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Across several countries, ever-growing societal alarm about the threat of online child sexual exploitation has provoked a controversial civic response: volunteer pedophile hunting teams that expose predators in livestreamed confrontations. Their practices have generated strong criticisms froma police force unsure how to engage them because they lack an empathic understanding of hunters' lived experience. Through a three-year phenomenological ethnography of a U.K. hunting team, we advance efforts across organization research to theorize the role of lived experience in social action. Specifically, we deploy the phenomenological concept "way-of-being" to explain hunters' use of extreme practices. Our interpretive account shows how the multiple ways-of-being that characterize the team's lifeworld suffuse their practices with a complex layered affectivity that is constitutive of the commitment necessary for their persistence. This offers a phenomenological alternative to social psychological models of motivations for vigilantism while also advancing emotions research in organizational institutionalismand practice theory. Practically, our study contributes to the policing challenge of mitigating hunting's harmful effects by facilitatingmore constructivemutual engagement. This offers a possible pathway for addressing the broader challenge posed by epistemically closed, social media-enabled communities that act out their concerns inways that disregard our common humanity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is an abstract from the journal "Review of Radical Political Economics" and includes summaries of various articles. One article examines the rise of surveillance work in the United States and its correlation with income inequality, unionization rates, and racial animosity. Another article explores the concept of "masstige," or luxury for the masses, and how luxury brands can generate high profits. A third article discusses the concept of "gain from alienation" as a source of profit in capitalist economies, specifically in the real estate and financial sectors in Turkey. Other articles cover topics such as unproductive labor, Marx's interpretation of technical progress, the relationship between interest rates and aggregate investment, and the theory of value in relation to global inequality. The document also includes book reviews and announcements. [Extracted from the article]

The research aimed to find the relationship between Internet Vigilance, emotional creativity, and self-sufficiency. The current research sample consisted of (898) male and female students at Damietta University in the faculties of (Specific Education - Education - Physical Education - Applied Arts - Commerce - Science - Engineering - Literature – Computers and information) in the first and fourth academic year, with an average age of 20.09 and a standard deviation of 2.56 in the first university semester of the academic year 2022/2023. With the aim of revealing their levels in the Internet Vigilance variable, the level of the emotional creativity and self-efficacy variables, and the extent of the differences between them due to gender, academic stage, and specialization, and the nature of the relationship between each of the electronic alertness variable, the emotional creativity variable, and self-efficacy among male and female university students. Damietta, in the colleges of (Specific Education - Education - Physical Education - Applied Arts - Commerce - Science - Engineering - Literature - Computers and Information), Regarding the extent to which it is possible to predict each of the variables of emotional creativity and self-efficacy through the dimensions of the Internet Vigilance variable, the researcher here relied on two tools to measure the variable dimensions of Internet Vigilance, the (Reince et al., 2018) scale to measure the trait, and the (Johannes et al., 2020) scale to measure the situation, as the researcher Arabized it, codified it, and verified the extent of its psychometric properties, and two tools to measure the variables of emotional creativity and self-efficacy among male and female students at Damietta University in the faculties of (Specific Education - Education - Physical Education - Applied Arts - Commerce - Sciences - Engineering - Literature - Computers and Information) prepared by the researcher. To identify the results of the research, the following statistical treatments were used: T-test for independent samples, Cronbach's Alpha test, One-Way ANOVA, frequencies, arithmetic means, standard deviations, and correlation analysis. Pearson correlation coefficients, multiple regression analysis, and the bootstrap method to test confidence interval (CI) estimates, using version 23.0 of the statistical program SPSS. The research showed several results, the most important of which are: the existence of a significant correlation between Internet Vigilance and emotional creativity, and that the Internet Vigilance variable predicted emotional creativity, while The results related to self-efficacy showed its mediation in the relationship between each of the variables (Internet Vigilance and emotional creativity).The results also showed that the effect of self-efficacy on Internet Vigilance among university students varies according to the students’ academic stage. The results also showed that there are statistically significant differences in the relationship between self-efficacy and emotional creativity among university students depending on the variable of type (sex), as well as specialization (scientific/ literary). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Northwest Nigeria has been devastated by armed banditry, with Zamfara state being the epicenter of the crisis. The use of vigilantes in non-state policing against armed banditry has accorded legitimacy to these groups. However, their activities also pose significant challenges. Where scholarly work has examined the legitimacy of vigilantes, the focus has mostly been on legitimacy derived from the nation-state. This paper, contributes to the literature by interrogating the legitimacy of vigilantism as a non-state policing tool toward countering armed banditry, derived from affected local communities in Zamfara state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vigilante groups in Indonesia are changing. These actors and activities are not only connected with conventional international vigilantes (i.e. extremism organizations) but also the local extremism organizations that recently emerged and perpetrated violence extremism and intolerant activities at the international, national, and local levels. These activities organizations have, for instance, encouraged the formalization of religious teachings and the elimination of things deemed incompatible with religion—including the ongoing secularization of the public sphere. Responding to religious and theological issues in the public sphere, these organizations aim to erase or replace those they perceive as hindering their plans. Diverse organizations, through their local, national, and international networks, have been able to operate at the local level. This article aims to analyze vigilante groups after Indonesia's 2019 general election by paying attention to vigilante actors, activities, agencies, and networks. This study uses networking and political mobilization theories, as well as the political sociology perspective. This study uses data collected through big data and bibliometrics, covering 200 articles published between April 2019 and May 2021, then analyzes it was using Nvivo-12 Plus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 has exposed profound governance challenges that demand more diverse and creative approaches to global health governance moving forward. This article works towards such a pluralization of the field by foregrounding the vital role played by heterodox actors during the pandemic. Heterodox global health actors are backgrounded actors who improve health in different parts of the world, but who remain politically marginalized – and epistemically invisibilized – because they depart in crucial respects from the liberal orthodoxy pervading the field of global health governance. The article analytically foregrounds those heterodox actors through an architectural inversion – a relational approach to the study of global health governance that builds upon recent methodological insights from postcolonial studies, infrastructure studies, and science and technology studies. The article then harnesses that methodological approach to empirically investigate the COVID-19 activities of three different heterodox actors: rebel groups providing public health in the borderlands of Myanmar, a women's vigilante movement stitching face masks in the Czech Republic, and a maverick scientific platform for the international sharing of viral sequence data. Performing that architectural inversion begins to loosen the dominance of the liberal episteme within the practice and study of global health governance. It further visibilizes how that field is continually co-produced by the background activities of many such heterodox actors. It also lays conceptual foundations for a more heterodox future research agenda on global health governance – and arguably global governance more broadly – in response to the numerous unresolved challenges revealed by COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on case studies of seven (attempted) lynchings in Pakistan, we argue that they can be considered lynching rituals, which are instrumental in a context of political strife. 'Shrpsnd anasr' (agitators) play an important role as ritual engineers; they assemble crowds by spreading rumours and vocalizing accusations, use rhythmic chanting and slogan repetition to generate a shared vengeful mood and focus the crowd's attention on the (fabricated) encroachment of a moral imperative (notably blasphemy). We conclude that the vengeful effervescence generated in lynching rituals strengthens the clientelistic interdependency networks of religious–political leaders. The contribution of our study lies in demonstrating the importance of bodily practices in lynching rituals and their instrumental political value for both masses and political leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The increasing rate of crimes across cities and communities in Nigeria has prompted an all-hands- on-deck approach since security from the government and statutory security agencies has become inadequate. Today, the protection of lives and properties has become all-inclusive and participatory as citizens have taken up the responsibility for their common good to protect themselves from anything that may threaten their existence. Hence, the use of vigilante groups as alternative security body has become very popular that their presence is seen in almost cities across Nigeria. This study is qualitative, employing both primary (interviews) and secondary sources and it aims at investigating vigilante groups and crime management in Nigeria with Calabar Metropolis as case study. While community participatory theory serves as theoretical framework, findings of the study reveal that community vigilante groups in Nigeria have contributed immensely to