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The article analyzes public-private partnership as a legal institution of the Republic of Turkey. The authors examine the process of formation and development of this institution in the context of the global trend of its popularization as an instrument of economic policy. At the same time, it is emphasized that if in the era of the Ottoman Empire, public-private partnership was used as a way to pressure European countries on a weakening Port, then at the end of the last century this institution became widespread in the country as a mechanism for implementing neoliberal economic policy. The paper analyzes the current legislation regulating public-private partnership. The authors state the absence of a single normative legal act, as well as analyze the reasons for the current situation. The essence of each law is revealed in an inextricable connection with various models of public-private partnership. Special attention is paid to the sectors of the economy in which certain models are used. Special attention is paid to the peculiarities of the legal status of public-private partnership in Turkey. It is assumed that such a feature can be considered the active support of the state in the financing of the most significant projects. The paper emphasizes the focus of the country’s authorities on attracting foreign investment through public-private partnership. As the important feature the authors consider the broad powers of municipal authorities in the field of attracting business to the implementation of infrastructure projects. It is emphasized that this circumstance should not escape the attention of Russian researchers, since the participation of Russian commercial organizations in projects implemented by municipal authorities opens up new opportunities in strengthening the influence and positions of domestic business in this country. The article analyzes the ideologization of Turkey’s approach to the analysis of public-private partnership on the part of the academic community.

