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The traditional definition of war given by classical authors is, that war is a violent conflict between sovereigns. This means that war cannot be outlawed by any higher authority, since the sovereign is the uppermost authority upon the lives of the persons that are subject to them. Only the sovereign has the right and the power to forbid the violent resolution of conflicts among their subjects, and as sovereign they are not subject to any higher worldly power, but only to the power of God. The obligations to God are for the most classical authors not of legal nature but constitute the realm of morality. Thus, the main question for the classical authors on war theory is the clarification of the moral conditions that justify a sovereign to wage war against another sovereign, the so-called theory of just war. Since the classical authors subordinate the concept of war under the concept of justice, the theory of just war includes reflections about the proper means of conducting a war from the point of view of justice. In other words, the theory of just war also formulates criteria for such acts that are considered as war crimes. In this essay I will not challenge the theory of just war itself, but the traditional definition of war in terms of exertion of legitimate violence. My alternative definition will be given in the third section of the essay, and relies on the Platonic concept of peace, and on the Aristotelian concepts of privation and analogy. I think that violence is not a constitutive characteristic of war, but the conceptual, i.e., logical consequence of its definition. In other words, the state of war can be declared and persist without any acts of violence. The use of violence is justified by the manifestation of the state of war.

Purpose – This study aims to contribute to routine dynamics literature and organization process practices. The main objective is to identify different ways organizational members (re)construct truces at the boundaries of budgeting routines where (re)plannings face scarce resources and, consequently, require modifications in routines. Design/methodology/approach – The research adopted the phenomenographic theoretical-methodological approach to investigate from a process perspective. Twenty-two professionals from 17 companies were interviewed about their experiences with budgeting. Three conceptions and six explanatory dimensions were organized systematically on a conceptual map, which provided insights for three new propositions. Findings – Three conceptions about truce (re)construction were found: “authority subjection” denotes an obedient behavior toward centralized orders for budget cuttings; “prudent assimilation” explains how some specific routines are preserved from resource reduction; and “participatory interactions” stand for exhaustive and participative efforts for negotiations beyond routine frontiers. Three theoretical propositions are also presented: “awareness of systemic complexity” may strengthen arguments for negotiations; “team’s collective configuration of relationship networks” reinforces collective attributes; and “social-based learning” may be developed through truce (re)construction. Research limitations/implications – Jorgüen Sandberg, who brought the phenomenographic approach to Organization Studies in 2000, stances that it is not assured that conceptions cover all varied forms of the phenomenon. Practical implications – Implementing these findings in organizations may improve commitment to ecology of routines and decentralized decisions with a sense of responsibility for financial plans. Social implications – This study encourages transparency and ideas for cost-efficient resource use. Originality/value – This study provides advance knowledge about truce in routines while encompassing its ecology.

This paper explores the potentially scandalous truce between the front-line Ming and Japanese commanders in the last days of the sixteenth-century Korea War. Mao Guoke, a Ming officer, was "dressed up" as the younger brother of his senior commander Mao Guoqi and sent to Japan as a hostage. He returned after almost two years (1598–1600) expecting to be received as a hero but was dismissed as more of a "self-made hero." This was because the Ming court preferred the "correct" version of the war: that it was ended not by negotiation but by the military victory of the Ming and Chosŏn Korea. Mao Guoke's odyssey is an illuminating case of the interflow and mixture of information, true and false, amid the fog of war. The case also highlights the unique pattern of war and diplomacy in premodern times wherein front-line agents enjoyed and exercised autonomy to an extent that is unthinkable to modern minds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The traditional definition of war given by classical authors is, that war is a violent conflict between sovereigns. This means that war cannot be outlawed by any higher authority, since the sovereign is the uppermost authority upon the lives of the persons that are subject to them. Only the sovereign has the right and the power to forbid the violent resolution of conflicts among their subjects, and as sovereign they are not subject to any higher worldly power, but only to the power of God. The obligations to God are for the most classical authors not of legal nature but constitute the realm of morality. Thus, the main question for the classical authors on war theory is the clarification of the moral conditions that justify a sovereign to wage war against another sovereign, the so-called theory of just war. Since the classical authors subordinate the concept of war under the concept of justice, the theory of just war includes reflections about the proper means of conducting a war from the point of view of justice. In other words, the theory of just war also formulates criteria for such acts that are considered as war crimes. In this essay I will not challenge the theory of just war itself, but the traditional definition of war in terms of exertion of legitimate violence. My alternative definition will be given in the third section of the essay, and relies on the Platonic concept of peace, and on the Aristotelian concepts of privation and analogy. I think that violence is not a