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Summer Youth Programs continue to grow as a way to provide alternative educational spaces for Youth of Color who are often framed in deficit ways and that position them as being "at-risk" or in need of assistance (Weiner, 2006; Brown, 2016). To address these perceived deficits, after school and summer programs have been created and funded to serve the needs of children and Youth of Color, in particular Latinxs and African Americans. The literature often centralizes a pathologizing narrative that Youth of Color need saving (Tuck, 2009) via Summer Youth Programs to "keep youth off the streets" and avoid delinquency (Baldridge, 2014). Recent scholarship points to the necessity to interrogate the underlying racialized discourse that permeates through summer youth programming towards one that acknowledges and centers youth agency, resiliency, and identity. This article presents findings from a study of Latinx youth that participated in a summer youth program hosted virtually through collaboration with the Prevention and Early Intervention Division of the Texas Department of Family & Protective Services, and two universities in Central Texas. Due to COVID-19, the summit was re-imagined virtually and strives to build and nurture a community of youth leaders. This qualitative study also examines and evaluates Latinx youth participants' (ages 13 to 18) expectations of and experiences in the virtual summer youth summit. Our study questions included: 1) How do Latinx youth learn about leadership through an Online Youth Summit amidst COVID-19? And 2) How does the Youth Summit provide a (virtual) space to re-narrate Latinx youth leadership? Emerging findings indicate that Latinx youth were given opportunities to re-narrate leadership and activism, co-create networks and virtual connections with other Latinx and Black youth, and reflect on their own identities and community involvements.

Under UNESCOs global mission, fundamental education became an essential tool for development that was praised for promoting peace and improving the human condition. The Centro de Cooperación Regional para la Educación de Adultos en América Latina y el Caribe (CREFAL) hosted educators from throughout the Americas in Pátzcuaro, Michoacán, to study and intervene through fundamental education programs in local Indigenous communities to implement agricultural, hygienic, arts, civic, and adult literacy projects. In this article, we rethink how fundamental education projects in the 1960s often viewed Indigenous communities in deficit and were implemented as "experimental" interventions with mixed goals. We situate this work within a decolonizing healing framework (Smith 2001) to re-write and re-right the: (1) generalized success of the fundamental education project documented in the CREFAL archives about Nocutzepo and (2) highlight the voices and counter-stories of Indigenous women in Nocutzepo who were minimally present in the CREFAL archival data.

This article examines the cultural production of three "transfronterizo" children who daily, physically cross a U.S.-Mexico international bridge. Drawing on theories of identity, border inspections, literacy, and language, the findings reveal that "transfronterizo" children developed "literacies of surveillance," or the acquired and produced language and literacy practices to move across the surveillance, inspectors, and border. "Transfronterizo" children strategically used their full linguistic repertories to legitimize their border crossing identities in the context of surveillance.

Identity and agency are key to understanding student learning within classroom contexts. Utilizing figured worlds and local contentious practices as analytical frameworks, identity and agency are theorized as cultural practices that occur as part of the learning process in schools. Specifically, this article discusses self-authorship and the process of self-making as agentic practices in classrooms. History lessons about the Alamo for Mexican-American students and the ways students are positioned in classrooms around concepts of smartness connect theory to practice within the article. Implications are discussed for in-service and pre-service teacher development.

This article engages an important, but difficult conversation about the erasure of indigeneity in narratives, curriculum, identities, and racial projects that uphold settler colonial logics that fall under the rubric of Hispanic, Latina/o/x, and Chicana/o/x. These settler colonial logics include violence by these groupings against Indigenous people, or "indios," that has been part of Mexican and U.S. history in the Southwest. We examine Hispanic, Latina/o/x, and Chicana/o/x settlers' complicity with myths that support white settler futurity, including through social studies curricula and contemporary discourses of the U.S. as a nation of immigrants. The problematics of "Hispanidad" and "Latinidad" are also engaged as part of officialized U.S. state regulation and as an expression of "mestizaje" based on indigenism ("indigenismo"). "Indigenismo" worked hand-in-hand with mestizaje and functioned not so much as a celebration of racial mixture, but as state eugenicist programs of Indigenous erasure throughout Latin America, and by extension in Latino communities in the U.S. Finally, we provide diverse examples of how this process works to advance a theory and praxis of Critical Latinx Indigeneities to decolonize Latinidad and mestizaje in order to envision Indigenous futurities within and outside of the Latinized entanglements of the present.