This article critically examines the transformative commitment to modernization and nation-building in Turkish Republic, focusing on the pivotal role played by spaces of knowledge. The study begins with a theoretical analysis of the complex relationship between political power, knowledge and space. The concrete analysis starts with the examination of People’s Houses, envisioned as cultural and political centers spreading Republican principles and the new national identity. The analysis extends to museums established by the new regime, demonstrating their ideological underpinnings as spaces generating a specific knowledge on the nation through the collection of memories. The article then explores theaters, cinemas, and operas, emphasizing their contribution to shaping cultural policies of the new Turkish nation state. Shifting to libraries, it traces the historical evolution culminating in the establishment of the National Library in Ankara and its role in nation-building process. Throughout, the article delves into the complexities of preserving national identity through these spaces of knowledge, offering a comprehensive understanding of Türkiye’s modernization journey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the public values, usability, and readability attributes of national level e-government Websites in Turkey. The Website analysis included 112 sites in the E-Government Gateway. The Websites were evaluated on the basis of public values aspects of accessibility, public participation, trust and legitimacy (i.e., transparency/openness and security/privacy), dialogue, service delivery quality, and accountability. The research also aims to examine the usability of Turkey's national Websites and assess their usability using online diagnostic methods. The pages are evaluated according to a selection of usability criteria: bounce rate, design optimization, download time, Google page rank, markup validation, mobile accountability, page size, response time, traffic rank (Turkey), and traffic rank (Global). Lastly, three most popular readability measures, Flesch–Kincaid Reading Ease, Flesch–Kincaid Grade Level, and Gunning Fog Index have been used to assess readability of national level Turkish government Websites. Results reveal that the situation in Turkey is far from satisfying with regards to overall performance of e-government services. Additionally, the results of this study depicted that the usability and performance criteria are neglected in these Websites. Lastly, the study also revealed readability and security vulnerabilities in the Websites. The findings of the study have critical theoretical, practical, and policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the second half of the nineteenth century, translation activities began to be seen in the field of literature in the Ottoman State. Although translations were made mainly from French literature in this period, translations from English literature were also made. This article will focus on how the English poet John Milton was known and perceived by the Turkish literary and intellectual public, first during the Ottoman Empire and then during the Republic of Turkey. Articles about Milton and the firstly translations of his poems will be included, and the Ottoman Empire's view of Milton and his works will also be discussed as reflected in the Ottoman State archives. Apart from these, it will also be emphasized how the perception of John Milton in Turkey followed in the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey, along with the change of regime and approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study is devoted to the Five Syllabic Poets who were active in the early twentieth century, during the transformation of the Ottoman Empire into the Turkish Republic. This period was marked not only by important political and social changes, but also by dramatic transformations in the cultural sphere, including literature. The Five Syllabic Poets, also known as the “Five Silabists”, aimed to create a new, authentic Turkish poetry that reflected the spirit and needs of modern Turkish society. They made a significant contribution to Turkish literature, noting their approach to poetry and their desire to make it accessible to a wide audience. The Five Syllabic Poets sometimes made use of the materials of folk literature, which were used in a decorative style. The beauties of the country, the realities of Anatolia with its people and landscapes, their personal feelings, especially the national and historical. The fact that all five poets express a number of folk literature motifs in the treatment of these subjects shows their sensitivity to this issue. The poetry of these poets also reflects the impact of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk’s reforms on the literary process, indicating important changes in the consciousness of Turkish society during the period of transformation. The analysis of the works of the Five Syllabic Poets allows us to better understand and evaluate the historical context and cultural transformations in Turkey at the turn of the century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Lausanne Peace Treaty, signed as a result of the Lausanne Peace Conference, is one of the most important political events of the first quarter of the 20th century. Started on November 20, 1922, this conference ended with the signing of the Lausanne Peace Treaty on July 24, 1923, following tough negotiations. The greatest importance of this treaty for the Turkey is that it not only formalized the great victory it had won on the battlefields, but also confirmed the independence of the Turkey. The Turkish Nation officially ended a long period of war with the signing of this treaty. With this treaty, the existence of the Turkey was recognized and its independence and sovereignty were accepted by the whole world. The movement to gain the independence of the Turkish homeland, which was ignited by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s departure to Samsun, reached its final result with the signing of the Lausanne Peace Treaty on July 24, 1923. As a matter of fact, the Lausanne Peace Treaty is the proof on the table that the enemy forces were completely expelled from the Turkish lands with the War of Independence, which was resisted against the destruction of the Turkish lands occupied as a result of the First World War. The conference process and the treaty were of great importance not only for Turkey, but also for influencing the internal and external policies of all states participating and not participating in the conference. Soviet Russia was at the forefront of these countries. Soviet Russia believed that many issues such as the issue of Turkey’s independence, the Straits, the Black Sea and the Caucasus were of its own concern. These issues determined Soviet Russia’s approach and theses regarding the conference. Soviet Russia did not want Turkey to make any concessions, especially regarding the Straits. This approach of the Soviets was not limited to their foreign policy at the time. In the studies written both in that period and in the following years, this period was analyzed in detail in the sources. All these studies and works written in Russia are of great importance in terms of showing us how a country that was not a direct party to the war saw and evaluated this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the coverage of the first years of the formation of the Turkish Republic by the central publications of Soviet Ukraine in the 1920s and early 1930s - the newspapers "Visty VUTSVK (All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee)" and "Communist". The ideological basis of the publications was class principles, which determined the dominance on the newspapers pages of the topics of the labor and communist movements, their struggle against the capitalist system in other countries. A certain exception to this was the interwar Turkish Republic. Compared to other countries, given its close cooperation with Soviet state entities at the time, the events in Turkey were generally covered in a positive light, emphasizing the Soviet factor. The materials of the Ukrainian Soviet newspapers highlight the main domestic political and international circumstances of the formation of the Turkish Republic. There are shown the conclusion and implementation of the Treaty of Lausanne of 1923, the abolition of the sultanate, the proclamation of the republic, the liquidation of the caliphate, the policy of the first president M. Kemal, the country's foreign policy, etc. The presence of an ideological component and the use of the appropriate Soviet terminology are indispensable in the assessment of events. The national liberation struggle of Turkey in 1919-1923 was evaluated as an anti-imperialist revolution, against monarchism, clericalism, and feudalism, aimed at the creation of a national state. The Turkish bourgeoisie and peasantry were presented as the social base of the revolution. The formation of the Turkish Republic was assessed as a progressive phenomenon "during the days of imperialist wars and proletarian revolutions". The Turkish revolution was assessed as the greatest among the "oppressed peoples of colonial and semi-colonial countries" of the East. The greatest attention to coverage of Turkish-Soviet relations was a feature of the Soviet newspapers. It was argued that the establishment of Bolshevik power in Russia in 1917 and their subsequent policies became a model for the Turkish revolution. Despite the political bias, the relevant materials are an important source of the peculiarities of the perception of the first republic in the Middle East in the official Ukrainian Soviet media space. The official documents published in the newspapers retain a certain information value for the study of interstate Turkish-Soviet relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to elucidate the changes in the security policy of the Turkish Republic, brought about by both internal factors due to the peculiarities of the state (e.g., the ethnic structure of the population) and external factors related to changes in the international environment (location in the part of the Middle East bordering the unstable areas of the Caucasus, the Balkans, and Iraq and Syria). After an initial period when Turkey pursued a policy of neutrality in international relations, there was a strategic turn toward the West after World War II. The last three decades have been a period of restoring relations with countries in the region and building a new security strategy based on the doctrine of deterrence and advanced defense, and, since the civil war in Syria, assertive military activism. According to the author, the overemphasis on hard power tools may contribute to the emergence of various types of balancing movements (by state and non-state actors) that may threaten Ankara's strategic interests. Balancing moves can cause geopolitical alienation and limit Turkey's freedom of action, reducing the effectiveness of diplomatic efforts, which are an essential tool for resolving international conflicts. The article draws on interviews the author conducted with Turkish researchers. These included Ferhat Pirinççi of Uludağ University in Bursa (7.11.2022), and Murat Aslan and Bilgehan Öztürk of the SETA Foundation in Ankara (15-16.11.2022).

