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In the 1920s and 1930s, the world closely observed the evolution of the Kemalist system of ideological and political principles. In recent years, there has been a surge in scholarly interest towards the transnational history of Kemalism. Research on Soviet, Middle Eastern, and European perspectives has enriched the study of Kemalism and expanded its boundaries. This article examines the Armenian perspectives and interpretations of Kemalism. It also investigates the main differences between the Soviet and Diaspora Armenian interpretations of Kemalism and the sources influencing their diverging perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This collectively authored article argues for a regional turn in the historical study of transnational activism. By considering not only pan-regional movements but also examples of borderland contexts, transregional connections and diasporic understandings of 'region', our discussion identifies fresh possibilities for investigating the evolution and functioning of transnational activism. Based on a Royal Historical Society-funded workshop held at and supported by Northumbria University, the article brings together insights from diverse locations and arenas of contestation. The first part considers literatures on three macro-regional settings – South Asia, Western Europe and Latin America – to illustrate the importance of distinctive regional contexts and constructs in shaping transnational activism and its goals. The second part turns to case studies of transnational activism in and beyond Eastern Europe, West Africa, the Caribbean and East Asia. In doing so, it explores very different notions of the regional to identify how transnational activism has both shaped and been shaped by these ideas. Taken together, the two parts highlight the role of regional identities and projects in challenging inequalities and external domination. Our analysis and examples indicate the possibilities of a regionally rooted approach for writing histories of transnational activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019 and 2020, Hong Kong experienced waves of anti-government protests, with millions participating both online and offline. The semiotic of transnational popular culture references, including film and music, played a crucial role in these protests. Japanese animation and manga were especially prominent in online and offline communication, in the form of memes, slogans, videos, and activist art produced mostly by people under 29 years of age. Namely, anime and manga became not only the primary audio-visual language of the protests but also a transnational pop digital anarchist network between Hong Kong and the rest of the world. This article refers to this phenomenon as “Hong Kong’s anime” due to its unique transformation, adaptation, and sociocultural and political significance during these protests. Anime has a heterogeneous history as both institutional soft power and non-institutionalized fandom. While acknowledging the heterogeneous landscape of anime, this article focuses on its potential as a “transnational pop digital anarchist network” by analyzing its role in shaping people’s transnational cultural history and in writing people’s historiography. Based on interviews with the creators of protest art and the analysis of online and offline content, Hong Kong’s anime is revealed to be a new form of transnational historiography, emerging from transnational pop digital anarchist networks and connecting ordinary people in Hong Kong and worldwide through anime.

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Copyright of Historische Zeitschrift is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article delves into the transnational aspects of the "Two Cultures" debate initiated by the British chemist and writer C. P. Snow, and explores how Italian and West German intellectuals localized and translated aspects of the debate within their respective political landscapes. Snow described the relationship between science and the humanities, and attributed a unique social responsibility to science. Prominent leftist thinkers, including Gino Martinoli, Adriano Buzzati Traverso, Aldo Visalberghi, Giulio Preti, Pier Paolo Pasolini, Karl Steinbuch, Hans Mohr, Hilde Domin, Jürgen Habermas, and Robert Jungk, engaged Snow's ideas, each formulating their stance on the role of science. These intellectuals were divided in their response. Some concurred with Snow, viewing scientific advancement as a cornerstone of social progress and considering the scientific ethos as a model for political emulation. Others, however, were critical, questioning the very notions of scientific progress, rationality, and modernization. This intellectual discourse foreshadowed the New Left's critique of scientism in the 1970s, a movement that significantly challenged the longstanding marriage between socialism and science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the assumption that printing privileges were meant to protect printer-publishers from market competition locally, scholars have primarily studied such privileges in individual states. This article is the first attempt to study printing privileges transnationally, by focusing on the phenomenon of cross-border printing privileges in the seventeenth-century Habsburg Netherlands and the Dutch Republic. I examine both the foreign printers requesting a privilege in the Low Countries and local printers requesting a privilege from a foreign authority. In doing so, this essay analyses why printers were requesting privileges for their books from more than one authority across political borders. Rather than seeing these cross-border privileges solely as a way for printers to expand the reach and commercial viability of their published works, this article demonstrates that, by securing privileges from multiple authorities, printers showed they were able to navigate the market for institutions and complex networks of power. By analysing diplomatic correspondence alongside privilege requests, I demonstrate the crucial role of ambassadors in favouring certain printers and their project. Throughout the seventeenth century, the state and its representatives became involved in securing such privileges from other authorities. This hitherto hidden role of diplomatic agents alerts us both to the fierce competition in a certain segment of the international book market and the importance of managing a state’s international reputation.