Guided by critical ethnic studies and critical Indigenous studies, we engage analytical work to tease out how multiple colonial projects have implications for Latinx educational practice. Given the increase of ethnic studies curricula in K-12, we introduce in this article the theoretical framework of Critical Latinx Indigeneities (CLI) to educational debates around Latinx equity. We contemplate what it means to leave behind concepts such as "mestizaje" and "indigenismo" as analytical tools because of their "imperial durability" that we argue renders them incommensurable with Indigenous Latinx students. Finally, we explore the implications for Latinx equity agendas and conclude with how CLI might position us to engage ethnic studies approaches that can speak to the diversity of Latinx experiences. We see this as a necessary conversation in education and hope that our work will incite meaningful and robust conversations around the issues we center here.

In this article, the author attempts to enter the charter school dialogue by looking at the new charter school movement through an anti-essentialist social movement and new social movement lens. In the anti-Western new social movement conception there are no set patterns to how movements manifest themselves, or how they were intended to manifest themselves, and local context and activism defined as the agency to act through contentious daily practice is paramount (Holland & Lave, 2001). This article then, theoretically places the intended macro-charter school vision as an essentialist, Western social reform movement in education, but one that has not followed a uniform, easily understood, projected, and coherent model. Its manifestation then, has been that of a new social movement without definite and set patterns of generalizability, focusing on local contexts of activism as daily practice, and exhibiting an abundance of contradictions and paradoxes. Principal amongst the contradictions is that reform is intended to level the playing field, to allow for access, and to ultimately equalize. Although superficially, charter schools have done that, deeper contextual analysis and case studies of charter schools, especially of predominantly White charter schools, reveal differing results. This article focuses on the case of Heritage Charter School (HCS), a predominantly White, rural community charter school. Using the "community school" and "school of choice" rhetoric, members of the Heritage community have managed to keep a predominantly White elementary school open for over one hundred years, even when the Local Education Agency (LEA) closed down their redbrick school building in an effort to consolidate. In effect through the postmodern lens, HCS is and is not a converter charter school. A converter charter school is usually allowed to continue using the old school building by the new charter school. In that sense HCS is not a converter charter school because the LEA refused to let the new school use the old buildings; community members, however, use the rhetoric of heritage to say it is still the same school. Local community activism through contentious daily practices created a new site for the school using the new charter school reform and the claim to "community" school identity. (Contains 7 notes.)

In an effort to explore how racial and class oppressions intersect, the authors use their autobiographical narratives to depict cultural and experiential continuity and discontinuity in growing up white working class versus Chicano working class. They specifically focus on "racializing class" due to the ways class is often used as a copout by working-class whites to deny the existence of white privilege (Rothenberg, 2002) and to address the ways scholars of color romanticize being working class (Brayboy, 2003). Academic discussions of oppression typically compartmentalize various "isms" into separate, static categories (i.e. racism, classism, sexism, and heterosexism). As an alternative, the authors offer a more dynamic, complicated picture of oppression in everyday life. They propose that the lived experience of oppression is fluid, dynamic, and constantly being re/created rather than being set structures or categories that define people and how they experience and interpret the world. In their analysis, the authors build upon Patricia Hill Collins's (2000) "matrix of domination" in two distinct ways. First, they emphasize the idea of privilege. Secondly, complimenting Hill-Collins's idea that intersecting oppressions shift and are, "organized through diverse local realities," they integrate Bourdieu's (1977) focus on human agency and habitus from his theory of practice. (Contains 12 notes.)

