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When do political risks lead to divestment from a profitable market? Existing theories argue both that foreign investors may be sensitive to political tensions, but that they may only be sensitive to violent conflict. Using the crucial case of the US–China Trade War, we outline how political risks increased rates of exit among foreign firms while firm entrenchment mitigated these risks. Using a new dataset on all foreign-invested enterprises registered in China between 2017 and 2019, we implement triple interaction models to isolate the impact of increased political risks, investor national origin, and entrenchment on firm exit. Our findings show that heightened political risks during the trade war did increase firm exits by 34%–3% points over the pre-conflict baseline. Tariffs, the targeted effect of the trade war, increase US firm exits by 1% point. Firm exit is determined by the balance of heightened political risks against the availability of firm-level resources to mitigate these risks. These findings reconcile the conflicting expectations of the ‘business as usual’ and ‘follow the flag’ literatures about how firms respond to political risk, highlighting the tremendous collateral damage tariffs can cause in an age of global value chains.

We estimate the effects of the US–China Trade War on Brazilian exports in 2018 and 2019. We analyze the impacts from two perspectives: (i) on total Brazilian exports and (ii) on Brazilian exports of those products on which the United States imposed tariffs against China in the trade war. We used the statistical method of panel data. The results show that Brazil obtained export gains in the first analysis, while its exports were negatively affected in the second analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rules-based trade order confronts a crisis as both rule-making and enforcement have stalled in the World Trade Organization (WTO). Locked in great power rivalry, the United States and China are undermining the rules, making it necessary for middle powers like Canada and Japan to lead a coalition to reform the WTO. Working together they should advocate for greater transparency over subsidy policies and guidelines for how to balance security goals with economic cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, authors critically analyze the concept of derisking. Derisking is actively promoted by the Western expert community as a new strategic basis for US-China trade relations. Derisking refers to the transition from the policy of radical breakdown from the trade partnership with China to the rhetoric of risk reduction, which implies limiting dependencies and risks arising from them. It does not imply a complete rupture with a partner. Based on the extensive historical material study, as well as applying modern conflictological methods of risk analysis, authors come to the conclusion that derisking management strategy does not have the conceptual optics necessary for analyzing political dimension of international economic relations and is unable to explain what is the source of risks in reality.Conceptual non-viability of derisking is due to disregard for the uneven capital development regularity, which determines the interstate relations. Global economy is a space of unfading conflict within the economic competition, and therefore eternal risk activity. The constant presence of risks in international relations makes conflict either a source that generates risks, or their result. On the example of the US-China trade relations, authors demonstrate how an attempt to elevate a partner who was designated for the outsiders’ fate generates a response from the risk-beneficiary to return the outsider to his native bosom by minimizing the consequences of risk for himself at the expense of others.In fact, behind the derisking strategy, lies desire to increase the intellectual rents’ price paid for Western patents and technologies. The reaction to the possibility of losing one’s monopoly position creates an impulse to shake up relations and change their dynamics in the right direction for oneself. These impulses expose inherent systematical contradictions and determine the outbreak of a new round of a hot trade war. While staying in the negative unity relations, participants have no other choice but to achieve the goals of enrichment, which are the same for all participants, through denying each other, and aspire every time to establish unequal economic exchange in their favor.

