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This study provides a comprehensive analysis of Türkiye's decision-making processes in the context of the international ozone regime, particularly focusing on the country's engagement in the Vienna Convention and the Montreal Protocol during the 1980s and early 1990s. Utilizing process tracing methodology and primary sources, and adopting an interest-based framework the research delves into Türkiye's involvement and pinpoints the principal determinants of its international environmental policy. The study argues that Türkiye's approach to environmental cooperation in the Convention and Protocol was shaped by the incentive and sanction provisions of the Montreal Protocol, efforts to align Türkiye's commercial and political relations with the European Community, the growing involvement of Western countries in the agreements, and the potential environmental prestige gained from cooperative endeavors. The study emphasizes the trade provisions and Article 5 status within the Montreal Protocol, both of which played a critical role in influencing Türkiye's policy choices. This significance primarily stems from the requirement for new calculations in abatement costs. It illuminates the causal links between specific design elements of the ozone regime and their impact on Türkiye's policy decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In what ways are emerging powers affecting the liberal international order? This study examines the increasing influence of emerging powers in international affairs and how these powers may shape the new order that is emerging. We argue that the declining roles of existing international organizations and Western diplomatic interventions have paved the way for new actors, mostly emerging powers that are now leading various interventions. Yet research has not fully captured the implications of these new powers for the emerging order. Using Turkey as a case study, the authors demonstrate that shifts within the international system are likely to have far-reaching consequences to the liberal international order and may give rise to illiberal conservative trends. The study addresses how emerging powers are likely to change the international system and relates some contributing factors. The study concludes that the shift of emerging powers towards illiberal conservativism may have a volatile impact on the liberal international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the emergence of a bureaucratic group which specialized on Cyprus, and explores the impact that this group had on decisionmaking tied to the Cyprus Question, from 1954, when Cyprus became an international issue, to 1974, with the onset of military operations on the island. Drawing on the Cyprus Military Operations as a case study, a bureaucratic-policy approach is adopted to shed light on the place of bureaucratic institutions in the foreign policy decision-making mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from Pierre Bourdieu's field theory, this article sheds light on the relationship between the AKP's foreign policy toward the Middle East and its twenty-year rule in Turkey. It argues that Turkish foreign policy can be understood by looking at the evolving strategies adopted by AKP in the political field. In the early 2010s, the AKP emphasized conservative social values, neo-liberal reformism, and support for the Arab Spring to accumulate political capital. However, as the expected regional change did not materialize, and as domestic legitimacy eroded, the party has resorted to an increasingly nationalist discourse to preserve its dominant position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the securitization of the Kurds and other opposition groups along with an anti-Western discourse has become a useful political strategy for the governing Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in Turkey. The party used these security framings to put the opposition on the defensive by equating Turkey’s survival with the maintenance of AKP’s rule. This securitization of domestic politics has also shaped the content of the category of ‘enemy’ in foreign policy with particular repercussions for Turkey’s policy towards Syria. Drawing on a discourse analysis of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Twitter posts between May 2013 and May 2023, and declarations made by prominent AKP government figures, this article reveals that the government has used securitization as a strategic tool to reinforce populist dualities. The article also shows that vague and situational conceptualizations in securitization processes provide useful channels through which the government shapes and legitimizes its foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the Ankara-based Turkish Diplomatic Archives (thrown open to the public recently), this paper explores how Turkey’s diplomatic line on (what is currently called) the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) People's Republic of China unfolded through the decade following Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s death on 10 November 1938. The documents studied here are chiefly diplomatic correspondences from the Turkish outposts in China, Japan and Afghanistan dating from 1939–1949. The study outlines how Turkey readjusted itself vis-a-vis the Uyghurs in response to its evolving geo-strategic needs – to which its religious, linguistic, and cultural continuities with the Uyghurs were secondary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

World War II was a climax in 500-year-old Turkish-Russian relations. With the war, relations between the two countries have undergone a global and regional change, effects of which continue to this day. In this phase of bilateral relations, a crucial moment in the history of Turkish diplomacy was experienced with Germany’s attack on the USSR, and transfer of Moscow Embassy to Kuybyshev. In this context, this study discusses the activities of the Turkish Embassy, also moved to Kuybyshev, between 1941-1943. The period of the Kuybyshev Embassy deals not only with the relations between the two countries, but also with the difficulties experienced by the embassy staff. The reports sent by the Ambassadors during the Moscow/Kuybyshev periods have made it possible to have some very detailed information about Turkish-Russian relations. The study presents important data on diplomatic and daily life in Soviet Russia in line with embassy reports that witnessed the most critical period of World War II, and reveals how Turkish-Soviet relations transformed by addressing a very important period for historical Turkish-Russian relations. The study was carried out on Ministry of Foreign Affairs Archive and other sources obtained by documentary source scanning method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish foreign policy has been attracting ever-increasing attention in the academic literature as the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government has been pursuing proactive, multilateral, and flexible international relations, including many shifting partnerships, fluctuations, and contradictions. Turkey’s attitude towards the recent Russian-Ukrainian conflict presents an important case to deconstruct the main components of the AKP government’s foreign policy under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan towards a flashpoint in the neighbourhood. This article aims to explore Ankara’s approach to the war between Russia and Ukraine based on the interaction of changes in global structure and domestic politics. It argues that the shifting global system, accompanied by the new identity construction of the AKP, has played a determining role in the formulation of Turkish foreign policy towards the conflict based on balancing and pragmatism. The article also concludes that Turkish foreign policy provides an important case study to understand how sui generis middle powers have been responding to global conflicts in a changing global system.