This article presents ethnographic data of US Mexican-indigenous heritage children's transnational experiences during return visits to Mexico. US-born children and youth's acquisition of transnational diasporic community knowledge, in this article, is studied as a form of "smartness." Diasporic community knowledge is defined as the "saberes" (knowings) and "smartness" developed in relation with "familia" (family) and community life that originate, in this case, in the "pueblo" of San Miguel Nocutzepo, and that span the geo-physical and geo-political spaces of migration to and from the US. This study finds that these return visit experiences and the "saberes"/smartness acquired and developed through them were valuable to families and children because they socialize US Mexican-indigenous heritage children and youth in different knowledge systems, and allow them a smartness that is ancestral and that encourages mature participation in diasporic family and community life across transnational social fields.

This article examines how Latina/o professors perceive, experience, and reflect on the tenure and promotion process. Findings for this longitudinal study are drawn from a purposive sample of nine female and seven male, Latina/o tenure-track faculty participants. Using a Critical Race Theory, Latino Critical (LatCrit) Race Theory, and Chicana Feminist framework, this article documents fundamental inequities in the tenure and promotion policies and practices that affected the Latina/o faculty in this study. Using narrative data, educational biographies, in-depth semi-structured interviews, and unstructured ethnographic interviews, this study found four common themes: (1) tenure and promotion processes functioned as a "tool of fear," (2) the tenure and promotion process was like a "moving target," (3) tenure provided limited forms of respect but not full membership, and (4) Latina/o supervivencia enabled the professors to thrive despite unsupportive and sometimes hostile campus and departmental climates.

This article explores how children and youth learned indigenous heritage "saberes" (knowings) through intent community participation in Nocutzepo, Mexico. The "familia" (family) and "comunidad" (community)-based saberes were valuable for skills acquisition, but most important for learning indigenous forms of belonging, responsibility, and integration into adult life. Understanding indigenous heritage philosophies of learning and familia and comunidad saberes can help expand educators' knowledge about the learning practices of indigenous heritage families and students in schools.

In this article, we trace Bell's influence in our lives from graduate students to teacher educators and engaged scholars, and note how we have always read Bell alongside and inseparable from Latino/a Studies and Latina/Chicana feminist thought. We highlight the powerful and fruitful tensions of these interconnections in addressing our curricular struggles and innovations, professional identities and scholarly trajectories. We address Bell's theory of interest convergence to discuss the tensions and possibilities of personal "success" in the academy by interweaving our "testimonios" with Critical Race and Latino Critical Race (LatCrit) scholarship in Latino/a education. Latina feminist scholars have re-worked the Latin American tradition of "testimonio" as a way to link individual stories to a collective story of Latina/o racialization in the US, and to epistemological racism in the academy. Our collective story centers the intersections of race with indigeneity, class, citizenship, language, gender and sexuality. We begin from the earliest influence of Bell's counterstorytelling method for examining Latino/a students' racializing experiences in higher education and move through other critical race work in Latino education that both directly and indirectly addresses Bell's scholarship as these intersect with our intellectual journeys. Finally, we offer a story of the complex legacy of Bell's anti-subordination and social justice scholarship for intellectual alliances, coalition building, and inter-, multi- and trans-disciplinary engaged scholarship.

Educational programs are seen as a vehicle for improving the educational experiences and life outcomes for youthful offenders. In 1998 North Carolina started the Workplace and Community Transition Youth Offender Program (YOP). The program offers youth post-secondary educational courses. Our study examines 2007-2009 data from YOP youth participating in the program. Using students' voices our study shows that YOP not only decreases recidivism drastically, but has a personal impact in the youth participants' lives. YOP provides a space of change that is not prison or a traditional college. The hybrid figured world provides an opportunity for African American male youth to re/author themselves creating new hybrid identities. The youth author themselves as students versus inmates. These new identities and educational competencies have potentially long term benefits for youth offenders and for communities.

Using Holland, Lachicotte, Skinner, and Cain's (1998) theory of identity and their concept of figured worlds, this article provides an overview of how twenty-four Mexican Americans came to produce Chicana/o Activist Educator identities. The desire to raise consciousness (teach for social justice "pero con ganas") and "give back to the [their] community" became a very important part of this identity. Using an ethnographic interview as well as a life history interview methodology, this article specifically focuses on the participants' conceptual and procedural identity production in local Chicana/o activist figured worlds (usually in colleges and universities). In these local figured worlds, the participants produced a more complex process of identity production that was both conceptual and procedural. The article concludes with broad implications for urban teacher education.