This article examines recent Sino-US film collaborations, focusing on Mulan (2020) against the backdrop of geopolitical shifts and the COVID-19 pandemic. Through in-depth interviews and a case study, it investigates the lukewarm reception of Mulan (2020) in China. The study explores how external pressures have disrupted the previously thriving partnership, leading to investment uncertainty, intensified censorship, and shifts in audience consumption towards online platforms, which have exacerbated piracy issues. It also addresses the political tensions surrounding Mulan (2020), including controversies related to Xinjiang and Hong Kong, which hindered its box-office success in Mainland China despite domestic support. A comparative analysis with Mulan (1998) assesses the evolution of feminist themes and filial piety in the 2020 adaptation. The findings indicate that while efforts were made to enhance feminist narratives and cultural motifs, the execution was superficial, treating complex cultural themes as mere embellishments rather than integral elements of the narrative. The film's portrayal of these themes within a predominantly Western framework highlights ongoing challenges in bridging cultural narratives in Sino-US film productions. The findings underscore the profound impact of geopolitics and reveal the contentious portrayal of feminism and cultural integration in Mulan (2020), emphasizing the challenges in Sino-US film collaborations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on measuring the status of industrial structure upgrading in China using a scientific and reasonable approach. We introduce a novel metric called industrial structure depth (ISD), which incorporates inter-industry proportional relationships and intra-industry technological capability, surpassing traditional indicators. Through ISD, we comprehensively assessed industrial structure upgrading across thirty provinces, sub-industries, and the national level in China from 2002 to 2022. The findings reveal a general rise in ISD at the provincial and national levels, followed by a subsequent decline. The shift in the gradient distribution of ISD among provinces is notable, with rapid development observed in certain central provinces. From the perspective of industry categories, manufacturing emerges as a significant influencer of China's overall ISD fluctuations. Furthermore, we dissect the ISD into the domestic intermediate goods technology-driven aspect and the production process technology-driven aspect, which allows for a detailed analysis of the factors driving changes in China's industrial structure upgrading. Overall, this paper sheds light on the crucial role of technological capability in promoting China's industrial structure upgrading and provides insights into the dynamics of industrial structure upgrading fluctuations across different stages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze whether—and, if so, how—Americans reacted to the escalation of the trade war between the United States and China in June 2018. To address this issue, we leverage surveys conducted in the United States during this phase of the economic clash. We find a significant reduction in support for Donald Trump and his trade policy immediately following the announcement of retaliatory tariffs by the Chinese government. Moreover, respondents' economic concerns about the trade war were primarily sociotropic and only weakly related to personal pocketbook considerations or local exposure to Chinese retaliatory tariffs. We also find that the trade war's intensification was politically consequential, decreasing support for Republican candidates in the 2018 midterm elections. Our findings indicate that trade wars can be politically costly for incumbent politicians, even among voters who are not directly affected by retaliatory tariffs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the Trump presidency, the United States and China were embroiled in an open trade war that threatened the neoliberal world order. This paper attempts to put forward an explanation of the trade war from a world-systems perspective. Using the world-systems theory, systemic cycles accumulation theory, and the new international division of labor thesis, the paper contends that the rise of China and the protectionist stance of the United States were products of the neoliberal world economic and political order. It concludes that the trade war has not ended with the end of the Trump presidency. On the contrary, the trade war is systemic and will continue to be fought regardless of which party or persons who occupy the White House. The willingness of the American leadership to use international institutions as dispute resolution mechanisms and avoid unilateral undertakings would define the nature of the trade war and its possible outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, the UK officially withdrew from the EU (Brexit), ending its obligation to continue the