It is almost a commonplace to say that the Ottoman Empire was succeeded by the Republic of Turkey. Nevertheless, it is not true. When the Ottoman sultanate was abolished in November 1922, that abolition in itself was not fiercely contested. The debates concentrated on two other issues: the creation of a “spiritual” Caliphate (a complete novelty in the world of Islam) and first and foremost guarantees that the current system of government in Ankara would be maintained. That system was that of the National Assembly which elected individual commissars from its midst. It was this political system, with a very powerful elected legislature and a weak and dependent executive, that replaced the Ottoman Empire.

This article celebrates the 50th anniversary of nuclear medicine in Turkey, coinciding with the 100th anniversary of the Turkish Republic. The recognition of nuclear medicine as a separate medical branch and residency program in Turkey preceded many other countries. The practice of nuclear medicine in Turkey has evolved over the years, with advancements in technology and the production of radiopharmaceuticals. The Turkish Society of Nuclear Medicine was founded in 1975 to support the discipline and its professionals. The article provides a brief history of nuclear medicine in Turkey and highlights the achievements and contributions of various individuals and organizations. [Extracted from the article]

When the Ottoman Empire declared armed neutrality in August 1914, parts of its territory had already been under siege since April 1909. Wartime mobilisation extended the emergency measures geographically. Except for a brief period of 'normality' in 1912, the imperial and republican states declared one state of siege after another from 1909 to 1927 (and well beyond). Although the nature of the state, its name, and its capital changed, the use of extraordinary powers remained a near constant. That is, the exception became the norm. Even if the specific justifications for each declaration of a state of siege varied slightly over time, the justification remained the same: to safeguard the state and, later, the nation, against threats to its very existence. Internal enemies were feared the most, although the actions of external enemies were occasionally invoked, both directly and indirectly, as a reason for maintaining extraordinary powers. Frequently, the internal enemy took the form of a non-Muslim and/or non-Turkish 'other': Ottoman Greeks, Ottoman Armenians, and Ottoman and Turkish Republican Kurds. Occasionally, of course, Muslims and Turks could also become 'the enemy', but mostly as 'suspect' individuals or small groups, never as collectivities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Yalova's significance as a laboratory for urban development and republican architecture during the early years of the Turkish Republic under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Focusing on the Atatürk Mansion, designed by Giulio Mongeri, and Yalova's comprehensive urban initiatives, the study explores Atatürk's vision for modernization and architectural identity. Drawing from primary and secondary sources, it analyzes the city's domestic and international influence, highlighting its lasting legacy in shaping Turkey's architectural heritage. Yalova stands as a testament to Atatürk's commitment to progress, modernization, and the ideals of the Turkish Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mersin University School of Medicine Lokman Hekim Journal of History of Medicine & Folk Medicine is the property of Mersin University School of Medicine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The act of drinking enjoyed a multi-layered history in the Ottoman Empire, taking into consideration that drinking is a social practice formed mainly through “lived experience”. Indeed, it underwent considerable changes during the 19th and early 20th centuries, affecting all Muslims. İstanbul, the capital city of the Empire, became the archetype of this change. However, Ankara deserves some closer scrutiny as it is the most obvious setting for the expression of a profound transformation of drinking practices of an Anatolian city and as it witnessed a transition to the new capital of the Turkish Republic. This examination enables us to question and reconsider the ideal types of imperial past-modern republic, centre-periphery, secular-conservative, bureaucracy-society and the moment of change in the light of socio-spatial practice of drinking places. “Perceived”, “conceived”, and “lived” experiences of space shows that, above these typologies, drinking practices of Ankara changed over time under the influence of political and bureaucratic decisions, economic development, local notables, social upheavals and dynamic class formation.