AbstractTurkey was among the countries that refused the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine which was put to vote on 29 November 1947, and this was celebrated by many Arab governments. Nevertheless, Turkey would be also the first Muslim-majority country to recognize the State of Israel on March 1949. This article explores these two seemingly contradictory decisions and the various aspects of the government’s attitude throughout the process that stretches from late 1947 to early 1949. Using predominantly Turkish primary sources, including some recently declassified diplomatic correspondences, we indicate that Turkish policy was formed by considering several factors simultaneously. These factors include the efforts to maintain friendly relations with the Arab countries, growing integration with Western countries, as well as fear of Soviet expansionism and of an eventual communist Jewish state. Through this perspective and exploring relevant documents of the period, we argue that the change which occurred in less than sixteen months does not really mean a major policy shift, that Turkey never fully supported the Arab thesis, and that it always avoided being at odds with the USA and Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how diplomatic representatives of the Republic of Türkiye assessed efforts by Japanese nationalist groups to install the deposed Ottoman Prince Mehmed Abdulkerim (Şehzade Abdülkerim Efendi) as the head of a potential Islamic state in Xinjiang. There is little existing literature addressing this historical episode, with only one English-language research article focusing on Prince Abdulkerim previously published. In our research, we draw on recently declassified and previously unexplored Turkish archives to further deepen our understanding of Prince Abdulkerim's case, specifically, and Turkish foreign policy, in general. Prince Abdulkerim's journey from the Ottoman Empire to Japan and his engagement with Pan-Asianist groups there highlight the complex diplomatic exchanges of that era. Türkiye's cautious and pragmatic response to Prince Abdulkerim's activities, including its collaboration with the USSR to counter Japan's expansionist ambitions, underscores the young Republic's priority to safeguard its domestic and international interests as perceived by the Kemalist regime. Overall, this study not only enhances our understanding of Prince Abdulkerim's case and Turkish foreign policy during the interwar period but also sheds light on the broader geopolitical shifts in early 20th-century Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reinterprets the Recep Peker cabinet's 1946 decisions to devalue the lira and deregulate foreign trade, which are often described as US-encouraged and liberalizing. The authors argue that alignment with the US did not dictate policy. They begin with World War II and show that, by 1944, Turkey had already been drawn into an Anglo-American international order. The authors then suggest that devaluation should be understood as a response: as a Europe-oriented policy with specific, short-term goals. They conclude that 1946 was less a radical liberalizing pivot than an attempt to address the difficult legacy of wartime neutrality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, Turkey has been an ally of the transatlantic bloc. As a NATO member, with a majority Muslim population and a free market economy, it was even hailed by Western powers as a model country in the 2000s. However, due to its acquisition of the S-400 missile defence system from Russia, its desire to be a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and its military presence in Syria and Libya, many analysts have argued that Turkey's foreign policy has experienced a pivot to Asia recently. This article systematically examines the current positions of various political parties in Turkey in this context using first-hand data. Through semi-structured interviews with 14 political party representatives, and by analysing their party programmes, the vision of different political parties in respect of Asia, their relations with Asian actors, their stance on Asian foreign direct investments and its environmental impacts, the Uyghur issue, and their thoughts on the period that will follow the Ukraine-Russia war are studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of International Affairs (04866096) is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Marmara University Journal of Political Science / Marmara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The potential and problems in Africa have attracted the attention of several actors, including Türkiye, to the continent. This article aims to contribute to the debates surrounding this interest by analyzing common characteristics of Africa-oriented policies. In particular, this analysis focuses on the key parameters that shaped Türkiye's initiatives through a historical perspective. We argue that the Turkish policy toward Africa revolves around several concepts. Our analysis of Türkiye's Africa policy decision-making is structured around several guiding principles: a bipartisan approach, maintaining an autonomous policy, a rational and pragmatic approach, as well as mutual affirmation. To examine policy priorities across different periods, primary sources such as parliamentary minutes, election programs, and diplomats' memoirs were analyzed, alongside periodicals from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The consistent principles of Türkiye's Africa policy include bipartisan support across governments, autonomous decision-making, and a rational, pragmatic focus on economic diplomacy. Mutual recognition and respect for African sovereignty have also been essential, resulting in a positive reception and growing partnerships with African nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses Turkish foreign policy towards the United States (US) during the Justice and Development Party (JDP) era by using a post-structuralist approach. Post-structuralism posits that foreign policy is a political practice reflecting domestic power