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Background Aseptic prosthetic loosening (APL) and prosthetic joint infections (PJI) are frequent complications of hip and knee implants. Polymorphisms of cytokines and nitric oxide (NO), key inflammatory molecules in APL and PJI pathogenesis, could explain individual susceptibility to these complications. Methods Three cytokines (IL-1-a, IL-1-β, TNF-α) and two nitric oxide synthase (NOS2, NOS3) genes polymorphisms were genotyped in 77 APL and 117 PJI patients and 145 controls with aseptic hip or knee implants lasting > 16 years. Plasma cytokines and nitrate-nitrite (NOx) levels were measured. Results The TT genotype and T allele of the (+3954C/T, exon 5, rs1143634) IL-1β polymorphism were more frequent in APL patients compared to controls (p=0.03 and p=0.02, respectively). No genotypic associations in PJI patients were observed. S. epidermidis was their most frequently isolated microorganism (39.3%). Plasma IL-6, TNF-α and NOx were significantly different between APL and controls (p< 0.0001). Plasma IL-1β and IL-6 were significantly higher in APL T allele carriers vs. non-carriers (p< 0.03). Knee implant (HR 2.488, 95% CI 1.307-4.739, p=0.005), male gender (HR 2.252, 95% CI 1.121-4.525, p=0.023), carriages of the TT genotype of the (+3954C/T) IL-1β polymorphism (HR 3.704, 95% CI 1.274-10.753, p=0.016) and AA genotype of the (exon 22) NOS2 polymorphism (HR 3.509, 95% CI 1.266-9.709, p=0.016) were independently associated with a shorter implant survival by Cox regression. Conclusion Genotyping of IL-1β (+3954C/T, exon 5, rs1143634) and NOS2 (exon 22) polymorphisms could be useful as predictors of early hip or knee APL. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures.

BackgroundGenome-wide Association Studies (GWAS) have reshaped our understanding of the genetic bases of complex diseases in general and neurodegenerative diseases in particular. Despite being a common disorder, dementia with Lewy bodies (DLB), which, together with Parkinson’s disease dementia (PDD), comprise the umbrella term Lewy body dementias (LBD), is far from being well-characterized genetically. This is primarily due to a lack of familial cases and difficulty recruiting large, deeply characterized cohorts, given the high rate of misdiagnosis. By performing the largest GWAS in DLB, we aimed to identify novel risk loci to gain a better understanding of this disease’s pathobiology.MethodsHere, we conducted the largest meta-analysis of genome-wide association studies performed in LBD, using a total of 5,119 cases and 20,988 controls, from five independent datasets, aggregating all previously published DLB genome-wide association results to date, as well as two previously undescribed cohorts. Additionally, we performed a sex stratified GWAS using the discovery datasets. We updated the heritability estimates for DLB and, to fine map these estimates, we used local heritability analysis. We calculated genetic correlation estimates between DLB and a range of other diseases and traits to identify potential pleiotropy. We also performed gene-set analysis to identify genes with excess burden of rare variability and pathway analysis. Lastly, we used the UK Biobank data to perform a PheWas using individuals at the extremes of genetic risk for DLB.FindingsBetween November 2018 and September 2022 we analyzed 8.6 million single nucleotide polymorphisms in 3293 DLB cases, 1826 LBD cases and 20,988 controls, as well as phenotypes from the UK Biobank dataset. Despite more than doubling the sample size from the previous GWAS in DLB, we did not identify significant loci in addition to those previously reported atGBA, SNCA, STX1B, andAPOE. However, the sex-stratified analysis revealed that theGBAandSNCAsignals are mainly driven by males, suggesting a sex-specific genetic architecture of disease. Using only clinical and neuropathologically diagnosed cases, we highlight four loci surpassing the significance threshold. Using the largest cohort of DLB we update our heritability estimates to 13% and fine map these results highlighting regions of the genome with high heritability but no genome-wide significant result so far.InterpretationThese data provide the most comprehensive analysis of genetic variability in DLB to date. The fact that no novel risk loci have been identified after doubling the cohort size indicates the potentially significant role of rare variants in the genetic architecture of DLB and stresses the urgent need for larger, well-characterized cohorts of this disease for genetic studies. The sex-stratified analysis shows that males and females have different signatures of genetic risk for DLB. These results have widespread implications for clinical practice and clinical trials’ design in DLB.

