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Opposition to climate policies seems to arise, at least partly, from their effects on inequality. However, so far, the impact of climate policies on inequality has mainly been studied through the lens of income inequality, and their spatial dimension is poorly understood. This paper, using Cape Town, South Africa, as a case study, investigates the impact of a fuel tax on both spatial and income inequalities. It uses a model derived from the standard urban economics land use model, accounting for four income classes and four housing types. This modeling framework allows decomposing the impacts of the tax by income class, housing type, and housing location. The analysis also decomposes the impacts of the tax over different timeframes, assuming that households and developers progressively adapt to the tax. The findings reveal strong evidence that in the short term, there are both income and spatial inequalities, with households being more negatively impacted by the fuel tax if they earn low incomes or live far from employment centers. In the medium and long term, these inequalities persist: the poorest households, living in informal settlements or subsidized housing, have few or no ways to adapt to changes in fuel prices by changing housing type, adjusting their dwelling sizes or locations, or shifting transportation modes. Low-income households living in formal housing also remain impacted by the tax over the long term due to complex effects driven by the competition with richer households on the housing market. Complementary policies promoting a functioning labor market that allows people to change jobs easily, affordable public transportation, or subsidies helping low-income households to rent houses closer to employment centers will be key to enable the social acceptability of climate policies.

Urban sprawl impacts are critical in the evaluation of planning decisions and often monitored by indicators of soil sealing. In France, these indicators are required by law to be reported in environmental assessments of planning documents. Although monitoring of soil sealing is important to limit environmental impacts, focusing on this sole dimension in urban planning can be reductive. In this paper, we explore to what extent ecosystem services (ES) indicators, measuring the benefits to humans provided by healthy ecosystems, are captured by soil sealing indicators by comparing their temporal and spatial evolutions. Through consulting with urban planning stakeholders, we model and map the spatial and temporal evolutions over a 35 year period of soil sealing and eight priority ES in the Paris metropolitan area (agricultural potential, groundwater recharge, global climate regulation, water quality regulation through nutrient retention, urban heat mitigation, flood mitigation, recreational potential and natural heritage). We highlight the spatial and temporal matches and mismatches between the two types of indicators (ES and soil sealing) and demonstrate that a large part of ES variations are not well captured by soil sealing indicators in time and space (spatial match with the eight ES is only found for 10% of the Paris metropolitan area). This calls for finer, ES-based, diagnosis in land use planning that could usefully illuminate the gains and losses related to land use and land management policies by taking into account the environmental and societal impacts of urban sprawl. National Research Foundation (NRF) Published version This study is part of the IDEFESE project (https:/ /idefese.wordpress.com/) funded by ADEME, the French Ministry for an Ecological Transition (CGDD and PUCA), and AgroParisTech. We wish to thank the Institut Paris Region for providing important data necessary for the success of the study. We would like to thank all the stakeholders involved in the IDEFESE project, the EFESE scientific board and stakeholders’ committee for their involvement in the project and their constructive feedbacks. PH acknowledges additional funding from the National Research Foundation, Prime Minister’s Office, Singapore under award NRF-NRFF12-2020-0009. We finally thank three anonymous referees and the editors for their constructive comments and suggestions that led to significant improvements in the manuscript.

This paper investigates the land value creation potential from flood mitigation investments in a theoretical and applied setting, using the urban area of Buenos Aires as a case study. It contributes to the literature on the wider economic benefits of government interventions and the dividends of resilience investments. Using a simple urban economics framework that represents land and housing markets, it finds that not all flood mitigation interventions display the same potential for land value creation: where land is more valuable (city centers for example), the benefits of resilience are higher. The paper also provides ranges for land value creation potential from the flood mitigation works in Buenos Aires under various model specifications. Although the estimates vary largely depending on model parameters and specifications, in many cases the land value creation would be sufficient to justify the investments. This result is robust even in the closed city configuration with conservative flood damage estimates, providing that the parameters remain reasonably close to the values obtained from the calibration. Finally, acknowledging that fully calibrating and running an urban simulation model is data greedy and time intensive—even a simple model as proposed here—this research also proposes reduced form expressions that can provide approximations for land value creation from flood mitigation investments and can be used in operational contexts.