struggles. Moreover, subjectivities and foreign policy practices are neither universal, objective, nor predetermined, since they are co-constitutive. From this theoretical perspective, the article explores the JDP's 'foreign policy' discourse on US-Turkish relations, highlighting discursive practices in legitimising specific subjectivities, such as 'conservative' and 'Muslim' ones, as 'inherent' origins of foreign policy conduct. In two phases, 2002–2009 and 2009–2016, it analyses how changes in JDP's foreign policy preferences towards the US function to legitimise or marginalise particular subjectivities in its power struggle vis-à-vis 'Kemalist' state elites. Ultimately, the article concludes that the JDP's discourse exhibits a continuity in hegemonising the 'Islamic' subjectivity ascribed to the Turkish population, despite changes in foreign policy decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Eurasian Inquiries / Avrasya Incelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Journal of Eurasian Inquiries / Avrasya Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The current relationship between the European Union (EU) and Turkey is dragged outside the standard EU accession framework and is increasingly shaped by Turkey’s positions and actions regarding a set of regional and global foreign policy issues. For the EU to carry forward Turkey’s long-stalled accession negotiations, Turkey is expected to show progress on multiple fronts, including a satisfactory level of policy alignment with the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This article provides an in-depth analysis of Turkey’s poor alignment with the EU’s CFSP positions since 2014. It looks into regional as well as international issues that occupied the agenda of EU foreign policy and explores the utility-based and normative explanations behind Turkey’s (dis)engagement in policy cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Relations & Politics is the property of Journal of International Relations & Politics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of the Faculty of Political Science / Necmettin Erbakan Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of The Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study argues that Turkey's foreign policy has undergone a transformation, specifically towards the Arab region, since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002. This transformation has taken many shapes over several periods of time, which means that these shifts may be read differently according to influencing factors and theories. It argues that the realist school is the theory most appropriate to explain this transformation, especially since 2016; New realism takes into account the internal and external factors that affect the formulation of foreign policy, and is able to analyse political decisions with rational logic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TYB Akademi Dil Edebiyat & Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Turkiye Yazarlar Birligi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of TYB Akademi Dil Edebiyat & Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Turkiye Yazarlar Birligi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey's relations with Syria have experienced two distinct periods under the AK Parti governments. While relations between Turkey and Syria were on a tense level in the 1990s due to disagreements over the distribution of Euphrates-Tigris waters and Syrian support for the PKK terrorist organization, normalization began as a result of the Adana Memorandum signed between the two countries. After normalization, there was increased cooperation in the early periods of the AK Party governments. However, with the start of the civil war, the situation changed, and it was seen that Syria had become a direct threat to Turkey. The Neoclassical Realist Theory offers a comparative analysis of foreign policy in which internal and external factors are assessed together. In this context, the study aims to compare the effects of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's leadership and the restrictive or permissive strategic environment of the international-regional system on Turkey's foreign policy towards Syria from 2002 to 2014. Findings of the research show that leadership can be effective in foreign policy to the extent allowed by the systemic strategic environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

High-level leader visits serve as credible signals in international relations, as they not only reveal the priorities of states in foreign relations but also convey messages to third parties. Observations of Turkey's elevated diplomatic encounters with Iran, China, and Russia suggest a potential deviation from the West, while visits to Middle Eastern capitals are interpreted as evidence of Turkey's Islamization. Beyond these individual cases, is it possible to identify a pattern of motivations that determine Turkey's visit dynamics? By constructing a novel dataset from primary sources like official state documents, " Turkey Visits ," which spans the period from 1989 to 2022, this study aims to both characterize the distribution patterns of high-level leader visits and investigate the underlying factors that influence these patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Democrat Party (DP), which opened a new era in Turkish political life, expanded its political base with its rhetoric and came to power with the 14 May 1950 elections. Positioning itself in the centre-right, the party became the representative of the conservative understanding in political thought. After World War II, the United States of America (USA) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) emerged as substantial balances of power in world politics. Trying to direct its foreign policy in the face of these two powers, Turkiye took a stance on the side of the USA and western states against the Soviet expansionist attitude (revision of the Montreux Straits Convention, demanding Kars and Ardahan). The foreign policy practices that Turkiye followed in favor of the western