EU's retaliatory tariffs on U.S. products. Recent actions by the UK government suggest that these retaliatory tariffs will eventually be eliminated. We present a dynamic modeling framework and estimate whiskey demand in the UK by source (e.g., U.S. whiskey, Irish whiskey, etc.). Estimates are then used to simulate the impacts of the retaliatory tariff on U.S. whiskey. If the tariff is eliminated, U.S. whiskey exports to the UK should fully recover and could even exceed pre-trade war levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary aim of this study is to assess the relationship between Green Supply Chain Management (GSCM) practices and the Return on Equity (ROE) of industrial sector firms in the United States and China during the implications of the US-China Trade War. Principal Component Analysis and Random Effects Regression Analysis are employed to empirically test the impact of four Green Supply Chain Management practices which are: Internal Environmental Management, Green Purchasing, Eco Design, and Customer Cooperation on ROE. A sample of 50 firms in the US and 50 firms in China is employed to test the hypothesized relationships. Findings suggest that there is a significant positive relationship between Eco Design and ROE in both countries. However, a significant negative relationship between Internal Environmental Management and ROE is concluded in China only. This research contributes to identifying out and classifying the reported practices of the Green Pillar in firms' Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) reports under their related Green Supply Chain Management practices to provide a theoretical framework and facilitate future research. This paper proposes that policy makers, managers, and practitioners should accept sustainability as a strategic priority prior to implementing Green Supply Chain Management and suggests that firms should be confident of the long-term profitability of implementing Green Supply Chain Management practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geopolitical conflicts, particularly economic ones, introduce significant uncertainties into the global supply chain. The impact of these conflicts on cross‐border buyer–supplier transactions remains underexplored, as does the capability of global suppliers to mitigate such risks by locking in their foreign buyers. Employing a combined perspective of resource dependence theory and transaction cost economics, we examine a natural experiment to investigate the effects of the 2018 U.S.–China trade war on the transactional relationships between Chinese suppliers and their U.S. buyers. Our study reveals that the trade war generally adversely affected these buyer–supplier transactional relationships, leading to a negative abnormal transaction value in the affected dyads, which amounted to 18.42% of their pre‐event level. However, we find that this adverse impact can be attenuated when Chinese suppliers demonstrate superior innovation capabilities, higher corporate social responsibility performance, or fewer local political ties. These findings yield insights for international suppliers and buyers on strategies to maintain buyer–supplier transactions and minimize the detrimental effects on global supply chain relationships during geopolitical conflicts. Highlights: The U.S.–China trade war slashed transactions between sampled U.S. buyers and Chinese suppliers by 18.42%.Innovative and socially responsible Chinese suppliers showed more resilient, effectively retaining U.S. buyers amid the trade war.U.S. buyers distanced themselves from Chinese suppliers with local political ties to navigate geopolitical uncertainties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe trade war between the United States and China since 2008 has opened strategic opportunities to increase the economic market in ASEAN countries. This research aims to answer whether the trade war led to an oligopoly or a systemic market structure as a strategy for increasing demands, especially in ASEAN countries. The research exploration refers to trade data between Indonesia and ASEAN at the start of the 2018 US-China trade war and compares it with the latest data for 2020. This research uses the Results Index of C5 Analysis of ASEAN Trading Partner Countries and the Herfindahl–Hirschman index to examine trade between China, America, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan in the ASEAN economy. Findings, in a way, empirically shows that the Results Index of C5 Analysis of ASEAN Trading Partner Countries before and after US-China trade made market concentration moderate and caused an increase in the value of C5 Analysis Results of ASEAN Trading Partner Countries. Discounts on Herfindahl–Hirschman the index needs to pay attention to import players in ASEAN before the trade war. However, after the trade war, there was an increase in the Herfindahl–Hirschman index, which has a trend toward a collusive oligopoly market structure.