In the mid-1950s in Switzerland, following the example of the United States, a new profession — ‘home economist’—emerged in the rapidly expanding food industry, aimed at female home economics teachers. The purpose of this article is to highlight the paradoxes of this occupation, which symbolises both a privileged career opportunity for women in the male-dominated fields of advertising and marketing, and a highly patriarchal value system. Our contribution sheds new light on domestic education in Switzerland, which, as in other fields, is best known for its conservatism, and reflects current international research on the subject. Based on unpublished archives from the multinational Nestlé and two former industrial home economists, our study also documents the transnational links that underpin the emergence of the profession in Switzerland.

The contribution aims to look at the European School System from a transnational perspective in order to trace the interactions and connections that characterised these Schools in the 1960s and 1970s. A close reading of two speeches given by Albert Van Houtte, a member of the Board of Governors, and of a preparatory study on curriculum reform drawn up in 1971 reveals connections with international organisations such as Pax Christi and UNESCO, as well as pedagogical influences stemming from the individual member states and traceable to different experiences of active pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After World War II, infant mortality rates started dropping steeply. We show how this was accomplished in socialist countries in East-Central Europe. Focusing on the two postwar decades, we explore comparatively how medical experts in Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and East Germany saved fragile newborns. Based on an analysis of medical journals, we argue that the Soviet Union and its medical practices had only a marginal influence; the four countries followed the recommendations of the World Health Organization instead, despite not being members. Importantly, we analyze the expert clashes over definitions of livebirth, which impact infant mortality statistics. We analyze the divergent practices and negotiations between countries: since the infant mortality rate came to represent the level of socioeconomic advancement, its political significance was paramount. Analyzing the struggle to reduce infant mortality thus helps us understand how socialist countries positioned themselves within the transnational framework while being members of the "socialist bloc." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wi-Fi is an integral and invaluable part of our media practices. Wireless networks are blended into our media environment and, in terms of infrastructural importance, have become comparable with electricity or water. This article offers a new transnational perspective on the underexplored history of IEEE 802.11 standards by focusing on the tensions between the United States and Europe in terms of development trajectories of wireless technology. The goal is to analyze the standardization of wireless networking through a transnational lens and to contribute to enhanced understanding of the global proliferation of Wi-Fi technology. Four particular aspects of the transnational development of Wi-Fi technology are discussed: the rivalry between US and European standards, the constitutive choice to focus on data transmission, radio spectrum availability, and the peculiarities of network authentication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contextualises the participation of Estonian elites in the transnational exchanges of racial and eugenic ideas. The Estonian Nationalist Club (ERK) became a crucial platform where radical nationalist thinkers appropriated ideologies of race and eugenics for the Estonian context. The ERKâs membership, elitist outlook, nationalist anxieties, and geopolitical orientation fostered enthusiastic engagement with racial and eugenic thinking. Inspired by the Swedish and German examples, ERK-affiliated commentators theorised Estoniansâ Nordic racial belonging and expressed ambivalence over racial purity. They skilfully navigated between criticism of German extremism and the drive to advance a racial and eugenic agenda compatible with their radical nationalist beliefs.