states continued to be implemented during the DP period as well. The study aims to examine and evaluate the strategy of the DP, positioned on a conservative line in the political field, in the Turkish foreign policy in line with its conservative thinking, therefore. At the end of the study, actions taken on issues such as the power of representation and security of the state, self-determination, equality, and protection of national values would appear as probable results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper delves into an assessment of the impact of Turkey's quest for status since the 2000s on changes in its foreign policy. In other words, how has Turkey's search for status influenced its foreign policy stances since the 2000s? And can we consider the changes in Turkey's foreign policy change transformational or transactional in essence? In this vein, this paper will make essential contributions to the existing literature on Turkey's status-seeking strategies by using specific cases to link them to changes in Turkey's foreign policy and assessing the extent to which they are transactional or transformational. The examination of this topic is all the more important in light of internal developments in Turkey, such as democratic backsliding and economic crisis, as well external factors such as its tense relationships with the EU, its rapprochement with Russia and China, and its increasingly proactive profile in regional crises. This paper critically assesses the pattern of Turkey's foreign policy change from transformational and transactional perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies is the property of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the Cold War, the international system was shaped by the rivalry between the U.S. and the USSR. Since the USSR constituted the primary threat to the security of Türkiye and the Western alliance it became a part of during this period, it is generally accepted that Türkiye as a member of NATO pursued a foreign policy entirely in line with Western interests. This study, however, argues otherwise by analyzing the official records that reveal the content of the high-level meetings held between Turkish President Celal Bayar and Nikita S. Ryzhov, who served as the Soviet ambassador to Ankara between 1957 and 1966. Based on these records, it is understood that a multilateral approach prevailed in Turkish foreign policy and Ankara sought to implement this approach during the most difficult years of the Cold War. In fact, during the Cold War period, Turkish-Soviet relations continued to improve in certain areas. To support this argument, the study extensively analyzes the documents obtained from the archives of the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye, which have never been published before and which were obtained with special permission for the purpose of this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the Ukraine war is the first major conflict since the end of the Cold War to bring the two major nuclear powers, the U.S. and the Russian Federation, into conflict with one another. The intense U.S. support for the Zelenski Administration in the power struggle in Ukraine and the heavy American sanctions against Russia have pitted Washington and Moscow against each other at a level never seen since the end of the Cold War. The U.S., which was silent on Russia's intervention in Georgia in 2008, reacted very harshly against Moscow in Ukraine, leading to tension similar to that of the Cold War period. Therefore, this article argues that the impact of the Ukraine war on the international system has been enormous. As a close neighbor of Russia and an ally of the U.S., Türkiye is also significantly affected by this war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara University SBF Journal / Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi is the property of Ankara University SBF Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Emerging Economies & Policy is the property of JOEEP: Journal of Emerging Economies & Policy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After its founding, the Turkish Republic kept its distance from Arab affairs. During the interwar period, Türkiye worked to develop its own national identity while maintaining a balance between imperialist and revisionist powers. After WWII, Türkiye, threatened by Soviets, joined NATO whereas the newly independent Middle Eastern states viewed Russia as an anti-colonialist friend. The coming of détente and changes in Turkish economic policy toward export-led growth, guided Türkiye to develop closer economic relations with its neighbors. Its clear foreign policy rule, however, was not getting involved in the politics of any Arab country or in inter-Arab matters. The Arab Spring led the religiously oriented AKP to judge that Türkiye could lead Sunni-majority countries. Facing total failure, Türkiye is trying to restore former relations with regional countries but lacking trust, this is a slow and only partially successful process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bu çalışma, siyasi tarihimizde ve çok partili yaşama geçişte büyük bir öneme sahip olan Demokrat Parti’nin (DP) iktidarda olduğu dönemdeki dış politikalarının Elâzığ basınında yansımalarını ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Çalışma kapsamında 1950-1960 dönemlerini kapsayan Elâzığ basınının önemli gazeteleri taranmıştır. Elâzığ’ın o dönemdeki önemli yazılı basın kaynaklarından Uluova, Turan ve Elâzığ gazetelerinden elde edilen sonuçlar değerlendirilmiştir. Araştırma çerçevesi Elâzığ ilinde yayımlanan yerel gazeteler, DP hükümetinin dış politikaları hakkında yayınlanmış haberler ve araştırmacının yorumundan oluşmaktadır. Çalışma kapsamında 1950-1960 yılları arasında yayına devam eden gazeteler incelenmiş olup 1200 civarında DP ile ilgili haber ve yazılı belgeye rastlanmıştır. Nitel vaka analizi yönteminin benimsendiği çalışma sonucunda, Elâzığ basının DP iktidarının dış siyasetteki uygulamalarını yakından takip ederek dış politikadaki gelişmelere haber içeriklerinde geniş yer verdiği görülmüştür.

