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AbstractThis article explores the challenge of sustaining development-oriented political coalitions in ‘dependent intermediate democratic economies’ (IDDEs). Scholars have pointed out that the absence of upgrading coalitions in IDDEs, particularly in Latin America, results from weak economic and political institutions and fragmented political support, as well as from the political and social turbulences introduced by economic dependency. Our argument, however, is that some Latin American IDDEs have managed to craft semi-stable political configurations capable of sustaining development and reform processes with relative success. These intermediate coalitions pivot on context-specific stabilization mechanisms that balance institutional, political, and economic fragilities and tensions. To support this argument, we take issue with three countries in Latin America’s Southern Cone – Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay – and distinguish three different types of stabilization mechanism at play in each of these cases: an Argentine-style variant based on the hegemonic role played by a dominant political party, a Chilean-style variant based on elite consensus and the atomization of collective organization, and a Uruguayan-style variant sustained by stable links between and within economic and social sectors. Additionally, we explore how each of these configurations, due to their structure, carry inherent hazards that envision specific trajectories of destabilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dependency theory had great influence in Latin America between 1940 and 1970, but since then it has lost political and academic relevance. However, in recent years, the dependency agenda has been increasingly revisited, incorporating new analytical axes and conceptual bridges with other theories. Despite this, this agenda remains largely blind to gender and racial-ethnic inequalities. This paper aims precisely to address this gap by combining the dependency school with feminist economics to address the links between gender inequalities and Latin American peripheral position. In particular, I propose to develop two analytical axes resulting from the combination of both currents. First, I argue that gender inequalities function as 'adjustment variables' in the 'up' and 'down' economic cycles of Latin American countries. Thus, women's wages and more precarious working conditions constitute a central axis of peripheral countries in the international competition for attracting capital. Second, I argue that the large wage gap and high informality derived from the productive structure of the periphery catalyse the commodification of 'low-cost' paid domestic work. This 'cheap' care work satisfies the care needs not only of the upper-middle sectors of the peripheries, but also of the central markets through Global Care Chains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the cultural change that comes from the recent approval in the last decade a number of rights aimed at guaranteeing full citizenship for certain citizens traditionally excluded in Uruguay. Based on the theoretical assumption that state intervention and implementing regulations per se, does not necessarily have a transforming force of unequal relations -in the area of distribution or identity- it is proposes a critical analysis of such processes. In this sense, it is questioned, in what ways, regarding what dimensions and on what grounds citizenship is built, and more specifically what the discursive dimensions underlying the process of policy formulation are. This exercise involves deconstructing the political process and clarify the relationship of domination that the policy itself imposes, on the way to building rights and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]