Which factors make some American multinational corporations (MNCs) take political action in response to the US-China Trade War and cause others to stay on the sidelines? We identify China-based subsidiaries of US firms to identify firms' political actions in response to the trade war. We combine data on firms' tariff exposure, economic actions in China, and political actions in the United States during the trade war. Together these data highlight the divergent strategies with which firms engage. Even though more than 63 percent of MNCs in our sample were adversely impacted by tariffs, only 22 percent voice opposition and 7 percent exit in response to the trade war. Our analysis reveals that US MNCs in China differ in their business models, ownership structure, experience in China, and size of capital investments. These firm-level factors determine the degree to which US MNCs are embedded in China. This in turn shapes how firms perceive political risk and choose from the menu of options to deal with the trade war. Size and age increase voice while joint-venture status decreases it.

AbstractWhen do political risks lead to divestment from a profitable market? Existing theories argue both that foreign investors may be sensitive to political tensions, but that they may only be sensitive to violent conflict. Using the crucial case of the US–China Trade War, we outline how political risks increased rates of exit among foreign firms while firm entrenchment mitigated these risks. Using a new dataset on all foreign-invested enterprises registered in China between 2017 and 2019, we implement triple interaction models to isolate the impact of increased political risks, investor national origin, and entrenchment on firm exit. Our findings show that heightened political risks during the trade war did increase firm exits by 34% – 3% points over the pre-conflict baseline. Tariffs, the targeted effect of the trade war, increase US firm exits by 1% point. Firm exit is determined by the balance of heightened political risks against the availability of firm-level resources to mitigate these risks. These findings reconcile the conflicting expectations of the ‘business as usual’ and ‘follow the flag’ literatures about how firms respond to political risk, highlighting the tremendous collateral damage tariffs can cause in an age of global value chains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the U.S.-China trade war, multinational firms may develop new contract manufacturers outside China to hedge against high tariffs on Chinese exports to the U.S. market. However, tariffs exhibit high uncertainty in recent years and developing a contract manufacturer incurs costs; hence, it is challenging to decide whether to develop a new contract manufacturer. We study two competing firms' contract manufacturer development decisions in a sequential game. First, we find that multinational firms prefer to develop new contract manufacturers when tariffs are expected to rise moderately rather than sharply. This is because the value of developing a new contract manufacturer for a multinational firm is the largest when the new contract manufacturer and the existing one compete most intensely, which happens for similar tariff-inclusive costs. This implies, when taking into account competition, an overly high tariff on Chinese exports to the United States does not necessarily serve the purpose of switching suppliers from China to other regions. Furthermore, higher tariff uncertainty can decrease development value and hence the incentive to develop a contract manufacturer. When there is an upward tariff shock that induces the equilibrium where both multinational firms develop a contract manufacturer, both firms must be worse off; only when it induces the asymmetric development equilibrium is it possible for the multinational firm developing a contract manufacturer to be better off, even with tariff increase and development cost. Second, the impact of development cost on multinational firms' incentives to develop new contract manufacturers is nonmonotone. As the development cost increases, the equilibrium can switch from both not developing new contract manufacturers to one developing a new contract manufacturer. Third, when the future tariff is expected to be high, multinational firms should diversify their development strategies in environments with fierce competition. Furthermore, increasing competition is not necessarily harmful for multinational firms. We also extend the analysis to consider asymmetric development costs and unobservable wholesale prices, and find the major insights are robust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined the effects of the trade war on US wooden furniture imports by product category (kitchen, bedroom, other) and exporting source (e.g., China, European Union, Vietnam) using a two‐stage demand procedure and general nested demand framework. There were significant competitive relationships across exporting countries. However, when both trade creation and diversion were considered, competitive relationships either diminished or became complementary. Consequently, elimination of the trade‐war tariffs would increase imports from China but would also benefit countries like Vietnam. However, results indicate that imports from China would still be significantly less than pretrade war levels if the tariffs are eliminated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the Trump presidency, the United States and China were embroiled in an open trade war that threatened the neoliberal world order. This paper attempts to put forward an explanation of the trade war from a world-systems perspective. Using the world-systems theory, systemic cycles accumulation theory, and the new international division of labor thesis, the paper contends that the rise of China and the protectionist stance of the United States were products of the neoliberal world economic and political order. It concludes that the trade war has not ended with the end of the Trump presidency. On the contrary, the trade war is systemic and will continue to be fought regardless of which party or persons who occupy the White House. The willingness of the American leadership to use international institutions as dispute resolution mechanisms and avoid unilateral undertakings would define the nature of the trade war and its possible outcomes.

The trade war between the United States and China can affect the Indonesian economy. It is because the United States and China are Indonesia's main trading partners in International trading. Indonesia's macroeconomic indicators affected by the trade war are exports, imports, interest rates, and inflation. This research examines the trade war's partial and simultaneous effect on Indonesia's macroeconomic conditions, such as exports, imports, interest rates, and inflation. The data used in this study is secondary data from the Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) and Bank Indonesia (BI) in 2017 – 2020. The data analysis technique used is MANOVA (Multivariate Analysis of Variance). The empirical results showed that trade war simultaneously affects exports, imports, interest rates, and inflation. Meanwhile, the trade war partially affects exports, imports, and interest rates but not inflation. Our research concluded that trade conflicts between Indonesia's two main trading partners, namely the United States and China, affect Indonesia's macroeconomic conditions, especially on exports, imports, interest rates, and inflation. Indonesia must take strategic steps to anticipate the impact of the trade war, especially on export, import, and interest rate policies.

