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In the post-Cold War period, as a newly independent country, Kazakhstan had to formulate a foreign policy aimed at developing good relations with its neighboring and regional countries and establishing its presence on the international stage. Like all postSoviet states, Kazakhstan faced challenges in its foreign policy practices. Following its independence, Kazakhstan charted its course based on the initial interactions in its foreign relations. It adopted a foreign policy under the principles of multi-vector and multilateralism, continually updating these policies over time. Besides its national interests, the most emphasized aspect of Kazakhstan's foreign policy is undoubtedly its economic interests. The country's foreign policy is shaped by economic considerations within the framework of both bilateral and multilateral agreements. The decisions made by Kazakhstan in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) also indicate stability in its foreign policy, grounded in economic foundations. Regionally, Kazakhstan has engaged in several agreements with other Central Asian countries, primarily focusing on economic and security matters. Within the framework of regional balance policy, it has maintained close policies towards Russia and China, with China becoming increasingly prominent in recent years. Kazakhstan maintains good relations with China in various areas including economic, security, and cultural spheres. Particularly within the scope of the Belt and Road Initiative, China's increasing share in trade volume stands out. In this context, the article aims to make inferences on how to develop economic relations by emphasizing the importance of economic relationships alongside political reforms in Kazakhstan, from the perspectives of realism and liberalism.“. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is the property of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakin Donem Turkiye Arastirmalari and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kastamonu University Journal of Economics & Administrative Sciences Faculty / Kastamonu Üniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Kastamonu University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Shiite Studies is the property of Turkish Journal of Shiite Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History & Historian / Tarih ve Tarihçi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the impact of globalization, change in communication and technology, the sources of data, information, documents and news are constantly changing, along with the threat addressed in intelligence studies. Therefore, intelligence work as a whole is also expanding and deepening. The theorization of intelligence, which is accepted as an academic discipline, is still continuing. Additionally, international relations; It attaches importance to all kinds of supranational and subnational social relations, as well as the relations of international actors with each other. Therefore, international relations theories also need intelligence with known accuracy and reliability in order to make determinations and predictions based on events and conditions. However, despite the importance of intelligence, it seems that intelligence studies as a whole are significantly separated from international relations theories and are almost completely absent from most international relations theories. On the other hand, intelligence is a kind of early warning tool in international relations. It is important to clarify the relationship between international relations and intelligence. For this purpose, the article reveals the approaches and perspectives of realism and liberalism, which are the most widely adopted theories of international relations, and constructivism, which is one of the leading theories since the beginning of the 21st century, towards intelligence studies, and the effectiveness of intelligence in the international system. In addition, as a result of the study, it is stated that international relations theories, based on security approaches, influence the development of the depth and breadth of intelligence in international relations theories and have a close relationship with intelligence studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Amazonia Investiga is the property of PRIMMATE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Apart from the diplomats of the ministries of foreign affairs, states carry out educational diplomacy, which is an application area of public diplomacy, which is considered the public-facing version of diplomacy, through other official and non-official institutions. This study analyses the Education Counsellors' Offices of the Ministry of National Education, which are among the official institutions, and the Education Counsellors working in senior positions in the counsellors' offices. Education Counsellors' Offices, which assume responsibility for overseas education activities, also undertake tasks such as recruiting international students within the scope of incoming students and providing professional public support at almost every stage to students who go to the country with state scholarships or individual efforts. It is known that education diplomacy, which is accepted as a soft power parameter and therefore its outputs are known to be received in the long