Search

In this article we identify some of the challenges for gay men who desire to create more intimate relationships and more stable families in the evolving and potentially more conducive socio-political environment of the 21st century in the United States. Secondly, we delineate a multi-systemic structural model of working with male couples and families that addresses the interplay of the couple's interactional system with larger religious, civil and social systems. Finally, we demonstrate systemic interventions with a case example of a male couple and their family coping with 21st century challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

High self-monitoring (SM) subjects were hypothesized to be more aware than low SM subjects of their impressions on others. Female subjects were videotaped and then predicted their impressions on anyone who viewed the film. The tapes were evaluated by 10 judges, and their impressions were compared with the subjects' predictions. Results showed that high SM subjects were somewhat better than low SM subjects at predicting their impressions, but the difference between groups was not reliable. A 4-item, factor analytically derived SM subscale labeled Acting and the Public Self-Consciousness Scale did differentiate subjects, such that high scorers on both measures were more accurate than low scorers in predicting their impressions on the judges. In addition, high actors left more favorable impressions on the judges. Implications of the multidimensionality of the SM Scale were discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Low and high scoring individuals on Snyder's Self-Monitoring (SM) Scale were compared for differences in (a) variability in personality descriptions provided by 10 acquaintances, and (b) discrepancies between their self- ratings and the averaged acquaintance ratings. Each subject was rated by 10 different persons (e.g., parent, sibling, roommate, teacher), and the standard deviations of their ratings on each subject for 14 personality dimensions served as dependent measures. Contrary to the first hypothesis, no differences in the variability of acquaintance ratings were observed between SM groups. The second hypothesis received substantial empirical support. High SM subjects showed a significantly larger discrepancy between self-ratings and the mean acquaintance ratings, primarily because they rated themselves more highly on traits than their acquaintances did. High self-monitors also showed less similarity in the shape of the two personality profiles generated by self- and acquaintance ratings across the 14 traits. The discrepancies observed in high SM subjects between self- ratings and the averaged acquaintance ratings (the latter considered to be more objective) extends the finding of Snyder and Tanke (1976) that high SM subjects showed less congruence between self-reported attitudes and behavior. It is suggested that high SM individuals are particularly high on evaluation apprehension and that in both studies they acted in ways which they believed would enhance their self-presentations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]