MDA5, encoded by the IFIH1gene, is a cytoplasmic sensor of viral RNAs that triggers interferon (IFN) antiviral responses. Common and rare IFIH1 variants have been associated with the risk of type 1 diabetes and other immune-mediated disorders, and with the outcome of viral diseases. Variants associated with reduced IFN expression would increase the risk for severe viral disease. The MDA5/IFN pathway would play a critical role in the response to SARS-CoV-2 infection mediating the extent and severity of COVID-19. Here, we genotyped a cohort of 477 patients with critical ICU COVID-19 (109 death) for three IFIH1 functional variants: rs1990760 (p.Ala946Thr), rs35337543 (splicing variant, intron 8 + 1G C), and rs35744605 (p.Glu627Stop). The main finding of our study was a significant increased frequency of rs1990760 C-carriers in early-onset patients ( 65 years) (p = 0.01; OR = 1.64, 95%CI = 1.18-2.43). This variant was also increased in critical vs. no-ICU patients and in critical vs. asymptomatic controls. The rs35744605 C variant was associated with increased blood IL6 levels at ICU admission. The rare rs35337543 splicing variant showed a trend toward protection from early-onset critical COVID-19. In conclusion, IFIH1 variants associated with reduced gene expression and lower IFN response might contribute to develop critical COVID-19 with an age-dependent effect.

espanolEl presente articulo se propone identificar los fundamentos de la teoria de la comunicabilidad de la Obra de Arte que se puede extraer de los escritos de Edith Stein. Tras presentar el problema de la empatia y la base antropologica que afecta a los sujetos y objetos del mundo del arte, ademas de los posibles problemas en la transmision de dicho mensaje artistico, se ahonda en las implicaciones de la consideracion del arte como objeto y sujeto de empatia y el sistema comunicativo que se puede establecer en el mundo del arte. EnglishThis article aims to identify the basis of the communicability theory of Artwork which can be extracted from the writings of Edith Stein. After presenting empathy issue and the anthropological base which affects both the subjects and objects in the art world, alongside the possible difficulties with the transmission of said artistic message, this article delves into the implications of considering arts as an object and a subject of empathy and the communication system which can be established in the world of art.

Both Brazil and Venezuela structured their foreign policy agendas in the early 21st century on the projection of their respective leadership in regional schemes such as UNASUR and ALBA, respectively, following an intermediate hegemonic strategy. The loss of dynamism of these post-hegemonic initiatives problematizes the relationship between regional governance and the role of regional powers. ALBA is a scheme contingent on the political cycle and political voluntarism intrinsic in Venezuela’s leadership. The bloc has lost members and relevance in recent years. As for UNASUR, most of its member states have withdrawn from the bloc and it is currently not operating. In short, post-hegemonic proposals lose dynamism and support once the leadership that promoted them weakens. A certain ‘hegemonic stability theory’ contextualized to South America with regard to the leadership of Brazil and Venezuela in recent years seems to be fulfilled: the decline in power of these countries helps to account for political reversals and changes in regional governance.

A partir de 2020, la COVID-19 se convirtió en un problema global de salud pública de dimensiones descomunales. La región de América Latina y el Caribe (ALC) vio emerger la pandemia en un momento de agravamiento de brechas estructurales y fuerte descontento social. Los gobiernos reaccionaron para prevenir la propagación del virus de manera unilateral en la mayoría de los casos, pero algunas respuestas se engendraron a nivel regional y subregional. Este documento de trabajo busca interpelar de la forma más integral posible al regionalismo latinoamericano y caribeño frente a la pandemia de la COVID-19. Así, el documento se enfoca en la respuesta de ALBA, Alianza del Pacífico, CARICOM, CAN, CELAC, Mercosur, PROSUR y SICA. También incluye la respuesta del BID y los bancos de desarrollo subregionales: BCIE, CAF, CDB y FONPLATA. Asimismo, analiza la actuación de la CEPAL y la OPS. El ejercicio comparativo puede contribuir a discernir qué esquemas regionales mostraron vitalidad y eficacia, resultando en un impulso a la integración, y cuáles no lograron responder de forma adecuada, sin poder abandonar tendencias preexistentes de polarización y debilidad. El análisis ofrece, además, algunas lecciones y conlleva el propósito último de advertir desafíos para el presente y el futuro del regionalismo.