The causal relationship between the US–China trade war and consumption substitution of domestic films for American films in China is examined in this study using the difference-in-difference model. The daily screening film data in China's 33 major cities in 2018 are employed. The results suggest that after the US–China trade war, the average attendance rate of foreign and American films has declined by 24.75% and 19.11%, respectively, compared with domestic films. As indicated by the above-mentioned finding, the trade war has led to a shift in the consumption of US films. The consumption substitution effect weakens on holidays for specific film types. People in cities exhibiting a higher economic and trade development level and a larger share of the tertiary industry are more inclined to purchase foreign cultural products. Accordingly, the negative effect of the trade war on American films is offset to some extent. As revealed by the result of this study, the negative effects are reduced with time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Made in China 2025 (MIC 2025) strategy was introduced in 2015 and aims to reduce Chinese reliance on foreign technologies by adopting the import-substitution policy. The United States (US) considers China's super-ambitious industrial policy as a serious threat and is concerned about its high-tech industries, especially as Chinese technological firms are receiving generous government subsidies and tax cuts. The US, thus, entered a direct trade war with China to protect its domestic industries from unfair and inequitable competition. The US-China trade war has seriously shifted and interrupted global supply chains, thus creating a situation of uncertainty and instability for businesses that import and export US and Chinese products. The article is policy-based, and we reviewed the existing literature in depth. We addressed the industrialization pursuits of China under the MIC 2025. Furthermore, the article has analyzed the impact of the US-China trade war on global supply chains. Finally, the article has many implications; the article provides the possible policy routes for the governments of developing countries and regulators to address the reservations of developed countries regarding state-sponsored industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using monthly trade data from January 2018 to December 2019, we empirically examine the effects of the US‐China trade war on Taiwan's exports as well as imports. On the export side, the tariff hike in the US against imports from China may increase Taiwan's exports to the US, (i.e., the substitution effect). To investigate this hypothesis, we examine how US tariffs on goods from China affect Taiwan's exports to the US. More directly, we also explore how China's exports to the US change Taiwanese exports to the US. On the import side, decline of China's export to the US may boost Taiwan's export while increasing its demand on Chinese intermediate inputs. Our empirical analyses confirmed the validity of these hypotheses. By contrast, we did not find a substitution effect in exports from neighboring countries—that is, Japan and South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China-US trade war, which was the result of differences in the production structure of the two countries, systemic contradictions in foreign economic policy principles and the struggle for global leadership, has a significant impact on global trade flows and market conditions. The article aims to identify the key beneficiaries of the trade war, to assess the situation in individual industry markets, as well as global legal effects, which remain out of academic discourse. US pharmaceutical companies and manufacturers of electronic integrated circuits, diodes, transistors, semiconductors and other high-tech components are the main beneficiaries of the trade war, while US consumers are facing rising import prices. Chile, Malaysia, Argentina, Brazil, Canada are external beneficiaries due to the growth in the supply of agricultural products and metals. Malaysia, Vietnam, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Japan win in electronics, while Vietnam, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, as well as India get additional advantages in textile production. The United States aimed at ousting China from the world rare earth metals market, forming an investment coalition consisting of Australia and Japan. The systemic spread of sanctions and trade restrictions is shifting the trade disputes resolution from the global level towards the US legal system, which seems to be relatively more efficient in resolving trade disputes.

The relevance of the research subject is conditioned upon the deterioration of diplomatic ties between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China. Clarifying this issue is, in addition, crucial considering the current unstable geopolitical situation. The purpose of the study was to identify the main stages of development of economic, political and social relations between the two countries and the problematic issues faced by the respective states. Methods used in the study: historical method, statistical method, systemic method, method of analysis and synthesis, comparative method etc. The chronology of China-US diplomatic relations was clarified, and the historical events that accompanied the development of the relevant relations were considered. The author examines the impact of these relations on the state of China-US ties, including the impact of World War II, the communist regime in the People's Republic of China, etc. In addition, the study includes statistics related to the so-called “trade war” between China and the United States. The main aspects of the Taiwan issue and the position of both the US and Chinese sides on this territory are clarified. In addition, attention was paid to the US and China's response to the Ukrainian-russian war, etc. The results of the research can be used by sociologists, lawyers and historians to write essays and dissertations. The data obtained can serve as a foundation for improving and enhancing diplomatic relations between the countries examined

