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The flare-up of protests over Hong Kong's anti-extradition bill amendment in 2019 gave rise to a global wave of organising among the city's overseas diaspora of students and migrants, persisting after the city's protest movement declined due to COVID-19 and repression. Based on 85 in-depth interviews with overseas activists as well as journalistic and social media data on events in six cities, this article examines the diaspora's pro-democracy campaign. Easily surpassing the previous mobilisational waves of 1989 and 2014, the newer diaspora activism gave rise to more numerous and widespread organisations, which were mostly decentralised and loosely connected. Responding to the rise and fall of protests in the home city, campaigners shifted from supplying protest-related gear to sheltering fleeing refugees, with the diaspora activism evolving into a global resistance against China's authoritarian expansion. Counter-protests by pro-China supporters increased publicity for the campaign, but also brought threats to personal safety. With the exception of Taiwan, Hongkongers found it difficult to localise their agenda in host countries, and their efforts were frustrated by growing political polarisation in Western democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how cross-border investigative journalism (CBIJ) has expanded the parameters of the media system described by Hallin and Mancini (2004), with the addition of new indicators to adapt it to the paradigm of global convergent media. To this end, it examines how this type of journalism has been conceptualised in Europe as a result of the forums articulated at Dataharvest (the European Investigative Journalism Conference). A quantitative method is applied with text mining techniques to analyse the frequency, associations, and groupings of terms mentioned in the sessions offered from 2014 to 2023. To classify the language units, the variables of CBIJ’s economic model, its thematic relationship with national contexts, and its professional practices are used. The results reveal a clear predominance of the word “data,” reflecting Dataharvest’s particular interest in the dynamics of data processing, which has become an essential part of the work in these networks. An analysis of organisational culture reveals that high-profile associations play a more important role in collaborative projects than less institutionalised networks. The business model encourages non-profit organisations that depend on foundations to support their work. In thematic terms, CBIJ projects address topics emerging in the supranational space, offered with a common frame of reference for multiple countries. These networks necessitate a redefinition of the model defined in 2004, as they have developed qualities of their own in relation to the business model they adopt, the transnational orientation of reporters, the issues addressed, and, to a lesser extent, professional practices.

The article aims to analyze how the extreme right wing has sought to transform the teaching of history, displacing it from academically accepted historiography to glorious narratives in the form of a national tale (Citron, 2017). The research is based on a theoretical framework built with the contribution of several authors, with emphasis on Cesarino (2022), Nunes (2022), Pelbart (2019), Traverso (2021), Stanley (2020). After presenting an overview of the rise of the extreme right in Brazil and the world, we analyze documents from the French and American extreme right that propose changes in history teaching. Then, we discuss the productions of Brasil Paralelo in the form of public history and we tension this version from an ethnographic study of school culture. The article shows approximations between the historiographical forms and the methods of dissemination of the proposals by the extreme right in the three countries, but also indicates some departures.