Copyright of Tempo (1413-7704) is the property of Universidade Federal Fluminense, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The review analyses a diverse range of recent specialised research on various topics in Italian history based on global, transnational and cosmopolitan approaches. In particular, it focuses on two collections edited by Guido Abbattista and Edoardo Tortarolo, which span the 16th to the 20th centuries. While focusing on the issues of nation-building, identity, and "Italianness" arising from the intersection of Italian historiographic traditions and the new approaches popularised by transnational history and the global turn, the review presents several thematic options for navigating the essays. These include Orientalism (with a focus on the Ottoman empire), missionary knowledge, urban spaces, translocal and simultaneous processes of political and economic development, the global roles played by specific social and professional groups, and the cultural and intellectual legacy of 20th-century transnational Italian scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In setting the scene for the articles featured in the special issue, the Introduction provides a brief overview of the literature on the Axis between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany from its origins until the present day. While traditionally the historiography has overlooked culture as a point of contact between the two regimes, there is a small, but growing, body of recent research on the topic, which is often inspired by transnational, comparative, and global history. Thus, the introduction presents the cultural entanglements of Fascism and National Socialism as fertile ground for new research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Entomologists and proponents of insect food have often seen in Vincent M. Holt's Why Not Eat Insects? (London: Field & Tuer, 1885) the work of a precursor. Holt's plea to consume insects in Victorian Britain, as an aid to address food poverty and diversify Western diets, certainly resonates with the environmental and social predicaments of the twenty-first century. However, the text and the context of this publication have not been fully examined. The book has attracted comparatively little attention from historians who are yet to unravel why and how Holt could raise the very question 'why not?' This article aims to bridge this gap, with a close reading of the sources and the language deployed by Holt, who heavily relies on European travel writings to make his case. Relocating Why Not Eat Insects? in this context throws into relief how issues of class and colonialism were constitutive of a wider discussion about eating insects in English-speaking prints in the nineteenth century. To explore this, the article also investigates responses from readers in the 1880s and 1890s, through reviews published in the British Isles, Australia, and the United States. Ultimately, examining these aspects alerts us to the dangers of celebrating Holt as a pioneer of insect food and an inspiration for the twenty-first century, for Holt partook in what Lisa Heldke terms 'cultural food colonialism', which we are at risk of reproducing when using his text uncritically and without regard to its social and colonial context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the links between a political rebellion that occurred in Coahuila in 1893 and the activism that was carried out by some members of the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) in the early 1900s in Southern California. It builds upon connected and transnational history to study continuities between the conflicts in the early 1890s in the Mexican countryside and the growth of discontent against the government of Porfirio Díaz. It argues that the support gained by the PLM in parts of the U.S. Southwest cannot be separated from the political experience that many of its sympathizers had in Mexico. Furthermore, it argues that to better understand the PLM's mobilization north of the border, it is necessary to study the social and economic conditions in which they lived and moved in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the other side of hegemony – a concept central to John Krige's work on co-production and transnational history. Focusing on the case of Gerald Bull, university professor-turned-weapons dealer, it examines how individuals working on the edges of Cold War empires cobbled together practices, objects, and geographies that evaded and exploited the power of nation-states. Tracing those concerns from North America to Barbados and Iraq, the article suggests how we might avoid reproducing (or producing anew) the hegemonies we study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-WWII histories about Japanese 'war brides', pearl shell divers, Chinese sailors and 'Colombo Plan' students frame these cohorts as early 'challengers' of the White Australia Policy. Because these histories are typically siloed from each other, bringing them together offers a fresh way to view how Japanese and Chinese residents shared a social space that linked Australia's societal change and domestic concerns to international developments. Juxtaposition of these cohorts also compels considerations of less familiar cohorts of Chinese and Japanese residents in post-WWII Australia and of how historians might best use their craft to draw 'extraordinary meaning' through studies of these supposedly 'ordinary lives'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue delves into the circulation, reception, and forms of hybridisation of Fascist Italy’s corporatism around the world between the 1920s and the 1950s. By postulating the idea of an Italian and international “corporative laboratory”, this issue aims at offering a transnational history of this political, economic, and social model.