This paper discusses the new protectionism between the United States of America and China and examines international trade policy amid worldwide geopolitical turbulence. The primary research task is to comprehensively analyze the current trends in foreign trade theory and policy, and in particular, the foreign trade policy models, trade interests indicated by export orientation and import sensitivity, the types and degrees of protectionist pressures in different political systems, new trends in international business, and the USA's motives for imposing tariffs and import restrictions. China will be significantly impacted by an import tariff trade war in all indicators, including welfare, gross domestic product (GDP), manufacturing employment, and trade. However, it has been pointed out that although China will be significantly affected, the costs should be sustainable and not severely damage the Chinese economy. As for the United States, the simulation results indicate that there will be welfare, GDP, and non-manufacturing production gains, but employment and trade losses.

The carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM) of the European Union (EU) may become a significant global climate policy milestone. The EU trade partners most willing to accept CBAM could help it gain the critical mass necessary for survival and broader adoption. The cooperation of the world's major economies would be particularly important, while major recipients of EU development aid may be most likely to fall into line. The stances of countries will depend on their climate outlook and how CBAM affects them. This paper assesses which countries are likely to be most accepting the EU's CBAM by constructing an index with the following dimensions: export structure, national carbon policy, innovation capacity, trade agreements with the EU, and the carbon intensity of their economies. The CBAM Support Index is applied to three different groups of countries to identify a variety of possible allies.

We investigate dynamic conditional correlations between Trade War on the stock markets of G-7 Countries using DCC Garch Modeling evidencing that strong market efficiency has an inverse relationship with stock market volatility. However, as the Trade War is between China and USA, there is probability that the stock markets of other countries may react differently to this situation. For this purpose, the Trade War series was created to capture multidimensional aspects of the event. The study's findings reveal that past residual shocks exist for all series. However, time-varying correlations do not exist for America, France, Japan and UK. The study has implications for policymakers and investors in the financial markets.

AbstractIndonesia has been the largest palm-oil producer in the world since 2006. The country’s palm-oil products are exported globally, including to member states of the European Union. In recent years, European countries have implemented increasingly stringent regulations on palm-oil imports, including from Indonesia, through policies such as the Renewable Energy Directive (RED) II. This study qualitatively analyzes Indonesia’s responses to these policies. We collected data using in-depth interviews and focus-group discussions with government policymakers, activists from nongovernmental organizations, and oil-palm smallholders and entrepreneurs in Indonesia. We demonstrate that the European Union policy has experienced a shift in recent years which has made it more difficult for Indonesian palm-oil products to enter European markets. The Indonesian government views these policies as an environmental issue, a form of trade war, and a challenge to the sovereignty and dignity of the nation. The government’s responses have included improvements to cultivation and business practices, demands for broader and more inclusive policies, and “resistance,” for example, by referring the case to the World Trade Organization.