Deniz kuvvetleri, sadece savaş zamanında ulusal güvenliğin teşkil edilmesinde değil barış zamanında bayrak ve varlık gösterme, barışı destekleme, insani yardım ve arama-kurtarma harekâtlarının icrasıyla da ulusal çıkarların gerçekleştirilmesinde kritik rol oynamaktadır. Özellikle barış zamanında gerçekleştirdiği faaliyetler ile dış politik hedeflere hizmet eden deniz kuvvetleri, dış politikanın önemli bir parçasını oluşturmaktadır. Türk Deniz Kuvvetleri, küresel siyasette Türkiye’nin rekabet gücüne önemli ölçüde katkı sunan hem sert hem de yumuşak güç araçlarından biridir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Cumhuriyetin 100. yılında Türk Deniz Kuvvetleri’nin ne boyutta geliştiğini incelemek ve dış politikada etkili bir ulusal güç aracı olduğunu ortaya koymaktır. Bu çalışma, Türk Deniz Kuvvetleri’nin 1997’de yayınladığı ve özellikle 2000’li yılların başından itibaren hız kazanan “Açık Denizlere Doğru” stratejisi kapsamında gerçekleştirdiği modernizasyon faaliyetleri, uluslararası harekât, tatbikat ve uygulamalar ile ülke dış politikasında daha etkin rol oynadığını savunmaktadır. Küresel gelişmeler neticesinde denizlerin artan önemi, Türk Deniz Kuvvetleri’ni donanma gücünü geliştirmeye yöneltmiş bu kapsamda donanma altyapısını oluşturan araçların sayısından çok niteliği dikkate alınmıştır. Türk donanma gücü daha teknolojik, daha milli, daha yetenekli ve daha stratejik unsurlarla donatılmış, Cumhuriyetin 100. yılında daha modern bir Türk Deniz Kuvvetleri ortaya çıkmıştır.

Turkey, as most of the nations that once were great empires, often has an conceited sense of its heydays. This often leads to a readiness to be inspired, or a vulnerability to be manipulated, by effective politicians who are able to instrumentalize this kind of narrative. Understanding the importance of Turkey’s imperial past is essential to understanding its 21st century foreign policy. Since the late 2010s, Turkey has systematically positioned itself as a power aspiring for significant strategic autonomy in international affairs, for which reason researchers had to look for new analytical approaches to describe its behaviour in the international arena and relations with its neighbours. The concept of strategic hedging allows analysing more accurately Turkey’s multidirectional foreign policy, which does not correspond with the classical models of behaviour typical of middle powers. This research argues that, due to a complex of international and domestic developments, Turkey has been trying to combine different types of balancing and, more importantly, hedging. The paper explores how Turkey, in pursuit of its main goal of becoming a major regional actor, not that is only retaining, but also is trying to enhance its strategic autonomy in international relations. The structural (neo-realist) and ideational (constructivist) approaches, and that of strategic balancing, are the main benchmarks underlying the methodological and theoretical framework of this article.