constitutive characteristic of war, but the conceptual, i.e., logical consequence of its definition. In other words, the state of war can be declared and persist without any acts of violence. The use of violence is justified by the manifestation of the state of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the security and political dimensions of the relationship between Egypt and the Gaza Strip. In addition, it analyses the economic and social impacts of this relationship under Hamas rule. It uses three approaches to meet its goal: descriptive, comparative, and historical. The study consists of seven sections: legislative elections, ending the division, prisoner swap, border tunnels, attacking border, Rafah crossing, and Israeli aggression. The study concluded several results, including that Egypt established its relations with Hamas on a de facto basis. However, these relations were limited to the security framework, considering Hamas's control over the Gaza Strip. In addition, Egypt has also proven its ability to play an essential role in mediating between Israel and Hamas to conclude a prisoner exchange deal and reach a truce after the rounds of Israeli aggression on Gaza. Finally, Egypt's behavior ignored the resistance's smuggling of weapons and goods through the tunnels during the intensified blockade on Gaza. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines a gang-related peace initiative instituted in Greater August Town, Jamaica. Our objective was to understand the negotiation processes and determine whether the gang truce resulted in the desired outcome: a reduction in homicide. Bivariate analyses showed a significant decline in homicides immediately following the truce. Upon closer examination, however, comparing change in the target area to the balance areas in Jamaica and accounting for temporal trends, we found that the decline in homicide was part of a larger nationwide decline in violence and that the gang truce was not responsible for the decline. The only significant effect was the possibility that homicides were displaced outside the target area for a brief period of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the analysis of the reports of the provincial press on the negotiation process, the article considers the relations between Poland and Russia until the conclusion of a truce on October 12 and the preconditions for peace. A study of provincial newspapers, such as «Tverskaya Pravda», Vologda «Red North», Novosibirsk «Soviet Siberia» and Samara «Commune», shows that the Soviet press throughout this process formed completely opposite images of Russia and Poland. Soviet Russia was painted by a country seeking the peaceful construction of a new society, in the path of which the aggressive countries of capitalism stood. And the role of Poland in this confrontation was the most important. Poland sought to become a buffer between the West and Bolshevik Russia, to which it was actively pushed by France and other capitalist countries. Poland’s behavior in the negotiation process was subject to fluctuations depending on the attitude of the allied countries to it and the situation on the fronts of the Polish-Soviet war. Only the successes of the Red Army and the fear of the final defeat of Poland made it and the allies more flexible in the negotiation process. In Soviet society, mistrust was affirmed not only of the peace proposals of the Polish side, but also of the agreements reached.

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This study analyses how the Salvadoran government neglected its responsibilities to communities during the gang truce process, resorting to short-term, non-transparent, anti-democratic and counterproductive measures that allowed gangs to reorganize and take control of the territories and therefore the daily lives of the civilian population. This article focuses on the role played by the communities and how they sought to develop with the support of social workers, third-sector organizations and other development agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the relationship among Board Diversity, Social Capital, and Governance Effectiveness by asking, "does board ethno-racial diversity moderate the relationship between Social Capital and Governance Effectiveness, and if so, how?" Exploring the direct and interacting effects of demographic diversity and Social Capital, and their relation to governing-group effectiveness using a two-sample field survey design, we illustrate whether heterogeneous or homogeneous group compositions amplify or attenuate Governance Effectiveness, and to what degree. Primary analyses find no support for Board Diversity moderating the Social Capital-Governance Effectiveness relationship, with secondary analysis revealing a more complex interaction for Governance Effectiveness, albeit inconsistently, across samples. Our investigation points to the value of social resources in understanding governance as an inherently socially complex activity or capability, predicated on truce or mutual agreement and shaped by the composition and connections of boards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author analyzes the diplomatic sources related to the negotiations between the Teutonic Knights and the Polish-Lithuanian Union after the truce in October 1414. As the compromise was not agreed within the set two-year period, the truce had to be extended, which was eventually done several times until 1421. Negotiations for the extension of the truce were quite tough. The King of Poland used the threat of non-renewal of the truce to put pressure on the Grand Master who was afraid of resuming war against a powerful adversary. Uncertainty surrounding the extension of the truce forced the Grand Master to hire mercenaries every year in the Empire. He also objected to the July deadline (St. Margaret) for the truce set each year, because this month was the most convenient time to begin a war campaign. Nevertheless the Grand Master refused to hand his three villages of Kujawy, which had formed an enclave on Polish territory, over to the King of Poland. Negotiations sometimes took place in several places simultaneously which caused some communication difficulties. The content of the charters extending the truce was drawn a comparison.