crime prevention and management. However, they also face certain challenges which disrupt their effectiveness and efficiency. The paper thus recommends among other things that Nigerian leadership should give them more recognition as part of the security sector as well as provide adequate funding to support vigilante groups in the dispensation of their duties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last 25 years increased violence against Black Americans by police and white vigilantes has led to a resurgence in lynching discourse. This article examines two strains of twenty-first century lynching discourse in America with attention to questions of historical erasure and racial appropriation. The move from justificatory discourses of lynching to rhetoric stigmatizing its practice led to two distinct discursive forms: a rhetoric of memorialization that reads Black women as part of the lynching archive and a rhetoric of white aggrievement and victimhood that leverages the moral authority of Black trauma to evade justice. By mapping the shift from justificatory discourses of lynching and rhetoric professing its 'end' to discourse memorializing victims and rhetoric professing lynching's persistence, this article illumines how the term lynching circulates in the twenty-first century American discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars in sociology, criminology, and political science have long recognized that vigilantes emerge within communities, monitoring for and punishing deviance without formal authority to do so. Recent descriptive research also suggests that vigilantes can emerge in workplace communities, and that many people over the course of their careers report having worked with at least one vigilante. However, we presently have little understanding about the organizational factors and psychological mechanisms that explain why employees become vigilantes. In this paper, we propose a theoretical model specifying the antecedents of adopting the workplace vigilante role identity. By doing so, we introduce organizational and psychological conditions that could lead employees to administer unauthorized punishment as a means for exercising social control over their coworkers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Knights Templar cartel targeted the people of Michoacán, vigilantes formed for protection. This study uses a paired sample t-test to investigate the effect that the emergence and subsequent removal of the vigilantes and their confrontational approach against the Knights Templar had on cartel-related crimes. Initially, homicides increased in vigilante areas, while kidnappings and extortions decreased. After vigilantes were removed, homicides and kidnappings increased, while extortions decreased. Government removal of vigilantes allowed for a power vacuum to ensue, allowing violence to increase. Therefore, violence initially increases with vigilante presence, then decreases, while increasing again once the group is removed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In battles over abortion, religion, sexuality, gender, and race, state legislatures are mass producing a new weapon. From Texas’s S.B. 8 to book bans and a flurry of bills empowering parents to sue schools that acknowledge LGBTQ+ identities or implement anti-racist curricula, state legislatures are enacting laws that call on private parties—and sometimes only private parties—to enforce their commands. These laws were initially viewed as a means of implementing unlawful policies while escaping judicial review. But manipulating judicial review is only the tip of the iceberg. The proliferation of what we term “private subordination regimes” bolsters the right-wing anti-democratic project by legalizing vigilantism and encouraging (White, Christian) partisans to police the most intimate aspects of other people’s lives and force Black Americans, women, and LGBTQ+ persons out of public spaces. The spread of private subordination regimes through states such as Texas, Florida, Iowa, Idaho, and Tennessee marks an alarming shift in American federalism. Enacted against the backdrop of a federal legislative process structured to thwart democratic preferences, the Supreme Court’s erasure of longstanding constitutional rights, and the Court’s intense skepticism toward national regulatory power, private subordination laws do not validate Justice Brandeis’ vision of policy learning through “laboratories of democracy.” Instead, these laws (often verbatim copies from state-to-state) promote a larger project of entrenching MAGA policies, insulating those policies from democratic control, and cementing right-wing politicians’ hold on power notwithstanding their numerically shrinking base. Rather than enriching our democracy, this strategy further distorts our national politics and cries out for tit-for-tat reprisals, as blue states repurpose private subordination regimes to advance progressive priorities. This Article makes the case for viewing private subordination via legalized vigilantism as a noteworthy development in anti-democratic politics, explains the functions that private subordination regimes perform, and posits that they are emblematic of a new “vigilante federalism.” In this permutation of American federalism, state power is first devolved then privatized by turning it over to private partisans newly authorized to surveil members of their communities and newly em)powered (and urged) to enforce the MAGA agenda. Understanding vigilante federalism as both a symptom and an accelerant of today’s corrosive political dynamics, the Arti)cle examines how vigilante federalism is reframing power in the United States and explores what can be done to arrest it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Correction Notice in the Security Journal addresses errors in the article "Community-based vigilante violence and corporate social responsibility in Nigeria's oil-producing region." The author's name Emmanuel Ejiofo Nwanmuoh was incorrectly written as Emmanuel Ejiofor Nwamuo, and the author's email address was also incorrect. The original article has been updated to reflect the correct information. The Correction Notice was reported by multiple authors and published by Springer Nature. [Extracted from the article]

