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During the post-war boom, unemployment among textile and garment workers in Europe and North America increased. Trade unionists attributed the textile crisis primarily to an increased supply of inexpensive textile and garment products on the global market, produced in Asia by low-wage labour. The aim of this article is to analyse the responses of European and North American unionists to the perceived threat posed by Hong Kong in particular. Specifically, it explores the efforts of the International Textile and Garment Workers’ Federation (ITGWF) to unionise workers in Hong Kong during the 1960s. It argues that the textile crisis in Europe and North America prompted both a reassessment of the scope of international trade unionism and a strengthening of mechanisms to engage in internationalism. The unionists contended that stronger unions could negotiate more favourable conditions, thereby mitigating the low-wage threat to European and North American industries, while simultaneously raising living standards in Asia. In the end, however, the results in Hong Kong were limited. Although the ITGWF appointed an Asian-born trade unionist to work on the ground, the mission’s perspective remained predominantly European/North American. The campaign faced considerable suspicion, with critics perceiving it as primarily funded by European and North American unions to alleviate domestic unemployment rather than advance genuine internationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the positions of unions and employer associations towards the level of unemployment benefits and active labour market policy (ALMP). These are prominent examples of social compensation and social investment policies respectively. The new dataset 'Reform Monitor on Political Conflict' (ReMoPo) is based on expert interviews and a systematic text analysis of all relevant press releases. Over a time-span of 14 years (2000-2014) the data clearly shows conflict between social partners on the level of unemployment benefits whilst there is consensus towards ALMP. I show that, for unemployment benefits, different motivations do lead to different positions. However, for ALMP, different motivations combine with overlapping interests, resulting in a common positive stance. The main theoretical implications of these findings were two-fold: firstly, the type of organisation does not predict positioning on welfare state issues, whereas pragmatic considerations do. Secondly, I suspect that the divergence of motivational factors combined with a consensus towards particular measures is specific to the concept of social investment. This is because social investments (training and qualification measures in this case) were expected to have the most far-reaching and long-lasting positive effects on both individuals and companies and were therefore supported by unions and employer associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human resource management, including the design and implementation of pay systems, is influenced by the specific national context in which it operates. Challenges often arise when HRM practices that have been established in advanced countries are transplanted to developing nations, as they may not fully align with the unique circumstances and cultural dynamics of the target country. Until the 1980s, rapidly growing South Korean companies embraced the seniority-based pay system (SPS) in order to encourage employee tenure. The 1997 IMF foreign currency crisis led to an effort to shift away from this model, which was seen as unrelated to job roles and performance, towards alternative systems. Despite two decades of reforming efforts, SPS pay still prevails, particularly among production workers at large manufacturing companies under trade unions. The workplace panel survey data provides evidence that the implementation of a SPS system does not display any significant negative impact on firm performance, as measured through various methods. As such, the question is not whether to abolish the old system, but instead how to accommodate the new system. The study emphasizes aligning pay systems with the nation's history, culture and industrialization rather than imposing foreign models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the right to join trade unions in international law. It is emphasized that the right to join trade unions is a unique human right, which is directly provided for in the main international legal acts for the protection of human rights, in particular, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966, the European Convention on Human Rights of 1950. The special legal nature of this right is emphasized, which at the same time belongs to the group of civil and political rights, as well as socio-economic rights. In