IgG3 would play an important role in the immune adaptive response against SARS-CoV-2, and low plasma levels might increase the risk of COVID-19 severity and mortality. The IgG3 hinge sequence has a variable repeat of a 15 amino acid exon with common 4-repeats (M) and 3-repeats (S). This length IGHG3 polymorphism might affect the IgG3 effector functions. The short hinge length would reduce the IgG3 flexibility and impairs the neutralization and phagocytosis compared to larger length-isoforms. We genotyped the IGHG3 length polymorphism in patients with critical COVID-19 (N = 516; 107 death) and 152 moderate-severe but no-critical cases. Carriers of the S allele had an increased risk of critical ICU and mortality (p 0.001, OR = 2.79, 95% CI = 1.66-4.65). This adverse effect might be explained by a less flexibility and reduced ability to induce phagocytosis or viral neutralization for the short length allele. We concluded that the IgG3 hinge length polymorphism could be a predictor of critical COVID-19 and the risk of death. This study was based on a limited number of patients from a single population, and requires validation in larger cohorts.

Undaria pinnatifida is an invasive brown algae that has been found on the Argentine coast since 1992. This work aims to follow the ontogeny of sporophytes, from egg fecundation to thallus senility, and thereby contribute to information on the development of the species in San Jorge Gulf. Sporophytes obtained in the laboratory were used to study the first stages of development, while samples collected from field population were used to describe advanced stages. Morphological observations were carried out on fronds, stipes, midrib, sporophylls and holdfasts of thalli at different developmental stages, and they was interpreted related to its functionality. Sporophytes described as typical and distant forms were found, and their location in the coastal zone was determined. Primary growth of sporophyte begins in the intercalar meristoderm located between the frond and the stipe. The upper portion of the intercalar meristem produces a row of small pinnules, and its lower portion is the origin of the lateral stipe ribbons. The thallus area and growth in thickness occur through a meristoderm in the frond surface. Characteristic morphological structures such as gland cells, filaments and trumpet cells, and cryptostomata were observed. Some of the gland cells lead to the formation of hair-filled cryptostomata. This work contributed to increase the knowledge of anatomical characteristics of the thallus at different moments of development of this invasive species.