In the 1920s and early 1930s, Turkish women did not experience Kemalist politics in a monolithic fashion. Novels by Suat Derviş (1904/5–72) and Nezihe Muhiddin (1889–1958) served as critical commentary on women's experiences across different age cohorts. While the regime called for "new," "modern" women, those of a marriageable age found themselves in a paradoxical position: embrace the regime's reforms yet face familial and societal censure for this behavior. Derviş and Muhiddin were politically engaged, astute thinkers whose fiction documented transformations and continuities in the early republican era. In Behire'nin Talipleri (1923) and Fatma'nın Günahı (1924) by Derviş and Güzellik Kraliçesi (1935) by Muhiddin, the authors critically demonstrated that age produced distinct emotional and social outcomes for young Turkish women. I argue that both Muhiddin and Derviş highlighted and critiqued these persistent challenges and how often-contradictory demands for their subjecthood intensified in the early republican era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Propaganda is a method used to persuade the public on any subject. Yale Approach developed by Carl Hovland stands out with the features of message, recipient, and source of the message. For the message to be effective, it must give fear, repeat, express the opposite opinion, and include feelings and facts at the same time. Based on this information, "Can one of the propaganda methods used by the press in the Early Republican period be defined as 'Yale Approach'?" research question arises. By finding the answer to this question, the propaganda techniques used in the Early Republican period press can be understood. For this purpose, the propaganda language used by the Cumhuriyet newspaper, about the 1930 Ağrıdagı Rebellion was analyzed by content analysis method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the background and diplomatic strategies of the Turkish delegation at Lausanne and their selective understanding of self-determination, excluding non-Turkic and non-Muslim people in Anatolia from the 'self' that has the right to determine its national existence. It also elaborates on the reasons why the Allies acknowledged this exclusion in the Treaty of Lausanne of 1923. We borrow from Erez Manela's interpretation of the 'Wilsonian moment' to frame these diplomatic and political developments and to show how and why the democratic intent of Wilson's idea of self-determination vanished in the framing of the Peace Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article reveals the peculiarities of implementing «neo-Ottoman» Imperial model of modernization and development in the Republic of Turkey. The article highlights such trends as the growth of centralization and authoritarianism in the system of state power, the desecularization of public life, expansionism in foreign policy. Paying close attention to the inal claim the author seeks to show mostly the extroverted nature of the Turkish model of modernization, including the achievement of success through the mobilization of the resource base of states and regions once the part of the Ottoman Empire.

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Osmanlı-Türk modernleşme tarihi içindeki tartışmalı konulardan biri, Osmanlı ile Cumhuriyet dönemleri arasındaki kopuş ve süreklilik etrafında ortaya çıkmıştır. Osmanlı Devleti’nin doğrudan varisi olan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti 1923’ten sonra ortaya koyduğu bir dizi radikal reformla birlikte, Osmanlı geçmişinden kopmaya başlamıştır. Bu yönelim, özellikle 1930’dan sonra belirgin hale gelmiş ve adına Kemalizm denen bir ideolojik çerçeve içinde, imparatorluk bakiyesi sosyal ve kültürel mirasın üzeri çizilmiş ve görmezden gelinmiştir. Bu amaca dönük olarak Cumhuriyet ideolojisi, yeni bir tarih yazımı ve kavramsallaştırmasına girişmiş ve buna paralel olarak bütün okul kitapları ve tarih eğitimi de yeni benimsenen ideolojik duruşa göre yeniden düzenlenmiştir. Bu makale, bütün bu süreci erken Cumhuriyet düşüncesinde Namık Kemal algısının analizi üzerinden ele almaktadır. Uzun Osmanlı-Türk modernleşme sürecinin öncü isimlerinden biri olan Namık Kemal’in etkisi, 1923’ten sonra da devam etmiş ve özellikle 1938’de Atatürk’ün ölümünün ardından Namık Kemal, Osmanlı geçmiş ile Cumhuriyet gerçeği arasında bir bağlantı kurmaya girişen bir grup entelektüel için temel bir dayanak noktası olarak işlev görmüştür. Tarihsel miras kavrayışının yeniden dönüşüme girdiği bu dönemde, Namık Kemal geçmiş ile bugün arasında bir köprü işlevi görmüştür.