term, establishes stronger ties. This study analyses the relationship between education and diplomacy. The study aims to reveal to what extent education diplomacy is important in the fields of duty and responsibility of Education Counsellors, who are essentially associated with diplomacy and accepted as an actor. To serve the purpose of the study, literature review and content analysis methods were preferred and the study was written within this framework. In this context, first of all, it was noted that the diplomacy dimension of education is of great importance within the duties and responsibilities of Education Counsellors in the perspective of diplomacy and education and that educational diplomacy opens a different window in inter-state relations. In the study, the roles of Education Counsellors' Offices and Education Counsellors, who are not very visible but make valuable contributions to education diplomacy, are discussed and finally, it is aimed to contribute to the literature by recommending the establishment of an academy that will ensure that Counsellors as practitioners of education diplomacy are conscious of education diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

City diplomacy has turned to new searches in the 21st century to get results especially in the fight against global climate change, while it had a lower profile application area in international relations in the 20th century. The research question of this article, by focusing on the age of transboundary crises is to examine why cities need to be involved in solving global problems and their capacity to contribute in the Urban 20 (U20) U20 case study. This study aims to contribute to the international relations city diplomacy literature by examining U20 with the case study method. The biggest difference of the 21st century from previous centuries is that the problems are transboundary and global, as in the examples of global warming and the Corona pandemic, and the motivation to act jointly takes priority because no international organization, state or other actors can solve these problems alone. In this article, brief information about city diplomacy and international local diplomacy organizations is given at first, and then, it is concluded that cooperation between cities can be beneficial in combating global problems with multilayered stag hunt theory. It is also concluded that city diplomacy has a limited effect on international relations and does not have a legal sanction power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Omer Halisdemir Universitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Omer Halisdemir University, Faculty of Economics & Admistrative Sciene and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Post-Truth, Uluslararası İlişkiler’de önemsenmese de disiplininin ikili (dyadic) yaklaşımı, Batı-Öteki ilişkilerinde ve kavramın özündeki duygular ve duyguların kamusal alana yansımaları açısından alternatif bakış açıları sağlamaktadır. Post-Truth farklı anlamlarda veya farklı bağlamlarda kullanılsa da bu çalışmada, kavramın özünün duyguların rasyonalitenin karşısında bir gerçeklik referansı olarak alınması olduğu ileri sürülmüştür. Post-Truth’un gözlemlenebilen bir sürecin sonunda, Batı’nın kendini bir varoluşsal krizde bulması olduğu söylenebilir. Bunun temelinde, duyguların artık siyasette görünür halde olduğu iddia edilebilir. Dünyanın birçok noktasındaki gibi Batı’da kamusal alan sosyal medya ile genişlemiş ve bireyler hayatlarının nerdeyse her alanını, duyguları baskın olduğu bir biçimde kamusal alana taşımaya devam etmektedirler. Post-Truth’tan önceki yılın sözcüklerinin de gösterdiği üzere, bireyler, iletişim araçlarının duyguların ifade edilmelerini sağlayacak şekilde evrimleşmeleri sonucu siyasal alanda duyguların görünür olduğu bir yapının gelişimini sağlamıştır. Duyguların kendilerini biçimlendirmediğini savunan ve bunu kendisini ötekisinden farklı ve üstün kılan bir varoluşsal varsayım olarak içselleştiren toplumlar artık ötekisine benzemekte ve aradaki farklılıklar bulanıklaşmaktadır.

Devlet egemenliği ve diplomasi, modern uluslararası siyasal sistemin birbiriyle yakından ilişkili iki önemli yapı taşı görünümündedir. Modern uluslararası siyasal sistemde, egemenliklerini karşılıklı olarak kabul eden temel aktör konumundaki devletlerin yetkili temsilcileri aracılığıyla yürütülen diplomasi yoluyla resmi temaslar kurdukları varsayımı hâkimdir. Bu çalışmada, uluslararası siyasette Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde beliren yeni eğilimlerin etkisiyle dönüşen, devlet egemenliği ve diplomasi arasındaki etkileşim ele alınmaktadır. Söz konusu etkileşim ulus-altı aktörlerin diplomasiye eklemlenmesi anlamına gelen paradiplomasi ve diplomasi pratiği içinde yer alan kişilerle yapılan saha çalışmasından elde edilen verilerden hareketle nitel yöntemle analiz edilmektedir. Çalışmada ilk olarak devlet egemenliği kavramı ve tarihsel dönüşümü üzerinde durulmaktadır. İkinci olarak diplomasinin dönüşümü ve özellikle bu dönüşüm sürecinde paradiplomasinin diplomasinin görmezden gelinemez bir parçası haline gelmesi süreci incelenmektedir. Çalışmada üçüncü olarak devlet egemenliği ve diplomaside yaşanan dönüşümlerin karşılıklı ürettikleri sonuçlar paradiplomasi örneğinden hareketle sunulmaktadır. Çalışma diplomasi ve devlet egemenlik etkileşiminin güncel ve gelecekteki görünümüne dair değerlendirmeler ile sona ermektedir.