In this study, we explored 12 "Chicana/o" Professors of Education's sense making about their role in the academy in terms of community commitments, activist scholarship, and practices of consciousness. Consciously exercising their agency, for these "Chicana/o" professors was not only in reaction to White dominance in the academy, but also in proactive, enduring ways through day-to-day practices. Practices of consciousness sought to subvert and challenge the White-stream norms and practices of higher education.

This study focuses on the case of The Heritage Academy (THA), a predominantly white charter school in rural North Carolina. Through a critical race analysis, this article suggests that predominantly white charter schools like THA benefit from colorblind educational policies in a whitestream and white supremacist society. Specifically, this case study focuses on how white community activism around the creation of THA strengthened a community school identity discourse founded on the principles of whiteness as property. Because of the privilege of whiteness, predominantly white and middle-class charter schools like THA may have greater access to economic and symbolic resources that ensure their success. This article raises questions about the use of school choice rhetoric as a raceless metaphor in the charter school movement that may result in race-based inequality, separation and segregation. (Contains 11 notes.)

Often, the word activism conjures up the image of what the media and others call "radicals," such as inflamed Mexican American college students, for example, who are passionate and emotional, demanding an immediate end to racism on their college campus. Some castigate activist participants as immature and unsophisticated, whereas others describe their actions as repugnant and counterproductive to democracy and the "American way of life." James S. Leming, in "Ignorant Activists: Social Change, "Higher Order Thinking," and the Failure of Social Studies" in Where Did Social Studies Go Wrong?, implies that activism and activists of the "radical" type are ignorant. In this article, the author points out that activism has been stereotyped, and participants can be portrayed as "ignorant" by way of various code words. He argues that physical activism is stereotyped precisely as radical and passionate, rather than logical, progressive, and rational, because people who are less privileged by the system have traditionally engaged in such practices; and questions what activism means as a practice for social change or, in the case of conservatives, as an agent to maintain or strengthen the current cultural hegemony of the United States.

In this article I argue that the current high-stakes testing accountability model is an assistencialist model, derived from deficit thinking paradigms. Such models, like the No Child Left Behind Act, sanction low performance with serious consequences for students and educators. Drawing from Freire, I propose an anti-assistencialist accountability model based on local community culture and needs that would include critical, problem-posing education, dialogue as a means toward raising social consciousness, and appropriate assessments according to local community needs. I further argue that such an accountability model can be implemented through cultural immersion programs that include three levels of immersion, (1) classroom culture, (2) local community culture, and (3) trans/cultural, or transnational exposure.

In efforts to create "good" and "responsible" citizens, social educators have sought solutions (assimilation, acculturation, etc.) to the "problem" of racial, ethnic, and linguistic diversity in U.S. society (Houser & Kuzmic, 2001). The "greater good" of this neo-colonial endeavor often focuses on maintaining the privileges of the white, upper middle class, whose cultural capital is the model of its hegemonic social normality (Cary, 2001). This article uses a postcolonial and cultural studies lens to challenge this denial of connected citizenship to historically colonized, subaltern groups in U.S. society, since being "American" has historically implied and still implicitly implies being "white" (Ladson-Billings, 2004). The main focus of this article is on Chicana/o educators as they reflect on their K-12 social studies experiences and how these experiences shaped their notions of their citizenship status in U.S. society. The narratives reveal an unequal, denied, racialized, and disconnected membership in U.S. society. The article concludes by examining the implications of this study for current and future practices of social and citizenship education. (Contains 14 notes.)

Narratives by three undocumented immigrants relate the realities of surviving in hostile and often cruel school environments. These students have succeeded not because of the system, but despite the system. Such testimonials can be effective in teaching future teachers and raising the consciousness of people who do not have sympathy for immigrants, especially immigrant children. (TD)