The aim of this article is to lay out a series of questions that are currently occupying Social Science researchers, concerning the impact of climate change on the vine and wine sector. The challenge lies in evaluating the cost of the transition from one system to another through an integration of the direct and indirect effects of climate change. This adaptation, whether reactive or anticipatory, combines technical and organizational innovation with localization strategies and institutional changes. Such actions could either try to maintain as much as possible the existing situation or could try to bifurcate towards deep changes, entailing very different costs. Owing to the multitude of uncertainties at play, not to mention the necessity for continuous adaptation to an ever changing climate, these costs are not easy to specify. This article will illustrate two sets of measures for wine cultivation adaptation: measures with "no regrets", which offer immediate benefits, and "reversible and flexible" measures, which limit the inertia of wine-cultivating systems. In spite of the difficulties however, what stands out is the evident re-enforcement resulting from the collaboration between researchers and political and economic actors. In the field of wine cultivation, these collaborations can follow two paths: a study of the diversity of existing wine-growing systems and genetic resources, and the possibility of more radical technological and social experimentation.

The aim of this article is to lay out a series of issues of current concern to researchers in the social sciences, regarding the impact of climate change on the vine and wine sector. The challenge lies in evaluating the cost of transition from one system to another through an integration of the direct and indirect effects of climate change. This adaptation, whether reactive or anticipatory, combines technical and organisational innovations with localisation strategies and institutional changes. Such actions could either try to maintain the existing situation as much as possible or could try to bifurcate towards deep changes, entailing very different costs. Given the multitude of uncertainties at play, not to mention the necessity for continuous adaptation to an ever-changing climate, these costs are hard to quantify. This article will illustrate two sets of measures for wine cultivation adaptation: "no regrets" measures, which offer immediate benefits, and "reversible and flexible" measures, which limit the inertia of wine-cultivating systems. In spite of the challenges, what stands out is the evident re-enforcement resulting from the collaboration between researchers and political and economic actors. In the field of wine cultivation, these collaborations can follow two paths: the study of the diversity of existing wine-growing systems and genetic resources or the possibility of more radical technological and social experimentation.

Le réseau «Économie et développement urbain durable» a comme ambition de contribuer au développement de la recherche économique dans le domaine du développement urbain durable en prenant en compte les préoccupations des acteurs socio-économiques (élus, entreprises, associations). Ce réseau rassemble sept équipes de recherche : • le Centre international de recherche sur l'environnement et le développement (CIRED); • le Laboratoire d'économie de la production et de l'intégration internationale (LEPII); • le Laboratoire d'économie des transports (LET); • le Laboratoire ville, mobilité, transports (LVMT); • l'École des MINES ParisTech; • le Département économie et sciences humaines du Centre scientifique et technique du bâtiment; • la Mission climat de la Caisse des dépôts. Ce livre présente les travaux exposés et partagés lors de la deuxième réunion annuelle du réseau en 2010. Ces travaux sont dédiés aux inventaires des émissions urbaines et aux politiques publiques en faveur de la maîtrise de ces émissions dans le bâtiment ainsi qu'à la problématique de l'usage des sols dans le cadre de la mise en œuvre de politiques publiques des transports.

L’agglomération parisienne peut être bien décrite par un modèle mono-centrique. A partir de ce modèle, nous étudions l’impact d’une taxe carbone de 100€/tonne de CO2, intégralement redistribuée aux ménages.La pression immobilière et la variation des loyers incitent les promoteurs immobiliers à augmenter la densité de l’agglomération, en construisant plus en centre-ville. La densification obtenue est cependant limitée, avec une réduction finale de la distance moyenne des ménages au centre de Paris d’au maximum 10 % (soit environ 1 700 m) par rapport à la situation initiale, et ce dans le cas extrême où l’on néglige de nombreux phénomènes comme le transfert modal ou le progrès technologique, qui limitent en pratique l’effet de la taxe. Ceci suggère qu’une taxe carbone seule n’aura pas grand effet sur cette distance moyenne : en vue d’agir sur cette dernière, la taxe ne doit pas être substituée aux autres mesures possibles, comme la taxe foncière différenciée, des investissements publics dans les transports et le bâti, ou la régulation et l’usage de plans d'occupation des sols par exemple.