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Copyright of MEMLEKET: Politics & Administration / Siyaset Yönetim is the property of Local Governments Research, Assistance & Education Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey’s policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism». Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values». The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with “Western democracies”, which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism» and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values». Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture». Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect». In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».

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This article consist construction industry in Turkish Republic in various perspectives. First of all we will indicate about the history of the construction industry in Turkey and how an infant industry became World's second largest construction sector. We will mention their footsteps, obstacles, government supports and government relationships between the construction companies. We will also examine the business model agreement used by Turkish Government at inland constructions we will discuss positive and negative outcomes of this model. We will also comment the consequences of the strategic decision done by Turkish Government by choosing construction industry as a locomotive industry for economic and industrial growth. Finally we will argue efficiently of construction industry for sustainable economic growth and sustainable economic development.

Osmanlı döneminde “Müslümanlar”ın, Cumhuriyet döneminde ise “Türk soyundan olan veya Türk kültürüne bağlı bulunanların”, Türkiye’ye Balkanlar’dan zorunlu göçlerinin başlıca benimsenen nedenleri; soykırımlar, saldırılar, harpler, yağmalar, baskı ve ayrımlar, sürgünler ve zorla asimilasyonlar, açıkçası cana, mala, namusa, dinî veya millî kimliğe saldırılardır. Yukarıdaki amiller dolayısıyla göç hareketlerine sahne olunan bölgelerden biri de Balkanlar’daki “Yugoslavya-Makedonya” topraklarıdır. Yugoslavya’nın kendi içinde ve bu ülkenin diğer Balkan toprakları arasında, kısmen de Anadolu yönünde ilk göç hareketi, “93 Harbi” adı verilen 1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus savaşıyla başlamıştır. 1912-1913 Balkan Savaşı’yla devam etmiş, 1923-1951 döneminde fert ve aile düzeyinde, 1952-1967 yılları arasında kitlesel, 1968-1996 arasında da yine fert ve aile düzeyinde Anadolu toprakları yönünde gerçekleşmiştir. Yugoslavya’dan Türkiye’ye göçün artması, aslında Yugoslav idarecilerinin gönülden arzuladıkları bir gelişmeydi. Özellikle Türk asıllıların çoğunlukta olan Makedonya bölgesinden göçlerinin hızlandırılması, bu bölgeden Türklerin temizlenmesi amacını taşımaktaydı. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin kurulmasının 1923 hemen arkasından buraya göçler devam etmiş; Yugoslavya’dan göç olayı 1990’lı yıllara kadar sürmüştür. 1950-1958 yılları arasındaki göçlerde “serbest göçmen statüsünde gelen muhacirlere misafirperver Türk insanı, tüm maddi sıkıntılarına rağmen kucak açmış; onların normal hayata geçmeleri için yardım etmişlerdir. Yugoslavya’da çok sıkıntı çeken Müslümanlar, 1950-1958 döneminde Türkiye’ye geldiklerinde uyum problemi yaşamışlar; özellikle yiyecek içecek ile örf, âdet ve dil konusunda bir süre farklı şekillerde hareket etmişlerdir. Zaman içinde intibak eden Yugoslav muhacirleri, bugün yerli halkın imkânlarından fazlasına sahip oldukları için müreffeh bir hayat yaşamaktadırlar.

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This is a study of the responses of the Arabic and Hebrew press of Palestine to the abolitions of the Ottoman Sultanate and Caliphate. It is based on a comparative examination of the contemporary coverage of the events by the Arabic newspapers al-Karmil and Filastin and by the Hebrew newspapers Doar ha-Yom and Haaretz. The analysis yields valuable insights about how the Yishuv and the Palestinians viewed the abolitions of the Sultanate and Caliphate, the contemporary significance of these institutions, Kemalist Turkey, the rival population in Palestine, and Sharif Husayn. Mainly, it shows that the Hebrew press hailed the abolitions as revolutionary developments that would pave the road before the modernization of not only Turkey but the whole of Asia, while the Arabic press considered this too momentous a matter to be decided by Turkey alone and predicted adverse consequences for both that country and the East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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