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Background: Research into the circumstances of rape, and criminal justice system responses, is pivotal to informing prevention and improving the likelihood of justice for victims. In this paper, we explore the differences in the circumstances of multiple-perpetrator rapes (MPRs) and single-perpetrator rapes (SPRs), their case management, and attrition, and describe areas for improvemensuplt around rape response within the South African criminal justice system. Methods: The sample comprised 3952 rape cases reported to the South African Police Services (SAPS) in 2012, selected through a multi-stage random sampling of 172 police stations from a total of 1164 police stations in the nine provinces, followed by the random selection of cases from each station's case list. Data were abstracted from police dockets, medico-legal examination forms, charge sheets, and trial transcripts. MPRs were defined as cases in which more than one perpetrator had sexual contact with the victim during a single incident, i.e., sexually assaulted or raped. Descriptive statistics and Chi-square tests for associations were used to compare MPRs and SPRs in circumstances of the rape, case management, and attrition. Results: Seventeen percent of cases were MPRs. MPRs were comparably more violent crimes with a higher frequency of aggressive tactics employed by perpetrators, for example, abductions, firearms use, and threats to kill. Overall, cases were often poorly handled by police, and there were deviations from standard policing and investigation procedures; we found more evidence of this with MPRs compared to SPRs. MPR cases were most likely to have been closed by police due to undetected perpetrators in combination with other victim reasons. The weaker investigations of MPRs were associated with higher attrition rates compared to SPRs, firstly at the police investigation and subsequent stages. Conclusions: The findings confirm differences in case management, patterns of attrition and trajectories of MPRs compared to SPRs. In an overall context of high rape case attrition and impunity for perpetrators, MPR victims are even less likely to see justice served than SPR victims. There needs to be much more effective supervision of rape case investigations by SAPS, particularly in MPR cases. Continual investigator training strengthened supervision and better resourcing are necessary to improve MPRs detection and convictions in adherence to the Directives for rape policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to describe mortality of women from intimate partner violence (IPV) in South Africa using a retrospective national study in a proportionate random sample of 25 mortuaries. Homicides identified from mortuary, autopsy, and police records. There were 3,797 female homicides, of which 50.3% were from IPV. The mortality rate from IPV was 8.8 per 100,000 women. Mortality from IPV were elevated among those 14 to 44 years and women of color. Blunt force injuries were more common, while strangulation or asphyxiation were less common. The national IPV mortality rate was more than twice that found in the United States. The study highlights the value of collecting reliable data across the globe to develop interventions for advocacy of which gender equity is critical. Keywords: female homicide; femicide; intimate partner violence; South Africa

Objective To examine the incidence and patterns of intimate femicide-suicide in South Africa and to describe the factors associated with an increase in the risk of suicide after intimate femicide (i.e. the killing of an intimate female partner). Methods A cross-sectional retrospective national mortuary-based study was conducted at a proportionate random sample of 25 legal laboratories to identify all homicides committed in 1999 of women aged over 13 years. Data were collected from the mortuary file, autopsy report and a police interview. Findings Among 1349 perpetrators of intimate femicide, 19.4% committed suicide within a week of the murder. Suicide after intimate femicide was more likely if the perpetrator was from a white rather than an African racial background (odds ratio, OR: 5.8; 95% confidence interval, CI: 1.21-27.84); was employed as a professional or white-collar worker rather than a blue-collar worker (OR: 37.28; 95% CI: 5.82-238.93); and owned a legal gun rather than not owning a legal gun (OR: 45.26; 95% CI: 8.33-245.8). The attributable fraction shows that 91.5% of the deaths of legal gun-owning perpetrators and their victims may have been averted if this group of perpetrators did not own a legal gun. Conclusion South Africa has a rate of intimate femicide-suicide that exceeds reported rates for other countries. This study highlights the public health impact of legal gun ownership in cases of intimate femicide-suicide. Objectif Examiner l'incidence et les schemas du femicide-suicide intime en Afrique du Sud et decrire les facteurs associes a une augmentation du risque de suicide apres un femicide intime (c'esta-dire le meurtre d'un partenaire feminin intime). Methodes Une etude retrospective transversale nationale a partir d'autopsies a ete menee dans un echantillon aleatoire proportionne de 25 laboratoires de medecine legale pour identifier tous les homicides commis en 1999 sur des femmes de plus de 13 ans. Les donnees ont ete recueillies a partir des dossiers mortuaires, ales rapports d'autopsie et des interrogatoires de police. Resultats Parmi 1349 auteurs de femicide intime, 19,4 % s'etaient suicides dans la semaine suivant le meurtre. Apres un femicide intime, la probabilite de suicide etait plus grande si l'auteur etait de race blanche plutot que d'origine africaine (odds ratio, OR: 5,8 ; intervalle de confiance, IC a 95 % : 1,21-27,84), exercait une profession liberale ou etait employe plutot qu'ouvrier (OR : 37,28 ; IC a 95 % : 5,82-238,93) et detenait Iegalement une arme a feu (OR: 45,26; IC a 95 %: 8,33-245,8). D'apres la fraction attribuable, 91,5 % des deces des detenteurs legaux d'arme a feux et de leurs victimes auraient pu etre evites si les meurtriers n'avaient pas detenu une telle arme. Conclusion L'Afrique du Sud presente un taux de femicide-suicide intime qui depasse les taux rapportes pour les autres pays. Cette etude met en lumiere l'impact en termes de sante publique de la detention legale d'armes a feu dans les cas de femicide-suicide intime. Objetivo Examinar la incidencia y las modalidades del feminicidio-suicidio de parejas en Sudafrica y describir los factores asociados al aumento del riesgo de suicidio tras el feminicidio de pareja (es decir, el