This paper explores the dynamics of negotiations between the Salvadoran government and the street gangs, called maras. The paper argues that state negotiations with criminal groups can occur when organized crime is a significant part of the social and political order. This tacit order allows a great deal of coordination between and within criminal organizations and the focus of negotiations from the state's point of view is limited to the management of violence, not the dismantling of gangs' territorial control. This article draws on seventeen in‐depth interviews with middle‐level gang leaders, government officials, and participants of the truce negotiations from 2012 to 2016; it also relies on public information published by Salvadoran journalists and government sources about the truce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how managers perform routines under artifacts in an institutionalized environment designed to exert pressure to comply. Using the framework of routines as generative systems, we studied the legally regulated disciplinary sanction routine in French public nursing homes. We found that managers tend to choose lesser penalties than those specified by law, and that legal artifacts have both coercive and symbolic dimensions that influence routines in different ways. The coercive dimension favors compliance with formal procedures but motivates departure in substance (penalty). In contrast, the symbolic dimension motivates compliance in substance and leads to complementary actions. The combination of the opposed influences tends to limit departure in substance, and helps maintain both artifacts and the institution that they carry. Our findings contribute to linking the routine and institutional literatures, and may be of interest to organizational control scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper highlights some important aspects of the negotiation and conclusion of the Peace Treaty of Versailles (1919) between the Allied Powers and the representatives of the German Reich. Unlike previous peace treaties, where winners and losers sat down at the table to create a new order together, without moralizing sentences, the Treaty of Versailles, considered by many personalities a Dictate, had a different character, with the particularity that the negotiations took place only among the representatives of the winning states, their results being presented to the German Reich, who did not reconcile with the status of “guilty of war”. Analysing the impact of the Treaty of Versailles on the post­-World War I period, the author asks the question if it meant “a mortgage for the future”. It is true that, together with many other factors, the treaty can be held responsible for the rise of national­-socialism and the failure of the Weimar Republic, but, as in the case of the outbreak of the Second World War, there was nothing “pre-­programmed”, as a result of the decisions taken by the Nazi leadership after 1933. Concluding, it can be considered that the World Order set up in Versailles was a “mortgage for the future”, which seems more obvious today than decades ago, when the order of the world seemed to work regardless of all the problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Studia Historica Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For about 300 years there were only four Panhellenic Festivals and the religious truce — Olympia, Pythia, Nemea and Isthmia— in the Ancient Greece. The Aetolians were the first to obtain a recognition of the Soteria as Panhellenic Festival. Aetolians’ activity of a reorganization of the Soteria was the first example of a cults’ application for diplomacy. In the letter of invitation to the first penteteric festival of the Soteria in 246 B.C. Aetolian propaganda emphized the Aetolian role in the defense of the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi in 279 B.C. against the Gallic forces and legitimized their control of Delphi. Thanks to the reorganization of the Soteria the Aetolians established communications with the numerous Greek cities. They granted the inviolability of their sanctuaries in exchange for a recognition of the Soteria. Greek states obtained the protection from Aetolian pirates. Other states followed Aetolians’ example and invited all Greeks to take part in their festivals and asked them for a recognition of Panhellenic festival and of the inviolability of the sanctuary and the state (the festival of the Muses in Thespiai, the Asclepia at the Cos etc.). The Attalids of Pergamon, the Seleucids, The Ptolemies used their festivals in the forein policy and the royal propaganda. After reorganization of the Soteria, the agreement sealed the inviolability of the sanctuaries and the states.

The paper deals with the problem of war termination and the termination of a state of war. The author first points out the difference between war (armed conflict) as a factual phenomenon and a state of war as a legal institute, and then discusses the peace treaty as a usual way for the termination of state of war between states. After that he focuses on some other ways of terminating the state of war, that appeared in practice, such as: other agreements, joint declarations, unilateral declarations, the general truce and so.