This paper analyses the rise of a new kind of urban citizenship in the context of the urban crisis of the 1980s: the vigilant citizen, characterized by a view of citizens as possible victims, who assume and are called upon to take responsibility for social safety. Top-down policy explanations insufficiently clarify why the polarized debate over urban petty crime developed into a consensus by the mid-1980s. Tying in with recent trends in urban police history, this paper shows the diversity of bottom-up actors in Amsterdam that helped to, sometimes unintentionally, further a communitarian "social safety" agenda: vigilantes and victim-support groups, the former based in more conservative circles, the latter partly inspired by women advocacy groups. These actors entered into a sometimes-tense dynamic with the police and municipality, which took up the challenge of providing victim support and of educating the public for neighborhood prevention. This slowly yielded results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between border security and immigration has always been contentious and politically divisive. Using the cases of the War on Drugs (WoD), the War on Terror (WoT) and then the Migrant "Caravan" of 2018, I show that border security and enforcement have followed a historical pattern of racialised and gendered hierarchies using the prominent language frames of crime, war and invasion to negatively construct the migrant as "other" and the national security state as protector. These policies have shaped an environment by which state violence and state-sanctioned violence of non-state actors, such as vigilante/militia groups, become an acceptable response to protect the "Homeland" from vilified "others". Racialised and gendered hierarchies are deeply entrenched in the US national security state, have (re)produced through time and thus, historically, the system has been designed to promote an environment by which practices of exclusion and expulsion become justified by both state and non-state actors. This calls into question definitions of terrorism, which do not adequately address the violence perpetrated by government forces and/or those non-state actors who are explicitly and implicitly supported by the nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What role do the perceptions of clients about the procedural justice that street-level bureaucrats (SLBs) use when implementing policy play in prompting citizens to engage in vigilante actions? Using qualitative methods, we examine the unintended effects of SLBs' implementation of policy on citizens' vigilantism. We contribute to the literature by showing that procedural justice on the street level is in fact an important factor in citizens' decisions to act as vigilantes. Our findings identified three significant factors in these decisions: the citizens' ability to voice their complaint, the sense that they were treated respectfully and their trust that the police officers would do what they could to deal with their complaint. Furthermore, we also demonstrated that citizens and SLBs do not share the same perceptions of the role of the police as service providers, and that this gap increases citizens' motivations to act independently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to show the different ethé of Our Lady of Aparecida represented in political cartoons. What justifies the analysis is that the images built for Our Lady by the cartoonists are unique and different from those commonly made by the faithful. The productions were broadcast on the day dedicated to the patron saint of Brazil, October 12th, 2022. On that date, politicians who were competing for the elections scheduled for that month were present at the Sanctuary. The candidates' attitude was seen as a campaign act. The press suggested this and exposed, more explicitly in political cartoons on the subject. This text considers two of them because they synthesize two frequent ethé in the analyzed drawings: the victim and the vigilante. The article articulates theoretical notions from comics, discourse, and humor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing scholarship on vigilantism focuses on explaining factors that push citizens into the streets to take the law into their own hands. This article complements these theories by examining fear of reprisals that can keep vigilantes off the streets. It argues that vigilantism becomes rife when vigilantes find a systematic way to collude with state officials to obtain impunity. Qualitative data from Indonesia illustrate how street-level policemen grant selective impunity for vigilantism to gain public support for dispensing their more pressing duties. Contrary to conventional wisdom that links state-building to a decline in vigilantism, analysis of a sub-national dataset of 33,262 victims of vigilantism in Indonesia shows that a rapid expansion of the state's coercive presence is associated with higher levels of vigilante violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mob vigilantism--the