This article explores structure, motivations and cross-cultural mechanics of operations of alternative cultural diplomacy in China, performed by K11. The K11 Art Mall franchise, opened in Hong Kong in 2008 by Chinese billionaire Adrian Cheng, has established its visible presence in the global arts markets by supporting contemporary Chinese artists and sponsoring major international arts residencies and large-scale events and exhibitions. Deconstructing and exploring the neo-liberal multilateral nature of K11 diplomacy, the research questions how K11 operates and navigates the international communication complexities within the global arts market. It analyses how this diplomacy is different from government-led bilateral cultural diplomacy of China and why it creates less frictions and contradictions on the international level. The article reveals that the rapid integration of K11 into the international art market is a combination of different factors. Beyond the economic power of K11 to sponsor major international events in collaboration with prestigious partners, it also possesses more flexibility and tolerance to navigate the normative environments of the 'epistemic community' of the global arts world, which do not always work well with national authoritative regime's pressures. However, positioning itself as an apolitical player with a global vision, K11 is dominating a niche within the national art market, where it does not compete with state authorities. Moreover, it generates a high economic and cultural capital in China by nurturing contemporary Chinese arts and raising their prestige and value on the international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), member states recognise the need for multi-sectoral and multi-stakeholder engagement on climate change, but the participation of non-state actors in regional processes remains limited. This research focuses on the case study of three transnational governance networks on climate change in ASEAN and their efforts to participate in regional governance mechanisms. Data from semi-structured interviews of network members and texts of relevant documents are analysed from the perspectives of the communities of practice theory and participatory governance. This study finds that transnational networks in ASEAN provide non-state actors with opportunities to participate in regional governance of climate change by engaging in shared practices. However, the question on whether their practices can be considered as meaningful participation needs to be addressed. Hence, analysing transnational networks as communities of practice can help explain how practices bring about continuity and change in ASEAN's governance of climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, Korean denominations have sent missionaries around the world. While trying to convert people, notably in Southeast Asia, they are currently involved in humanitarian works but also in organizing labor migration and helping migrants during their stay in South Korea. A close study of missionaries' work reveals the logic underlying the construction of religious transnational networks. Korean missionaries interlace different kinds of ties with various populations of Southeast Asia and adapt their spiritual and material offerings to different situations. This analysis based on multiple fieldwork assessments in Southeast Asia and in South Korea places emphasis on their specific role as transnational actors and on how they use and promote transnational belonging among marginalized populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on environmental justice in authoritarian regimes, and in particular on how transnational networks support problem framing and claims-making in the absence of state-led democratic participation instances, is limited. This article uses the case of untreated wastewater from a steel mill owned by Taiwanese conglomerate Formosa Plastics Group, which caused mass fish deaths along coastal provinces in Vietnam in 2016, to explore how civic groups and local communities problematize official accounts of events and engage with transnational networks to make claims to environmental injustice. The paper highlights local narratives about the adverse impacts of the disaster on residents' livelihoods and wellbeing, controversies over the causes of and responsibility for the disaster, and the role of transnational alliances with Taiwan in sustaining and magnifying claims to injustice. We argue that viewing issues such as the Formosa steel incident through a transnational environmental justice lens illuminates the effect of global and national processes of economic reform in shaping uneven environmental and social impacts from new infrastructure developments. We also argue that thinking in terms of transnational networks can make sense of the spaces which can emerge for claims-making in authoritarian contexts, where democratic participation instances and access to knowledge may be restricted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new generation of Southeast Asian Chinese society, who were locally born and grew up, have largely weakened their interaction with China. However, the growing business opportunities presented from the Belt and Road Initiative (the BRI), which was launched in 2013, serve as a big impetus for the new generation entrepreneurs to reengage China. Drawn upon an empirical case study of the new generation of Malaysian Chinese entrepreneurs, this paper argues that, the entrepreneurs regard institutional embeddedness as a critical channel to enhance their abilities to accumulate transnational social capital and strengthen their socio-economic networks with China. The transnational networks facilitate them to seize business opportunities from the BRI, and simultaneously reinforce their Malaysian national identity. Moreover, this study demonstrates the emergence of knowledge networks in the transnational space. It not only reflects the increasing interests of the new generation entrepreneurship in China's innovation and technology, but also reveals the developmental strategies of both the Malaysian and Chinese states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Marshall Plan film campaign navigated many cultural, political, and socio-economic contexts to present one of the largest economic aid programmes in history, and weaponised films during the Cold War. In her groundbreaking book, The American Marshall Plan Film Campaign and the Europeans: A Captivated Audience?, Maria Fritsche details how a network of government, commercial, and noncommercial institutions built a large media infrastructure to produce and distribute films that facilitated cultural transmission, propaganda and policy. The goal of this film network was to encourage Europeans to trade with the US and to reform policies according to American standards. The Norwegian film historian’s analysis extends far beyond most previous work that focused on individual national studies and examines multiple national contexts to explore the cultural and social dimensions of the Marshall Plan and the Cold War. This interdisciplinary monograph contributes to the fields of film history, cinema and reception studies, transnational studies, cultural and social history, as well as Americanisation and cultural diplomacy studies and, therefore, will likely become a key resource for scholars of the Cold War.

For decades, Korean denominations have sent missionaries around the world. While trying to convert people, notably in Southeast Asia, they are currently involved in humanitarian works but also in organizing labor migration and helping migrants during their stay in South Korea. A close study of missionaries’ work reveals the logic underlying the construction of religious transnational networks. Korean missionaries interlace different kinds of ties with various populations of Southeast Asia and adapt their spiritual and material offerings to different situations. This analysis based on multiple fieldwork assessments in Southeast Asia and in South Korea places emphasis on their specific role as transnational actors and on how they use and promote transnational belonging among marginalized populations.

This paper aims to show the sociocultural adaptation strategy of a group of mestizo migrants from Chiapas residing in "Buenavistita," Laurel, Maryland, U.S. The methodology is qualitative, based on interviews and participant observation. The findings allow us to argue that the migratory experience forces them to loosen their identity boundaries inward the ethnic group to reconstitute themselves, survive away, and maintain their Mexican mestizo status. Resulting in the formation of territorial enclaves where they identified against those who label them as illegal, this being the way to defend themselves in a racialized society. This work contributes empirically to migration studies with the case of Chiapanecos mestizos. Although we conclude that the enclave is for them a refuge area, little can be said about other experiences of migrants from Chiapas around ethnicity and the blend of cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTERPOL was not created by a treaty, nor was it created by states. INTERPOL was developed by a group of diverse domestic police officers, who structured the international entity and designed its legal framework in order to co-operate within the limits set by the laws of their respective countries. As a product of the police environment, for many years INTERPOL was constituted in a way that made it look like a private police club, feeding the general confusion concerning the membership, the role, and the legal status of the organisation. Addressing many of the historical traits of INTERPOL provides a key for understanding the reasons behind the current configuration of central parts of INTERPOL's legal framework, as well as their past and present significance. For this purpose, this article explores the history of INTERPOL by presenting fragments of historical legal documents, which are then analysed and contextualised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a global justice network (GJN) approach, in this article I examine the localization of a transnational network for homeworker rights. Based on my field research undertaken in Pakistan between January 2015 and December 2017, I compare different organizing approaches to establish how a politics of vulnerability may be transformed into a politics of voice and mobility. I found that, from the vantage point of the homeworker, the process of organizing rather than the results achieved is what really matters. In the case of Pakistan, union‐style organizing by the Home‐worker Federation, which is mindful of gender and class hierarchies, enhances the homeworkers' voice, agency and mobility, while also building translocal labour solidarities. Conversely, an NGO‐led national network, with its top–down approach, perpetuates the very hierarchies it was mission bound to dismantle, thus forcing the women to stay spatially imprisoned. Without arguing that one institutional form is superior to the other, I demonstrate that for a GJN to articulate diverse local and global struggles it must be mindful of the hierarchies and boundaries that isolate and silence marginalized workers. It must also genuinely include the grassroots in the production and transference of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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