This article intends to challenge the dominant assumptions that undermine the potential application of peacebuilding frameworks beyond formal post-war contexts. It analyses the gangs' truce that recently took place in El Salvador as a privileged laboratory to rethink hegemonic understandings and practices of peacebuilding by specifically addressing the importance of overcoming dichotomised categories such ‘war and peace', ‘criminal and political', and ‘success and failure'. It is claimed that while the truce fostered a discourse pointing towards an ongoing peace process and enlarged the public debate on the failings of post-war policies and on the structural roots of violence, it was also decisively undermined by the inability to surmount the dichotomy that juxtaposes the criminal and the political domains. It is argued that a peacebuilding framework, inspired by a set of critical perspectives on war and peace and on the nature of ‘the political', may thus be of crucial importance for the future of policies aimed at curbing violence in El Salvador and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article, on the basis of a comparative and interdisciplinary research of a case study of vengeful murder and acquittal from 1401 in Landar (Slavia Veneta or Slavia friulana), analyses the transformation of the social system of control and the exercise of the justice on the turn from the Middle Ages to the Modern period. The case study clearly shows the characteristics of the common practice of dispute resolution system and juridicial trials, that allowed vengeance if the side of the perpetrator was not prepared to negotiate for peace making. Although the present case already shows elements characteristic for judicial proceedings of the Modern period, the judicial process and the judgment itself have been conducted in accordance with customary law. The article also comparatively shows how the legislation changed in the early modern period, with special regard to the events in the Holy Roman Empire and the Venetian Republic. In addition to fi scal and military reorganization, the centralization of justice was of fundamental importance in the eff orts of European rulers to establish supreme control over the entire territory under their jurisdiction. In order to achieve this goal, however, the rulers had fi rst to restrict, by means of legislation and other coercive means, the arbitrary confl ict resolution system by custom. For this purpose, they established a judicial system, i. e. punitive control over both, individual, infl uential families and clans, as well as the population in general. The state inquisitorial trial rites, introduced in most Western and Central European countries, in the early modern period lead to an important novelty: the state judicial apparatus has earned the right of prosecution ex offi cio. While earlier, in the so-called adversarial law, the judicial investigative process may only be led after the lawsuit of the aff ected communities, in the inquisitorial procedure the judicial trial was initiated by the central judicial authorities, which was the primary reason for their creation. In some more remote areas, such as Montenegro and Albania, which were examined in the article as comparative areas, the custom of confl ict resolution system, vendetta or osveta, has preserved deep in the 19th Century. Especially the study of this custom confi rms our thesis, that this was not only a European (medieval) custom, but a system of confl ict resolution known to all worldwide communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a conceptual historiographic and semantic analysis of the fundamental terminology of the ritual of vengeance, this paper presents an attempt to provide researchers with a linguistic, conceptual, and methodological framework for the study of vengeance as the customary system of conflict resolution in premodern Europe. For this purpose the key terminology, which also has abundant synonyms, has been collected in the accompanying septalingual glossary. While predicated on, foremost, European Medieval sources and studies thereof, the dissemination and interrelation of the universal human custom make the paper applicable for other areas and periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In order to implement the stipulations of the United Nations Truce Convention from the 12thof September, 1944, Romania has set up an entire network of administrative institutions and structures, some of which have general attributions, such as the Romanian Commission for the Truce Application, the Service for Applying the Truce Convention within the Ministry of the Interior or House of Administration and Surveillance of Enemy Goods and also other local ones, such as military delegations, county offices for the implementation of the Truce, county commissions, collection centers and sub-centers. Although the government and the Romanian people tried to carry out the Truce clauses in the original manner by interpreting the Convention's stipulations, the Soviet authorities sought to take over huge quantities of goods from Romania in order to restore their own economy, ignoring to follow the international laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The documents concerning the feud between the Patriarch of Aquileia and the Counts of Gorizia (1267-1277) are evidence of how written laws show that the ritual forms and gestures of the customary system of conflict resolution were not only maintained but were regularly inserted into the ritual formulas of written law. Above all they document how the customary system of conflict resolution, in its ideal image and through rituals, reflected social values based on the mediation of the community, reciprocity and the propensity to achieve a lasting peace. This is a general structural aspect of conflict, while the local or particular aspect is shown concretely through the struggle for resources, in the interweaving of single circumstances, where those who succeed in forming the greatest number of loyalties, differing and often contrasting alliances, are the ones who prevail. In our case this was clearly better accomplished by the Counts of Gorizia than by the Patriarchs of Aquileia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2012, the two major street gangs in El Salvador, Mara Salvatrucha 13 and Barrio 18, struck a truce credited with reducing homicide rates by more than 50% in one year. Although the gang truce held for only 18 months, the significant reduction in homicides puzzled observers that believed youth gangs were unable to coordinate violence, especially considering that previous and similar efforts aimed at striking agreements did not achieve similar results. This article addresses a question posed by the puzzle of the Salvadoran truce’s success: under what conditions do negotiations between or with criminal organizations effectively reduce criminal violence? By comparing truces and criminal pacts in El Salvador and in Medellin, Colombia, we argue that criminal pacts can reduce homicides when (a) they directly involve the state as an administrator of incentives to reduce violence and (b) criminal organizations have achieved organizational cohesion and leadership that facilitate territorial control and strategic dependability. These conditions allow organizations to regulate violence. Our argument highlights the importance of how violence is performed and, more importantly, its visibility, to fully understand criminal behavior within pacts. It also points to potential lessons for countries seeking alternatives to reduce criminal and political violence in Latin America and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Violence has not been effectively addressed in El Salvador since, at least, the 1992 Peace Accords. The annual rate of violence has steadily increased, and repressive policies to date have not worked. In 2013, the presidential electoral campaign has framed the topic of violence as the backdrop for a truce between gangs. In this article, we offer a description of key events such as the presidential elections and the gang truce, and suggest that political parties are missing an opportunity to grapple with the issue of violence. Instead, other organizations are leading this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]