punishment of alleged criminals by groups of citizens-is widespread throughout the developing world. Drawing on surveys with more than 13,000 respondents from Uganda, Tanzania, and South Africa, this article shows women are more likely than men to support mob vigilantism. Qualitative evidence, a vignette experiment, and survey measures suggest men and women differ in their beliefs about mob vigilantism. Men are more convinced that mob vigilantism creates risks of false accusation for those who do not commit crime. I trace this divergence in beliefs to differences in men's and women's personal risk of being accused of a crime that they did not commit. The results speak against the notion that women are inherently more opposed to violence than men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The extant literature claims that vigilante groups protect the traditional societal order by taking the law into their own hands. Vigilantes target entire categories of 'others' to prevent and punish their alleged criminality or norm-breaking. These activities are often connected with far-right political movements. However, the literature fails to explain why far-right vigilante groups are frequently involved in purely criminal activities (like extortion or robbery), despite their public presentation as bastions of law and order. This text provides a tentative theory of the political-criminal convergence in political violence under the disguise of community protection against crime and norm-breaking. This theory is demonstrated through the cases of Russia (Russian National Unity), Greece (Golden Dawn), and Ukraine (Azov movement). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Combating illegal parking and drinking in public is the raison d'être of Russia's best-known law-and-order youth initiatives, StopKham and Lev Protiv. These initiatives enforce and promote neotraditional morals amongst young people by challenging alleged offenders on camera and uploading the entertaining, humorous and often violent video clips to YouTube. I argue that their practices encapsulate flexible authoritarianism, in which the regime incentivises citizens to take initiative while expanding repressive measures against dissenters. Not only do these enterprises reflect the regime's goals back at itself, they also popularise a new ideal of heroic masculinity that fuses patriotism with entrepreneurialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the origin of collective violence in Montana. Topics mentioned include the role of chivaree in the diffusion of collective violence in the state, the association of collective violence with vigilantism, the influence of regional exceptionalism, the existence of vigilantism of territorial Montana in a regional network of extralegal violence, and the role of merchants in the outbreak of extralegal violence.

This article disputes recent studies that find no relationship between homicides and vigilantism. Using a unique panel dataset that controls for time and region, this study shows that the relationship exists. The evidence is consistent with the theory of low-capacity states: high homicide rates indicate unchecked criminal enclaves that further corrode trust in police. The territorial gaps in the central state's presence that O'Donnell once called "brown areas" cost people their lives. Vigilantes react through defensive movements in which ordinary people substitute for the police to fill a security gap. The panel results also indicate that wealth inequality matters. Business people reportedly finance the vigilante organizations, which helps them to sustain collective action over time. Together with income inequality, Mexico's low-capacity state facilitated an armed vigilante movement between 2012 and 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Campus Reform is a right-wing website that hires students to write articles accusing universities and faculty members of "liberal bias." These pieces circulate widely within the right-wing media ecosystem, where they can inspire self-deputized online vigilantes to harass faculty members and college administrators to sanction their faculty members. We argue that Campus Reform is part of a well-funded and well-organized panoptic network that engages in the sensationalized surveillance of faculty. This paper first develops our concept of sensationalized surveillance. We then offer a comprehensive institutional history of Campus Reform – demonstrating that it originates with, and continues to operate as, a conservative political technology. We then explore the details of how this surveillance apparatus functions and conclude by examining the disciplining effects Campus Reform has on faculty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explore the construction of the "refugee crisis" from the perspective of border vigilantes in Bulgaria. Drawing on ethnography in Harmanli, a border town with a refugee camp, the article explores how the identity and agency of the "refugee hunter" emerged. I argue that the gendered identity of the "refugee hunter" combines a national feminized victim and a vigilant masculinized protector. The masculinized protector patrols the Bulgarian-Turkish border in order to defend the victimized national community from the immigrant Other and the nongoverning state. The article illustrates that the refugee hunter identity has produced a new mode of hegemonic masculinity, where immigrant men and women are constructed as criminals, while men' border patrols as heroic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Esferas is the property of Esferas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)