asesinato de la mujer con la que se mantiene una relacion intima). Metodos Se realizo un estudio retrospectivo transversal nacional basado en depositos de cadaveres en una muestra aleatoria proporcional de 25 laboratorios forenses a fin de identificar todos los asesinatos de mujeres de mas de 13 anos cometidos en 1999. Los datos analizados proceden de los registros de las morgues, de los informes de autopsia y de entrevistas con la policia. Resultados De los 1349 feminicidas de su pareja, el 19,4% se suicidaron durante la semana siguiente al asesinato. El suicidio posterior al feminicidio de pareja era mas probable cuando el autor era de raza blanca, por oposicion a las personas de origen africano (razon de posibilidades, OR: 5,8; intervalo de confianza (IC) del 95%: 1,21-27,84); tenia un empleo como profesional u oficinista en lugar de como trabajador manual (OR: 37,28; IC95%: 5,82-238,93); o estaba en posesion legal de un arma de fuego (OR: 45,26; IC95%: 8,33-245,8, en comparacion con las personas sin arma). La fraccion atribuible muestra que un 91,5% de las muertes de los asesinos en posesion legal de un arma de fuego y de sus victimas podria haberse evitado si hubiesen carecido de arma. Conclusion Sudafrica presenta una tasa de feminicidio-suicidio de parejas superior a las de otros paises. Este estudio porte de relieve el impacto para la salud publica de la tenencia legal de armas de fuego en los casos de feminicidio-suicidio de parejas., Introduction Intimate femicide, the killing of a woman by her intimate partner, is considered the most extreme form and consequence of intimate partner violence. Until recently, not much has been [...]

In 1998, in an attempt to undo the long-standing neglect of domestic violence, legislators placed a set of duties on the police in relation to domestic violence, and coupled these with a unique system of accountability relations and practices. This article examines the effect of these in three ways: a review, both of complaints of misconduct and of the station audits conducted in terms of the Domestic Violence Act's prescripts, and analysis of the workings of the act's accountability mechanisms over time. These show the act's system of accountability to have had some success in making domestic violence a policing priority, but only after a number of years of interaction across the domains of the political, legal, bureaucratic and social. Accountability has revealed itself to be a contingent outcome and practice that takes different forms at different times. It also remains an ambivalent undertaking in relation to domestic violence. While answers may be demanded of the police, oversight of these responses is lodged with an agency possessing limited capacity and weak institutional authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an analysis of 1 886 rape dockets opened at 70 police stations in Gauteng Province in 2003. Multiple perpetrator rape ('gang rape') constituted 16% of all cases. Most of these incidents started when the victim was outdoors, either alone or accompanied, and occurred in the open or in a public space. In contrast, single perpetrator rape mostly occurs in a home. A key finding was that fewer than 40% of victims of either single or multiple perpetrator rape indicated that they had verbally or physically resisted the attacker. Yet in most cases perpetrators were not armed. Further, an analysis of J88 forms showed many victims had no injuries other than genital or anal injury. Injuries to other parts of the body were only found in 27% of single and 35% of multiple perpetrator rape victims. Although most victims reported to the police within 72 hours of the rape, the arrest rate was low, particularly for multiple perpetrator rapes (39%). The study showed that there are very important differences between single perpetrator and multiple perpetrator rape. It also points to a mismatch between perpetrators' accounts and police case reports, suggesting differences in under-reporting between these two types of rapes. Improvement of DNA testing and rape case arrests of multiple perpetrator rapes are matters of urgency, and reasons for differences in low arrest rates should be the next step in the examination of multiple rape cases. INSET: Box 1: Considerations for police and justice officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If the criminal justice system were to advertise itself to victims of sexual violence, would its tag line be L'Oreal's 'Because you're worth it'? Or would the Foundry Premium Cider comment on the building of a pyramid: 'Twelve years in the making and it still doesn't taste very good' be more apposite? Certainly, a lack of faith in, or fear of, legal processes, is one of the reasons why eight out of nine women who are raped do not report the matter to the police. This article explores the extent to which victims' lack of faith in legal processes is warranted and asks if laying a complaint is worth the effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1996 Dullah Omar, the then-Minister of Justice, established a project committee in the South African Law Reform Commission (SALRC) to investigate sexual offences against children. Eleven years later, having widened the scope of the legal reforms to include adults, the National Assembly finally passed the muchdelayed Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Bill (SO Bill 10 Nov 06 (SOBPC06)) on 23 May 2007. The Bill is ambitious, its objects being: 'To afford complainants of sexual offences the maximum and least traumatising protection that the law can provide, to introduce measures which seek to enable the relevant organs of state to give full effect to the provisions of this Act and to combat and, ultimately, eradicate the relatively high incidence of sexual offences committed in the Republic' (Sexual Offences Bill 2006: 9). This article briefly sets out some of the Bill's content and then examines whether or not the Bill, in its current form, does indeed meet the high aims set for itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A study of gang rape cases reported to police in inner-city Johannesburg in 1999 - although fairly dated - provides new insights into a disturbing phenomenon. The most striking thing about these rapes is their predatory nature. Typically, groups of men either lie in wait for their victims, or actively drive around looking for someone to abduct. The attacks are also brazen and violent: women are confronted in public spaces, and the use of force increases with the number of perpetrators involved in the rape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]