On 28 June 2019, the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) and the European Union (EU) concluded the negotiations on the trade chapter of the Association Agreement that both blocs had been working on for twenty years. The conclusion of the negotiations, announced at the G20 summit in Osaka, surprised everyone. They had begun in 1999 but were interrupted (and subsequently retaken) on several occasions due to differences in key issues such as agriculture, services and government procurement. Although a trade agreement was reached in June 2019, we should note that this does not mean the end of the process, as ratification by the parties and entry into force is still pending. At the time of the conclusion of the “agreement in principle”, the EU faced the consequences of a multiplicity of overlapping crises and concentrated its foreign policy mainly on its eastern and southern neighbors, while the South American bloc had diverted its external relations to Asia. When everything suggested that MERCOSUR and Europe were drifting apart, they managed to reach the agreement. What were the determining factors for this outcome? The explanation of why countries decide to close a trade agreement leads to a diversity of factors. In the case of the agreement between MERCOSUR and the EU, it was exhibited as an instrument for market access, and as an opportunity to increase the well-being and efficiency of different economic sectors. From the strategic and geopolitical point of view, the agreement was presented as a milestone for the preservation of the international liberal order. With regard to the identity element, the agreement contributes to the consolidation of a bi-regional common identity around a set of shared values. The MERCOSUR-EU agreement, then, does not allow a single appraisal, but it can be elucidated by the presence of at least three kinds of explanatory factors: economic, strategic and geopolitical, and also ideational. A large and growing body of literature on international cooperation, economic integration and inter-regionalism has investigated the selected factors. Liberal intergovernmentalists and international political economy scholars have studied the interaction between economic and geopolitical interests. In the economic integration process, according to these approaches, economic interests take precedence. However, they recognize that in cases where economic interests are indeterminate or diffuse, other objectives might be relevant (such as geopolitical, strategic and, we will add, ideational). In this study, we analyze how these three factors have been present to account for the agreement reached and what their implications are. The aim of this research, then, is to investigate the factors that explain the conclusion of the agreement between MERCOSUR and the European Union, in June 2019, after twenty years of negotiations. Similarly, it attempts to examine whether any of these factors have an impact on the strategic uses that the parties make of the negotiated agreement and its (possible) ratification. Our hypothesis is that the conclusion of a deal between MERCOSUR and the EU is a multi-causal process involving simultaneously three types of factors: economic and trade material interests, strategic and geopolitical interaction, and bi-regional identity. The convergence of factors implies that the trade-off that allowed the agreement to be reached is multivariate, which does not suggest that it is necessarily harmonious. Each of these factors contributes to giving a different meaning or perspective, making available different strategic uses of the agreement by the countries involved. These different uses and meanings attributed to the negotiated agreement on the basis of the factors involved may also affect the dynamics of the ratification process. In methodological terms, the article follows the logic of a qualitative case study. The study is longitudinal, seeking to understand the conclusion of the negotiations while still considering the phenomenon over time. The techniques of data collection and analysis were qualitative, relying on the review of official documents, statements and speeches of the various actors involved, as well as on secondary statistical and bibliographic sources. The study shows that multi-causal analyses with eclectic conceptual frameworks have advantages, in a context where international trade negotiations are becoming more complex and where trade has ceased to be a low agenda issue. Therefore, the research carried out makes it possible to shed light on the tensions underlying the signing of the agreement, which also appear in the ratification process. Moreover, it shows that different actors’ viewpoints and motivations coexist regarding the same international policy event –the trade agreement–. This study provides support for our initial argument. On the economic and commercial dimensions, the parties involved managed to bring their positions closer on the most sensitive issues, which –until then– appeared as insurmountable differences. While the structural characteristics of trade and investment did not change and nor did the trade preferences of the sectors, there was a change in the political dimension of these elements. From this perspective, the ratification of the agreement is imperative, but it is precisely because of the sensitivities involved that a higher level of politicization is expected. Geopolitics has also played a relevant role, especially in the strategic use of the announcement of the agreement at the Osaka Summit. Thus, it was presented as a milestone for the preservation of the international liberal order, in contrast to the dynamics of the Sino-American trade war. This strategic game, however, is satisfied with the mere announcement of the arrangement and the geopolitical variable does not generate the same incentives for ratification as it did for the conclusion of the negotiations. Finally, the explanation based on the identity element is constructed from inter-regionalism and makes it possible to argue that the agreement between MERCOSUR and the European Union represents a milestone in the consolidation of a common identity around a set of shared values. However, these are a precondition for the agreement to take place, and do not fully explain the 2019 outcome. Putting these three variables into dialogue has proved indispensable to apprehend the complexity of a long-standing process, and the implications of an eventual ratification. These findings, however, raise new questions. Future work could enrich the study of the MERCOSUR-EU agreement, including the challenges of politicization. Also, since the study suggests a link between the three explanatory factors and the uses of the trade agreement, in future investigations it might be possible to undertake comparative studies between different processes of international trade negotiations. The article has been organised in the following way. After the introduction, the paper goes on to present the definitions related to the conceptual framework and research design. In the first section we focus on the hypothesis regarding material economic and commercial interests. The second section evaluates the geopolitical and strategic variable. The third section presents the characteristics and implications of the interregional link. Finally, we present the conclusions of the investigation.

Furin is a protease that plays a key role in the infection cycle of SARS-CoV-2 by cleaving the viral proteins during the virus particle assembly. In addition, Furin regulates several physiological processes related to cardio-metabolic traits. DNA variants in the FURIN gene are candidates to regulate the risk of developing these traits as well as the susceptibility to severe COVID-19. We genotyped two functional FURIN variants (rs6224/rs4702) in 428 COVID-19 patients in the intensive care unit. The association with death (N = 106) and hypertension, diabetes, and hyperlipidaemia was statistically evaluated. The risk of death was associated with age, hypertension, and hypercholesterolemia. The two FURIN alleles linked to higher expression (rs6224 T and rs4702 A) were significantly increased in the death cases (odds ratio= 1.40 and 1.43). Homozygosis for the two high expression genotypes (rs6224 TT and rs4702 AA) and for the T-A haplotype was associated with an increased risk of hypercholesterolemia. In the multiple logistic regression both, hypercholesterolemia and the TT + AA genotype were significantly associated with death. In conclusion, besides its association with hypercholesterolemia, FURIN variants might be independent risk factors for the risk of death among COVID-19 patients.