Because they are home to more than half of the world population, and because most of the world economic activity takes place within them, cities are at the forefront of global environmental issues. Land use planning, urban transport and housing policies are now recognized as major tools for the reduction of both greenhouse gases emissions and vulnerability to climate change impacts. So far, however, how to use these tools efficiently remains unclear. At least three main difficulties explain this, and play a key role in urban climate policies analysis. First, urban climate policies are also not developed or implemented in a vacuum; they interact with other policy goals, such as economic competitiveness or social issues, giving rise to both synergies and conflicts. Second, inertia is a key factor when designing optimal climate policies : structural modifications in cities occur slowly over a long time horizon. Some immediate actions are required if cities are to be adapted to a different climate or to help reduce greenhouse gases emissions within a few decades. Third, the evolution of a city depends on several external factors, on which local policy-makers do not generally have much influence : demographic, socio-economic, cultural, political and technological changes will play a major role. This uncertainty has to be taken into account, and climate policies have to be robust against future possible global evolutions is important. These three difficulties are not, however, impossible to overcome, and we will illustrate how integrated city modelling can help address these issues; Parce qu'elles concentrent plus de la moitié de la population et l'essentiel de l'activité économique mondiales, les villes sont des acteurs majeurs des problématiques environnementales globales. Les politiques de transport, d'urbanisme et de logement sont ainsi reconnus comme des moyens nécessaires et efficaces d'action pour réduire les émissions ainsi que pour réduire la vulnérabilité aux impacts du changement climatique. Jusqu'à présent, malheureusement, il n'y a pas de consensus sur ce qui doit être fait, et encore moins sur comment le faire. Trois difficultés, au moins, expliquent cela. Tout d'abord, les politiques climatiques interagissent avec les autres objectifs des politiques urbaines, comme la compétitivité économique ou les problèmes sociaux, entrainant des synergies et des conflits. Ensuite, les inerties sont un facteur-clef à prendre en compte : les modifications structurelles des villes s'opèrent très lentement. Si l'on veut que les villes soient adaptées au climat de la fin du XXIème siècle, il est indispensable de commencer à agir dès maintenant. Enfin, les effets des politiques urbaines dépendent de nombreux facteurs exogènes, et inconnus au moment où la décision doit être prise : les changements démographiques, socio-économiques culturels politiques et technologiques vont jouer un rôle majeur. Ces trois difficultés ne sont cependant pas insurmontables, et nous illustrerons comment une modélisation intégrée peut permettre de répondre à une partie de ces problèmes

Because they are home to more than half of the world population, and because most of the world economic activity takes place within them, cities are at the forefront of global environmental issues. Land use planning, urban transport and housing policies are now recognized as major tools for the reduction of both greenhouse gases emissions and vulnerability to climate change impacts. So far, however, how to use these tools efficiently remains unclear. At least three main difficulties explain this, and play a key role in urban climate policies analysis. First, urban climate policies are also not developed or implemented in a vacuum; they interact with other policy goals, such as economic competitiveness or social issues, giving rise to both synergies and conflicts. Second, inertia is a key factor when designing optimal climate policies : structural modifications in cities occur slowly over a long time horizon. Some immediate actions are required if cities are to be adapted to a different climate or to help reduce greenhouse gases emissions within a few decades. Third, the evolution of a city depends on several external factors, on which local policy-makers do not generally have much influence : demographic, socio-economic, cultural, political and technological changes will play a major role. This uncertainty has to be taken into account, and climate policies have to be robust against future possible global evolutions is important. These three difficulties are not, however, impossible to overcome, and we will illustrate how integrated city modelling can help address these issues; Parce qu'elles concentrent plus de la moitié de la population et l'essentiel de l'activité économique mondiales, les villes sont des acteurs majeurs des problématiques environnementales globales. Les politiques de transport, d'urbanisme et de logement sont ainsi reconnus comme des moyens nécessaires et efficaces d'action pour réduire les émissions ainsi que pour réduire la vulnérabilité aux impacts du changement climatique. Jusqu'à présent, malheureusement, il n'y a pas de consensus sur ce qui doit être fait, et encore moins sur comment le faire. Trois difficultés, au moins, expliquent cela. Tout d'abord, les politiques climatiques interagissent avec les autres objectifs des politiques urbaines, comme la compétitivité économique ou les problèmes sociaux, entrainant des synergies et des conflits. Ensuite, les inerties sont un facteur-clef à prendre en compte : les modifications structurelles des villes s'opèrent très lentement. Si l'on veut que les villes soient adaptées au climat de la fin du XXIème siècle, il est indispensable de commencer à agir dès maintenant. Enfin, les effets des politiques urbaines dépendent de nombreux facteurs exogènes, et inconnus au moment où la décision doit être prise : les changements démographiques, socio-économiques culturels politiques et technologiques vont jouer un rôle majeur. Ces trois difficultés ne sont cependant pas insurmontables, et nous illustrerons comment une modélisation intégrée peut permettre de répondre à une partie de ces problèmes