Copyright of Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The field of Political Psychology is an interdisciplinary academic field rooted in both psychology and Political Science. This field, drawing from both sciences, offers the opportunity to analyze issues from a multifaceted perspective. Disciplines like International Relations, requiring in-depth analysis for successful findings, stand to benefit significantly from this field. Consequently, there's a growing relationship between Political Psychology and International Relations. This study aims to underscore the necessity of Political Psychology in researching International Relations. Within this framework, the study explicates the nature and evolution of Political Psychology, examines its interdisciplinary perspectives and approaches concerning subjects within International Relations, and discusses academic criticisms of this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Teknolojinin gelişimiyle küresel olarak toplulukların birbirleriyle benzeşmeye başladığı görülmüştür. Bu benzeşmelerin bir sonucu olarak ortak duygular, ortak ürünler, ortak ilişkiler artış göstermiştir. Bu gelişmelerin sonucunda küreselleşme 1980’lerin başından beri literatürde tartışılan kavramlardan biri haline gelmiştir. Bu bağlamda devletlerin de zamanla birbirleriyle olan ilişkilerinde kullandıkları yöntemler değişime ve gelişime uğramıştır. Uluslararası İlişkiler ulus devlet temelinde işlese de küreselleşmenin milliyetçi duygularını hem törpülediği hem de köpürttüğü yadsınamaz bir gerçek haline gelmiştir. Küreselleşme sonucunda Uluslararası İlişkilerde değişimin mi yoksa sürekliliğin mi öncelenmesi gerektiği tartışmaları karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Aktörler, ilişkilerini düzenlerken uyguladıkları yöntemlerdeki değişimlere, çoğu zaman tedbirli bir tutum takınmışlardır. Dolayısıyla “Devlette süreklilik esastır” anlayışı uluslararası ilişkilerde geçerliliğini ne kadar koruyabilir başka bir tartışma konusudur. Gücü elinde bulunduran mekanizmalar sürekliliği mi değişimi mi istemektedir, yoksa her ikisi de farklı metotlarla da olsa birlikte kullanılabilir mi? Gibi sorulara bilim insanları cevap bulmaya çalışmaktadır. Uluslararası İlişkilerin kavramlarından biri olan diplomasi de küreselleşmenin etkisiyle değişime uğramıştır. Konferanslar, ikili görüşmeler teknolojiden faydalanılarak görüntülü haberleşme uygulamaları üzerinden daha sık ve yoğun yapılmaya başlanmıştır. Zaman ve mekân kavramının giderek ortadan kalktığı, mesafelerin kısaldığı, hemen her türlü bilgiye hızlıca ulaşılabildiği günümüzde bu avantajlar küreselleşmenin sınırsız bir dünya sunduğunu iddialarını gündeme getirmiştir. Bu çalışmada da tüm bu gelişmelerin sonucu olarak uluslararası ilişkilerde değişimin minör mü olacağı yoksa küreselleşmenin uluslararası ilişkilerde majör değişiklilere yol açıp açmayacağı incelenmiştir. Başka bir ifadeyle uluslararası ilişkilerde sürekliliğin mi yoksa değişimin mi kalıcı olacağı tartışılmıştır.

The period of World War I and World War II is a very important period of time for Turkey and Spain, where the struggle for existence and survival is experienced. The relationship between the states of Türkiye and Spain, which are located at two different ends of the Mediterranean, goes back a long way in terms of historical process. The study dealt with the relations between the Republic of Türkiye and Spain from a political and economic point of view between the years 1923-1939 and tried to analyze how cyclical developments affect bilateral relations. The main question sought to be answered in the study was how the relations of Türkiye and Spain, which lived through the periods of the Kingdom, the Republic and the Civil War from 1923 to 1939, developed politically and economically in all three phases. The study evaluates Türkiye-Spain relations from the perspective of Türkiye with the method of document analysis between the years 1923-1939 and evaluates them from the perspective of Turkish foreign policy. In the study, which was handled in terms of archival sources, official and periodicals and secondary sources of the Republic of Türkiye, the phases of Türkiye-Spain relations between the years 1923-1939, which can be considered as early, were discussed in terms of Türkiye and evaluated in terms of historical perspective. The study is expected to be a source of literature on the relations between Spain and Türkiye with its original sources, broad perspective, analysis and originality. Considering the Türkiye-Spain relations between 1923-1939, it was seen that the will of the two countries to realize bilateral relations was not at the desired level due to the unstable political developments in Spain.