Survival discourse has emerged as a prominent theme in online discussions about the US–China trade war on the Chinese social media platform Zhihu. This study undertakes a critical discourse analysis of this emergent discourse by examining 80 answers (totaling 95,753 words) from Zhihu users within the broader context of the invocation of survival discourses in modern Chinese history. An intertextual method was adopted in this study, which helps us to better understand netizens' arguments in favor of the Chinese government's tough stance on the trade war with the US and the probable success of this strategy. The analysis reveals the historicity and intertextuality of these discourses, identifies strategies which are employed to support a tough stance on the trade war, and reflects on their implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The food security doctrine was adopted by the Russian Federation in 2010. Developed under the leadership of President Dmitry Medvedev, it established food security as a central component of national security. The concept emerged as an issue of global public debate in response to the 2006–2008 hunger crisis in the Global South. In Russia though, the initial interpretation of the concept, which emphasised the accessibility of food resources, was transformed into a slogan advocating domestic agri-food production. The article examines the Russian case from 2014 to 2022. It analyses how the narrative on food security constructs common goods such as 'domestic territory' or 'food sovereignty' and its subsequent implications for the prioritisation of certain values (e.g. production, sovereignty), social groups (e.g. producers over consumers), and roles in economic life (e.g. trade). Finally, this article will incorporate an updated analysis of official discourses on food security produced by the government following the invasion of Ukraine in 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a short period, from 2016 to 2020, China has transformed from the main trade and economic partner of the United States, during the years of Barack Obama's presidency, to one of the leading opponents of the US administration. This article analyses the reasons for the growing tension in US–China relations and the trade war as the apogee of this confrontation considers the discourse of American political elites in the media regarding China's participation and role in the demarcation between states and assesses the prospects of relations between the two countries under the Democratic administration of Joe Biden, with a focus on the information agenda in the United States. The quantitative results of the topic modelling analysis show that the ongoing ideological shift of discourse from the Democrats and lack of any discussion of trade negotiations resulted in 2022 demonstrate that the shift from the economic sphere to ideology has been completed. The tensions between China and the United States have transferred to the political-diplomatic stage with a new danger for the United States and NATO interests coming to the surface—Russia and its policy in Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the impact of tariffs on imported steel, particularly tin-plated steel, on the U.S. canned food sector. It explores the competing special interests of steel producers and canned food manufacturers, examines the lobbying efforts, and discusses the implications for canned food prices and domestic food security, highlighting the broader context of trade protections and their effects on concentrated gains and losses within specific industries.

Copyright of Economic & Political Thought / Myśl Ekonomiczna & Polityczna is the property of Lazarski University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

By presenting an investigation of the impact of international trade protectionism on the reconfigurations of the global value chains (GVCs), this paper challenges the perceived assumption of ongoing globalization and the free flow of goods and services. Building on the de-globalization and GVCs' literature, we performed a historical content analysis on 174 articles from 2016 to 2020 published in leading and major national and international newspapers. Our findings suggest that international trade protectionism has altered the landscape of GVCs by causing widespread disruption to their functioning, thus making them prone to future external policy risks. Such disruption is having a varying impact on various industries, whereby it is causing greater harm to those industries that are more global in nature and thus rely on global suppliers. We draw implications of our findings for research and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 2017 and 2018, US President Donald Trump introduced a Section 301 investigation into China’s trade practices following allegations of unfair trade practices against China (Bown & Kolb, 2018). The battlelines first emerged when China surpassed the US in 2009 to become Africa’s largest trading partner, having signed bilateral trade agreements with over 40 countries in the African continent. By the second decade of the 2000s, the rise of the digital economy, estimated to grow at between 15% and 25% annually in emerging countries (WEF, 2017), drew Africa into the crosshairs of the US-China trade war. Between 2018 and 2023, over 36 Chinese high-tech companies were blacklisted by the US, citing concerns over national security (Sevastopulo et al., 2022). Against this background, the article places the US-China standoff over digital supremacy in Africa in a media context, bringing novel dimensions into consideration that illuminate a media war focused on competing hegemonic agendas. The article springboards off Bastiansen et al. (2019, pp. 5-8) to argue that the trade war between the two countries presents an ideal setting to study partisan and elite perspectives reflected in news reporting on the international conflict. By expanding the scope of analysis to the media as a mode of information, the article’s main departure point is that the trade war between the two countries that began in 2009, when China surpassed the US to become Africa’s largest trading partner, is being interlocuted through the agency of soft power, with media outlets playing a pivotal role in shaping public biases. A central theme emerging from the research is that media publications have clear biases. Generally, the US news media outlets analysed are heavily critical of the Chinese government and its cutting-edge technologies in Africa. In contrast, the popular Chinese media outlets analysed adopt a defensive stance in their responses to the US. Revealing this through thematic analysis can contribute valuable insights into the dynamics of the tech war between China and the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]