many of the same features of family life conflict with men's and women's political life, the role these play in potential candidates' decisions is different for men and women.

Introduction - Virginia Sapiro PART ONE: THEMES AND THEORIES Biology and Women's Policy - Ruth Bleier A View from the Biological Sciences Biology and Women's Policy - Virginia Sapiro A View from the Social Sciences PART TWO: BIOSOCIAL POLICY QUESTIONS THROUGH THE LIFE COURSE Male and Female Hormones - Marianne H Whatley Misinterpretations of Biology in School Health and Sex Education Fetal Personhood and Women's Policy - Janet Gallagher Childbirth Management and Medical Monopoly - Barbara Katz Rothman Occupational Safety and Health as a Women's Policy Issue - Graham K Wilson and Virginia Sapiro Older Women - Laura Katz Olson Longevity, Dependency, and Public Policy PART THREE: DOMESTIC TRANQUILITY AND THE COMMON DEFENSE The Politics of a Biosocial Approach to Crime - Susette M Talarico Women's Biology and the US Military - Judith Hicks Stiehm Women as 'At Risk' Reproducers - Jane S Jaquette and Kathleen A Staudt Biology, Science, and Population in US Foreign Policy