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Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute / Selçuk Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Journal of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The studies considered to be the origins of the Internationals Relations (IR) discipline in Japan date back before the Meiji Period. The Japanese victory over Russia in 1905 extended the IR's scope to include Japan, as in many other topics. Yet, the discipline in Japan, under the influence of the German staatslehre tradition (German general theory of the state) for a long time, declared as the scapegoat of defeat in the Pacific War was dulled until the 1970s. Nihonjinron tradition (日本人論 - focusing on the Japanese national and cultural identity) became prominent with its broader discussion on comprehensive security, human security, and pacifism. This study, handling the evolution of the IR discipline from the beginning of the Meiji period through periodization, presents extra importance in terms of the discipline's transformation in the post-1973 period. In the end, the development of the discipline, the alternation of its concepts, and gain of its present meanings are analyzed with reference to the numerical increase in IR and field studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Omer Halisdemir Universitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Omer Halisdemir University, Faculty of Economics & Admistrative Sciene and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

“Yumuşak güç” kavramı uluslararası ilişkilerin önemli unsurlarından biridir. Bu araç son yıllarda birçok ülke tarafından uygulanmaktadır. Türkiye de “yumuşak güç” araçlarını etkili biçimde kullanabilen ülkeler arasında yer almaktadır. Türkiye’nin bu doğrultuda en önemli aktörlerinden biri Yurtdışı Türkler ve Akraba Topluluklar Başkanlığı’dır (YTB). YTB kamu diplomasisi aracı olarak bu görevini çeşitli projeler vasıtasıyla icra etmektedir. Türkiye Mezunları programı da bu programlardan biridir. Çalışmanın odak noktası YTB tarafından yürütülen Türkiye Mezunları projesidir. Bu çalışma anavatanlarında bürokraside üst düzey görevler icra eden Türkiye mezunu uluslararası öğrencilerin ikili ilişkilerdeki etkisini ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu bağlamda kendi ülkelerinde bakanlık görevi üstlenen Türkiye mezunları çalışmanın ilgi alanıdır. Diğer yandan araştırmada bazı önemli bürokratlar da ele alınmaktadır. Bu çalışma Türkiye’nin hali hazırda başarılı dış politika yürüttüğü bölge ve ülkelerin üst düzey görevlileri arasında YTB bursları ile Türkiye’de lisans veya lisansüstü eğitim görmüş Türkiye mezunlarının olduğunu iddia etmektedir. Çalışmada söylem analizi bilimsel araştırma yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Türkiye’de 1964-2016 yılları arasında eğitim görerek ülkesine döndükten sonra üst düzey göreve atanmış 13 uluslararası öğrenci çalışma kapsamında ele alınmaktadır. Bu doğrultuda Bosna-Hersek Federasyonu, Somali, Kosova, Libya, Tanzanya, Azerbaycan, Arnavutluk, Irak Kürt Bölgesel Yönetimi (IKBY), Bulgaristan, Endonezya ve Slovakya’yı kapsayan on ülke ve bir bölgesel yönetim incelenmiştir. Söylem analizi yöntemi ile mezunların Türkiye algıları ve Türkiye hakkında kendi ülkelerine döndükten sonraki süreçteki söylemleri analiz edilmektedir. Çalışma kapsamında kişilerin demeçleri, resmi gazete gibi asli kaynaklar ile birlikte, konuya yönelik bilimsel çalışmalar ve süreli yayınlar gibi tali kaynaklar da kullanılmaktadır. * Bu makale, 2. Türkiye Sosyal Bilimler Sempozyumu’nda sözlü olarak sunulan ancak tam metni yayımlanmayan “Bir Yumuşak Güç Unsuru Olarak YTB: Türkiye Mezunu Üst Düzey Bürokratlar” adlı tebliğin içeriği geliştirilerek ve kısmen değiştirilerek üretilmiş hâlidir.

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Copyright of Ankara University SBF Journal / Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi is the property of Ankara University SBF Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dünyanın birbiriyle daha entegre olduğu ve bütünleştiği dönem küreselleşme çağı diye isimlendiriliyor. Sermayenin, ürünlerin ve fikirlerin serbestçe dolaşıma girdiği bu dönemde sermaye, ürünler ve fikirler kadar olmasa da bir insan hareketliliği de yaşanmıştır. Gerek işçi göçüyle gerekse de ulaşımdaki gelişmelerin sayesinde turizmle insanların farklı ülkelere ve haliyle farklı kültürlere seyahati de mümkün olmuştur. Bu gelişmelerin etkisiyle farklı kültürler de küresel düzeyde etkileşime girmiş, teknolojinin ve iletişim araçlarının gelişimi ile yerel kültürler de zenginleşmiş, zenginleşmenin yanında belli seviyede homojenleşme de gerçekleşmiştir. Fakat zorunlu göç kapsamında insanların başka ülkelere seyahatinin artmasıyla birlikte kültürün mobilizasyonuna tepkiler de artmaya başlamıştır. Göç eden insanların sosyo-ekonomik seviyelerinin düşük olması ve hayat tarzlarındaki farklılıklar ve göç ettikleri yerlerdeki yaşam tarzına ve kültürel unsurlarına adapte olmakta zorluk yaşamaları hem göçmenlere karşı tepkileri artırmış hem de küreselleşme ve kültürdeki homojenleşmeyi azaltmıştır. Dünya da ayrımcılığa dayalı popülist politikaların da yükselişe geçtiği bir dönemde göçmenler bundan olumsuz etkilenmişlerdir. Küreselleşme de bundan zarar görmüş ve insanlar eskiden benzerlikleri üzerinden bir ilişki zemini kurarlarken şimdilerde farklılıkları üzerinden birbirlerini ötekileştirmeye başlamışlardır.