Background The “diagnose-and-leave-in” policy has been established to reduce the risks and costs related to unnecessary polypectomies in the average-risk population. In individuals with Lynch syndrome, owing to accelerated carcinogenesis, the general recommendation is to remove all polyps, irrespective of size, location, and appearance. We evaluated the feasibility and safety of the diagnose-and-leave-in strategy in individuals with Lynch syndrome. Methods We performed a post hoc analysis based on per-polyp data from a randomized, clinical trial conducted by 24 dedicated colonoscopists at 14 academic centers, in which 256 patients with confirmed Lynch syndrome underwent surveillance colonoscopy from July 2016 to January 2018. In vivo optical diagnosis with confidence level for all detected lesions was obtained before polypectomy using virtual chromoendoscopy alone or with dye-based chromoendoscopy. Primary outcome was the negative predictive value (NPV) for neoplasia of high-confidence optical diagnosis among diminutive (≤ 5 mm) rectosigmoid lesions. Histology was the reference standard. Results Of 147 rectosigmoid lesions, 128 were diminutive. In 103 of the 128 lesions (81 %), the optical diagnostic confidence was high and showed an NPV of 96.0 % (95 % confidence interval [CI] 88.9 %–98.6 %) and accuracy of 89.3 % (95 %CI 81.9 %–93.9 %). By following the diagnose-and-leave-in policy, we would have avoided 59 % (75/128) of polypectomies at the expense of two diminutive low grade dysplastic adenomas and one diminutive sessile serrated lesion that would have been left in situ. Conclusion In patients with Lynch syndrome, the diagnose-and-leave-in strategy for diminutive rectosigmoid polyps would be feasible and safe.

Novel pectin-based, antifungal, edible coatings (ECs) were formulated by the addition of natural extracts or essential oils (EOs), and their ability to control green mold (GM), caused by Penicillium digitatum, and preserve postharvest quality of ‘Valencia’ oranges was evaluated. Satureja montana, Cinnamomum zeylanicum (CN), Commiphora myrrha (MY) EOs, eugenol (EU), geraniol (GE), vanillin, and propolis extract were selected as the most effective antifungal agents against P. digitatum in in vitro assays. Pectin-beeswax edible coatings amended with these antifungals were applied to artificially inoculated oranges to evaluate GM control. ECs containing GE (2 g/kg), EU (4 and 8 g/kg), and MY EO (15 g/kg) reduced disease incidence by up to 58% after 8 days of incubation at 20 °C, while CN (8 g/kg) effectively reduced disease severity. Moreover, ECs formulated with EU (8 g/kg) and GE (2 g/kg) were the most effective on artificially inoculated cold-stored oranges, with GM incidence reductions of 56 and 48% after 4 weeks at 5 °C. Furthermore, ECs containing EU and MY reduced weight loss and maintained sensory and physicochemical quality after 8 weeks at 5 °C followed by 7 days at 20 °C. Overall, ECs with EU were the most promising and could be a good natural, safe, and eco-friendly commercial treatment for preserving orange postharvest quality.

Primary responses in sepsis-mediated inflammation are regulated by pro-inflammatory cytokines. Variations in the cytokine genes might modify their transcription or expression, plasma cytokines levels and response to sepsis. Activation protein-1 (AP-1) and NF-κB regulate cytokines gene expression in sepsis. A total of 90 severely septic and 91 non-infected patients were prospectively studied. IL-1α (–889 C/T), IL-1β (+3954 C/T), IL-6 (–174 G/C), TNF-α (–238 G/A), TNF-α (–308G/A), IL-8 (–251A/T) and IL-10 (–1082 G/A) SNPs, plasma IL-1β, IL-4, IL-6, IL-8, IL-10, IL-13, IFN-γ, TNF-α and monocyte chemoattractant protein 1 (MCP-1) levels, and AP-1 and NF-κB gene expression by neutrophils were assessed. A allele carriers of TNF-α (–238 G/A) SNP were less frequent among septic patients. IL-6, IL-8, IL-10, TNF-α and MCP-1 levels were higher, and AP-1 and NF-κB gene expressions lower in septic patients. Sepsis was independently associated with higher fibrinogen, neutrophils counts and IL-8 levels, lower prothrombin, absence of the variant A allele of the TNF-α (–238 G/A) SNP, and haemodynamic failure. Death was independently associated with a higher APACHE II score, higher IL-8 levels, and the diagnosis of sepsis. TNF-a (–238 G/A) SNP could protect against sepsis development. Higher IL-8 levels are predictive of sepsis and mortality.