This special issue delves into the circulation, reception, and forms of hybridisation of Fascist Italy’s corporatism around the world between the 1920s and the 1950s. By postulating the idea of an Italian and international “corporative laboratory”, this issue aims at offering a transnational history of this political, economic, and social model.

This article analyzes Soviet hockey as a transnational phenomenon by underlining three international events that marked milestones in the domestication of hockey in the country and in the Sovietization of international hockey. Focusing on the period of the massification of the sport in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), from the end of the 1940s to the end of the 1960s, it interprets the appropriation and transformation of a Canadian sport in the Soviet reality through the analytical tools of cultural translation and hybridization. It is this period of great cultural and social transformation, first in the xenophobic context of the anti-cosmopolitan campaign that took place during late Stalinism, and later in the internationalist enthusiasm that characterized Khrushchev's Thaw, that ice hockey has been sovietized. That process neccessitated the translation of a foreign cultural object in Soviet languages and semiotic tools. Meanwhile, international hockey itself underwent a profound hybridization process to which the Soviets greatly contributed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This historiographical introduction, as well as the articles published in this special issue of Historia Crítica entitled “The Chilean Way to Socialism” from a transnational perspective, aim to highlight how this approach helps us to overcome the limitations inherited from the existing historiography on the Unidad Popular (up), which tends to adopt a national framework of analysis. Methodology: It consists of critically analyzing and summarizing the contributions of the research carried out on the up from 2003 to date. Originality and Conclusions: We found that the transnational dimension of the “1970-1973 cycle” has been absent or marginal in much of the historiography about the period. The national approach to the political process of the up is generally accompanied by the conviction about the alleged exceptionality of the “thousand days” of Allende. Based on the historiographical discussion of the present essay and the contributions of the articles in the dossier, we show that the transnational approach to the up allows its complete understanding by inserting it in a broader context than the national one. The regional approach makes it possible to demonstrate that the up is one of the numerous projects of “democratic revolution” that marked the “Inter-American Cold War,” while the global approach shows that the impact of the up was not only due to its exceptional nature but also to the resonance of the “Chilean road to socialism” project, with the long-standing debates on revolutionary paths and models of society that agitated the world political lefts throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The focus on the “peripheral spaces” of the Cold War allows us to think of the Allende government as an additional case of the successive efforts to find an alternative path to Soviet socialism and u.s. capitalism.

This article analyses the reception of Scandinavism in the Dutch and Flemish press from the start of the nineteenth century and up to the end of World War I. It demonstrates that increasing knowledge of the pan-Scandinavian movement occurred in tandem with a growing interest in Scandinavian culture more generally and affected the Dutch language in its definition of both 'Scandinavia' and 'Scandinavians'. Press coverage of Scandinavism was mainly dictated by the movement's newsworthiness and Dutch understanding of the movement as either a political unification project and/or a more modest cultural programme developed in step with current events. Pan-national activism in Scandinavia was also deemed of interest because of its significance for similar initiatives in the Dutch-speaking world. Scandinavian nation-building processes became an inspiration for burgeoning Greater Netherlandism, as well as for the Flemish and Frisian national movements. Overall, the article contributes to the study of Scandinavism in particular by exploring how the movement was received outside its borders, and to the study of pan-nationalisms more generally by applying a comparative and transnational perspective, thus amplifying the central but often neglected role played by pan-national identity cultivation in the European nation-building discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that discussions about and plans for female education emerged in early nineteenth-century southeastern Europe in connection with broader programs of modernization. It suggests that when officials and educators in the early Greek state and Danubian Principalities created curricula for women, they seldom took regional realities or the needs of potential pupils into account. Rather, the courses of study they proposed more closely reflected the aspirations these regional elites had for their communities. The article explores how education helped (re)inscribe gender roles within modern institutions and allowed state officials and educators to formalize boundaries between the public and private spheres. Modernization, primary instruction, and gendered hierarchies were intimately related. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational history is an approach that informs global history, although the latter cannot be reduced to the former. Considering the constitutive role of transnationalism in global history, this dossier revisits its categories from East Central and Eastern Europe. Specifically, it builds on and rethinks Kiran Klaus Patel's and Sven Reichardt's concept of the 'dark side of transnationalism'. Crucially, this dossier uses this concept to question the assumption that transnationalism consists of crossing borders and their peaceful unmaking. Instead, it highlights that transnationalism plays a vital role in making new borders and maintaining existing ones. This dossier, therefore, shows that rather than being static, borders can be on the move, and it is often transnational interactions that set them in motion. Through several case studies from the modern history of science and knowledge in this region, the dossier reveals the complex, contingent and fraught nature of transnational exchanges, along with their potential for repression. The experiences of East Central and Eastern Europe thus offer new insights into transnationalism, borders and the reversibility of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019 and 2020, Hong Kong experienced waves of anti-government protests, with millions participating both online and offline. The semiotic of transnational popular culture references, including film and music, played a crucial role in these protests. Japanese animation and manga were especially prominent in online and offline communication, in the form of memes, slogans, videos, and activist art produced mostly by people under 29 years of age. Namely, anime and manga became not only the primary audio-visual language of the protests but also a transnational pop digital anarchist network between Hong Kong and the rest of the world. This article refers to this phenomenon as "Hong Kong's anime" due to its unique transformation, adaptation, and sociocultural and political significance during these protests. Anime has a heterogeneous history as both institutional soft power and noninstitutionalized fandom. While acknowledging the heterogeneous landscape of anime, this article focuses on its potential as a "transnational pop digital anarchist network" by analyzing its role in shaping people's transnational cultural history and in writing people's historiography. Based on interviews with the creators of protest art and the analysis of online and offline content, Hong Kong's anime is revealed to be a new form of transnational historiography, emerging from transnational pop digital anarchist networks and connecting ordinary people in Hong Kong and worldwide through anime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a contribution to the study of relations between socialist Yugoslavia and the Latin American left by examining a number of travels carried out by Chilean socialist and communist officials in Yugoslavia during the 1950s and 1960s. Drawing mainly on Yugoslav archival sources, I show that these visits allowed the Yugoslav regime to play on its unorthodox socialist image to impress Latin Americans. Moreover, I stress that the Balkan country's sway had its limits, as all travelers were not equally receptive to Yugoslav propaganda: socialists tended to be more open to Belgrade's message, while communists kept a more distant position; a telling contrast that should be explained not only as a result of ideological differences, but also as the product of struggle and tensions taking place within the Chilean left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Contemporaine de l'Afrique is the property of Universite de Geneve and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the contours of the Comintern journey 'from below', through the figures of the communist Humbert-Droz family. Following on from the work of Brigitte Studer, the paper rethinks the notions of clandestinity and political work within the communist 'national sections'. The question of borders and the way in which they were crossed by the protagonists is at the centre of this examination. Borders did not only appear in their physical and geographical forms; they also appeared in immaterial conceptions of the border, and as the border between the individual and the rest of society. Life on the margins of European political life and the bourgeois moral enterprise is conveyed, as the authorities, the press and the police each played a role in the anti-communist crusade. To study the relationship between the Comintern and society is to understand the mechanisms of exclusion, and the specific nature of the work of officials of the Communist International. This paper looks at the socio-political relationship between the individual and the Comintern, and the networks that could be created, while also acknowledging the power dynamic that existed and persisted within the relationship of this Comintern family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]