This study analyzes the US soft power before and after President Trump took power. It argues that the US soft power had been waning before the Trump administration due to its foreign policy. While the US is still attractive in many cultural and institutional aspects, its foreign policy contributes less to its soft power. In addition, there was a Trump effect on US soft power as such that his unpredictable and contradictory character and ‘America First’ policy damaged the US image. Besides, the raid into US congress and pro-active foreign policy followed by Biden hint that post-Trump period might also be problematic in terms of soft power. This study also asserts that Trump gave some correct decisions such as withdrawing troops from battlefields. While analyzing the US soft power, this study also questions the conceptualization of soft power and smart power and introduces new arguments. The study aims to propose new ideas about the US soft power and partly the concept of soft power via reviewing the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It was accepted that the modern and systematic relations between the states started with the Treaty of Westphalia and were evaluated in other social sciences until the 20th century. In the 20th century, there were three major breaks, namely the First World War, the Second World War and the Cold War, which changed the international system. With this series of events that started with the First World War, these relations began to be placed on a theoretical basis. After each of these great wars, which negatively affected the world order, the theoretical approach put forward about why the wars broke out, how to restore order and what measures should be taken to prevent it from happening again, criticized the theoretical thought system that was formed before it, because the current approach provided the operation, but in practice it was insufficient or even unsuccessful. Each of the theories revealed from these approaches has been interpreted and designed according to the conditions of the period. Idealism, which tried to provide peace after the First World War, was the first theoretical approach of International Relations, which became a discipline in this period. The first reaction to idealism, whose claims cannot be put into practice in ensuring international stability, came from the realist approach, which claims that wars cannot be prevented in the anarchic international system. These two approaches, which will be evaluated in the traditionalist group in the future, have made important contributions to the development of International Relations. In the 1990s, conflicts between the groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which included different ethnic groups, caused the Bosnian War, which was described as the bloodiest war after the great world wars. The war could only be stopped with the Dayton Peace Agreement, which was signed with the intervention of international organizations towards the end of 1995. The main reason for the intervention was to threaten the security of Europe rather than the peace and prosperity of the country. Because the signed Treaty served the interests of the intervening international organizations rather than serving its purpose, and a new state structure was built in the country in line with these interests. As a result, the Treaty remained far from solving the problems and even brought new problems with it. Even today, for the conflicts within the country continue and this Treaty does not meet the needs, new solutions were needed. In this study, idealism and realism, which put International Relations on a theoretical basis, have been tried to be embodied within the scope of the Bosnian War and the Dayton Peace Treaty. For this purpose, a general framework was formed by explaining the two theories and the inconsistencies between them. Afterwards, the attitudes and behaviors of the great states and international organizations that shape the theories in the War and Peace in question were examined. In this direction, it has been tried to reveal how international agreements should be and how they are. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) is the property of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Throughout history, there have been many debates about knowledge and knowability. Especially in social sciences, whether or not objective information can be provided is still a matter of debate. According to feminism, which is one of the parties to this discussion, the background, identity, and gender of the researcher have an effect on the interpretation of the events and the shaping of the conceptual thoughts and thus the production of knowledge. The fact that women could not take place in higher education as much as men until the middle of the 20th century, has caused the social sciences to be dominated by the discourses produced only by men and a masculine world view. When it comes to international relations and security studies; men, being the overwhelming majority of decision makers and practitioners, has led to the lack of a feminine worldview in these areas. The end of the Cold War, beyond the foresight of traditional approaches, brought about the questioning of these approaches that have been dominating the discipline, and thus Feminism has found a place in both international relations discipline and security studies. Feminism, which deals with the main issues of the discipline with its feminine perspective, has come up with unique approaches to the discipline. When it comes to security, putting people, and women particularly, as the subject of security and working on threats to these subjects, has broadened our view of security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tetkik is the property of Oku Okut Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)