Resumen La lógica figurativa de los films, más allá de exhibir el mundo, construye sentidos que dialogan y disputan con otros vigentes. Por eso el cine constituye un discurso social privilegiado teniendo en cuenta, además, su capacidad de atravesar distintos niveles de realidad. De tal manera los relatos cinematográficos no solo se presentan como fuentes para el historiador sino también operan como agentes en la construcción de la historia y en su agencia pueden producir intervenciones políticas significativas. Este trabajo se propone analizar el film documental Campo de Batalla. Cuerpo de Mujer (Fernando Álvarez, Argentina, 2013) como agente de sentidos e intervención política. Con este propósito partirá de conceptualizaciones provenientes del campo de los estudios de género, los estudios visuales, aquellos referidos a la construcción de la memoria, los aportes de la historia cultural respecto a las representaciones y la construcción de sensibilidades. Abstract The figurative logic of the films, beyond exhibiting the world, constructs senses that dialogue and dispute with others in force. That is why the cinema constitutes a privileged social discourse, taking into account, in addition, its capacity to cross different levels of reality. In such a way the cinematographic narratives are not only presented as sources for the historian but also operate as agents in the construction of history and in their agency can produce significant political interventions. This work aims to analyze the documentary film Battlefield. Body of Woman as agent of senses and political intervention. With this purpose it will start from , conceptualizations coming from the field of gender studies, visual studies, those referring to the construction of memory, the contributions of cultural history with respect to representations and the construction of sensibilities. Resumo A lógica figurativa dos filmes, além de exibir o mundo, constrói sentidos que dialogam e competem com outros em vigor. Causa disso o cinema constitui um discurso social privilegiado levando em conta, além disso, a sua capacidade de atravessar diferentes níveis de realidade. Desta forma os relatos cinematográficos não só se apresentam como fontes para o historiador mas também operam como agentes na construção da história e na sua agência podem produzir intervenções políticas significativas. Este trabalho visa analisar o documentário Campo de batalha. Corpo de mulher como agente de sentidos e intervenção política. Nesse intuito vai partir de conceitualizações que provem dos estudos de gênero, dos estudos visuais, e daqueles referidos à construção da memória, e da história cultural no que diz respeito às representações e à construção de sensibilidades.

Durante la última dictadura militar argentina, alrededor de 500 niños y niñas fueron apropiados en el marco del plan sistemático de desaparición de personas. Desde ese entonces, familiares y organismos de derechos humanos, en especial Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, emprendieron la lucha por localizarlos/as y restituirlos/as a sus legítimas familias. En este proceso elaboraron diferentes conceptos y representaciones en torno a la cuestión de la identidad subjetiva y su relación con la genética, el parentesco, la memoria y la historia. A comienzos de los años 2000, la causa de Abuelas tomó mayor impulso, en gran medida porque muchos/as niños/as apropiados/as, por entonces ya jóvenes, emprendieron por iniciativa propia la búsqueda de sus verdaderos orígenes, lo que llevó a un aumento de las restituciones y una mayor visibilidad de las mismas. En este contexto, Abuelas promovió diferentes iniciativas culturales y mediáticas con el objetivo de consolidar la legitimidad social de su causa y llegar a sus principales destinatarios: los jóvenes que dudaban sobre su verdadera identidad biológica. Una de estas iniciativas fue Televisión por la Identidad, una miniserie de tres capítulos emitida por el canal Telefé en el año 2007. La serie alcanzó una gran audiencia y repercutió de manera notable en la difusión del mensaje de Abuelas. En este artículo nos proponemos estudiar esta producción audiovisual para indagar qué sentidos construye en torno a la noción de “identidad”. Para ello analizaremos su contexto de producción y la estructura narrativa de sus tres capítulos, lo que nos permitirá indagar en los discursos y representaciones sobre el delito de la apropiación y los procesos de búsqueda y restitución que allí aparecen. Mostraremos de qué manera estos procesos aparecen ligados a la construcción de la identidad de los nietos/as restituidos/as, tanto en una dimensión biológica como también familiar, social y subjetiva.

Luego de cinco décadas de olas de auge y decadencia, el regionalismo en Sudamérica, en los primeros años del siglo XXI, fue repensado en un diseño post-liberal. En particular, una iniciativa de complementación y de cooperación materializada en el ALBA, y un esquema de diálogo intersectorial y cooperación política, la UNASUR. Por su parte, el MERCOSUR, un esquema resiliente de la anterior ola de regionalismo sudamericano, también se renovó en clave post-liberal. Una década después del surgimiento del regionalismo post-liberal, se asiste a una fase de pérdida de dinamismo. En este trabajo describimos los últimos desarrollos en torno a ALBA y UNASUR, así como el MERCOSUR, siguiendo la perspectiva de Dabène de ciclos de politización. El interrogante es si estos esquemas se encuentran en una fase de despolitización. Si esto es así, nos preguntamos si serán lo suficientemente resilientes como para superar dicha fase y transitar hacia una de repolitización.