This study aims to analyse historical continuity and change in Turkish foreign policy (TFP) within the framework of Critical Theory as elucidated by Robert Cox. It suggests asking how TFP has been affected by the historical changes in relations of production and world orders. Within this framework, it aims to explain the changes in TFP within the relation between the production, the world order and the form of state. It analyses TFP in three historical periods such as the Interwar Years, Cold War and post-Cold War. It exposes that Turkish state (re)formation and foreign policy making has succumbed to the global capitalist relations of production and corresponding world orders. These two have been the major framework(s) of change and continuity in Türkiye’s 100 years-old foreign policy. Its main argument is that the continuity and change in TFP has shown an interplay of relations between production and world order. It concludes that TFP has been in line with the global relations of production so there has been a clear and substantial continuity; and that the arguable changes have been the repercussions of global relations of production and world orders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of University Research / Üniversite Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of University Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkish foreign policy under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been the subject of much change, especially as regards relations with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). We create and analyze a novel dataset of Turkey's treaties with MENA countries to offer and assess several arguments empirically. We find that Turkey became more diplomatically active in the MENA and emerged as a 'trading state' in the AKP's first decade. In the wake of the Arab Uprisings, especially after 2016, Turkey became less diplomatically active and more security oriented. However, it did not necessarily lose all of the characteristics of a 'trading state.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish foreign policy has taken a military turn in recent years. Turkey is now a major arms exporter, it hosts military bases in its neighborhood and beyond, and has engaged in conflicts in Syria and Libya. Scholars have highlighted identity and international system theories to explain the military assertiveness in Turkish foreign policy. This study proposes a domestic economy explanation. It argues that national wealth, a take-off in defence industry, and an alliance of conservative bourgeoisie and political Islamists are the primary drivers of the military turn in foreign policy. Analysis of Turkish economic development and historical trajectories of economic and bureaucratic wings of the defence industry shows that complex business-politics interactions and commercial interests of defence companies propel military assertiveness. This domestic economy framework supplements insights from the identity and international system theories to significantly add to our understanding of the military turn in Turkish foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The National Pact Project, which was approved by the Turkish parliament and became official on 28 January 1920, was approved by the Ottoman Assembly. It envisaged the security of the Turkish presence in the region, which considered Anatolia as the axis, and was based on the thesis that this security started in Northern Iraq and Northern Syria. There was a Turkish-British rivalry with the central theme of oil in Northern Iraq. Ultimately, the winner was England, which had military and political power. According to the Turkish side, the separatist movements that emerged in the last period after the Cold War and concentrated in the south of Turkey, especially in Northern Iraq, revealed the realistic aspect of the National Pact project, which was developed against possible security gaps. However, Turkey has never put the project into practice, and limited operations in areas close to the borderlines have been sufficient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Document clustering is an integral and important part of text mining. In case of classical clustering, data item belongs to only one cluster, whereas in Plithogenic approach to fuzzy clustering, data point may fall into more than one cluster. Thus, Plithogenic approach fuzzy clustering leads to wherein each data point is associated with more than one membership function that expresses the degree to which individual data points belong to the cluster. Additionally, his speeches at the UN will be analyzed with a neutrosphic approach. With the help of this approaches, in this study, speeches of the UN sessions attended by Turkish diplomats in the United Nations (UN) will be analyzed to understand the priorities of the country in international politics, the change and continuity in these policies. The texts of the UN sessions attended by Turkish diplomats between 2015 and 2023 were taken as data set. Such a large volume of data was analyzed with the help of text mining. For this purpose, each year's data was analyzed separately using word frequencies and clustering analysis, and then topic modeling was performed for each year's data using the Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) in the context of the complex geopolitical landscape of Central Asia and the Caucasus. It aims to assess its potential in economic, strategic, and social dimensions within international and regional systems. Employing an eclectic theoretical framework, this study looks at the multifaceted factors that influence the OTS' potential to foster cooperation and solidarity among Turkic states. The research examines this mechanism in interconnected strategic, economic, and social structures. The strategic dimension encompasses defense alliances and security arrangements, the economic dimension focuses on cooperation and trade, and the social dimension emphasizes cultural and normative aspects. Overall, one of the most important rationales behind the OTS is the idea that it serves as a cohesive force enabling Turkic states to navigate the intricate geopolitical environment of Central Asia and the Caucasus where multiple great powers are vying for influence. This research sheds light on the nuanced interplay of economic, strategic, and soft power activities, providing valuable insights into the OTS' position and influence in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Aside from its contribution to the literature, this article also aims to assist policymakers wishing to explore the potential and limitations of OTS' increasing influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]