addition, the right to organize in a trade union derives simultaneously from the right to freedom of association and the right to work. Attention is drawn to the fact that the right to join trade unions includes the right of workers without discrimination or prior permission to form and join trade unions of their own choice; trade unions should be allowed to operate freely, without undue restrictions on their functioning. The right to form and join trade unions also requires that trade unionists be protected from any form of discrimination, harassment, intimidation or repression. Special attention is paid to the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights regarding the protection of the right to join trade unions. It is emphasized that the European Court of Human Rights considers freedom of trade unions as an important element of social dialogue between employees and employers, and therefore an important tool in achieving social justice and harmony. It is concluded that according to the practice of the European Court of Human Rights, trade unions do not have a special legal status different from other associations. At the same time, the European Court of Human Rights emphasizes that the European Convention on Human Rights requires that, under national law, trade unions have the opportunity, under conditions not inconsistent with Article 11 of the Convention, to fight for the protection of the interests of their members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The effects of the minimum wage on employment and wages have been widely studied, but its impact on inequality has not yet been well analysed due to the multiple ways of observing it. This study aims to compile the most relevant publications that have dealt with inequality in order to organise them systematically by types of inequality and the conclusions that have been reached on the effects of the minimum wage. Finally, and taking into account the uncertainties that characterise any long-term forecast, it is observed that although the minimum wage is not neutral in its effects and has negative repercussions on employment, these are relatively mild. Nevertheless, from all the perspectives analysed, the minimum wage can be seen to have positive consequences for the reduction of inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1 Mayıs 1889’da işçi bayramı olarak kabul edilmiş ve dünya genelinde kutlanmaya başlanmıştır. Devlet sınırları içerisinde ilk işçi bayramı 1909’da Üsküp’te kutlanmıştır. 1911’de Selanik’te, 1912’de de İstanbul'da kutlanmıştır. Cumhuriyet’in ilanından sonra ilk kutlama 1923’te gerçekleştirilmiş, hatta İstanbul’da resmi tatil ilan edilmiştir. Uygulama kısa süreli olmuş, akabinde kitlesel eylemler yasaklanmıştır. 1925’te yürürlüğe giren Takrir-i Sükûn Kanunu ile de İşçi Bayramı kutlamaları tamamen yasaklanmıştır. 1 Mayıs kutlamaları 1935’te çıkarılan “Ulusal Bayram ve Genel Tatiller” hakkında kanun ile yeniden düzenlenmiştir. Yasaklarla ilgili düzenleme 1960’tan sonra biraz gevşetilmiştir. 1976’da işçi bayramı yeniden kutlanmış, Taksim Meydanı’nda gerçekleştirilen kutlamalara binlerce emekçi katılmıştır. Türkiye’nin en geniş katılımlı işçi bayramı 1977’de gerçekleştirilmiştir. Görkemli başlayan kutlamalara karışan provokasyon bayramı kana bulamıştır. Olaylardan sonra pek çok tutuklama gerçekleştirilmiş, fakat olayın failleri bulunamamıştır. 14 yıl süren yargılama süresince kimse ceza almamıştır. 1 Mayıs 1977’de Taksim'de yaşanan olaylarla ilgili araştırmanın yapıldığı çalışmada betimsel araştırma yöntemi kullanılmış ve dönemin basınında faydalanılmıştır. Olayların ortaya çıkmasındaki, sebepler, gelişmeler ve yaşananlar araştırılmış ve sonuçları ile ortaya konulmuştur. Elde edilen bulguya göre; ülkedeki kutuplaşma artmış, gruplar arası çatışma derinleşmiş, faali meçhul cinayetler günlük yaşamın bir parçası haline gelmiştir. Faillerin yargılanmaması, ceza almaması faili meçhul cinayetlerin artarak devam etmesine neden olmuştur. Yaratılan her hak ihlali, 80 darbesine kadar olayların kontrol altına alınmasını engellemiştir. Anarşi ve terör olaylarının, katliamların, faili meçhul cinayetlerin sonu gelmemiştir. 77 olayları 12 Eylül iddianamesine girerek 80 Darbesinin gerçekleştirilmesindeki ana temayı oluşturmuştur.

The intense development of nanotechnology in recent years poses the basic question about the safety of employees who work with nanomaterials. The study attempts to determine how employers should regulate health protection when working with nanoparticles. Employers should be aware of the importance of the risks associated with nanotechnology and their responsibility for worker health and safety. The study is a continuation of the author’s previous analyses of ways to regulate occupational safety and health in the use of nanomaterials. The author examines the theory of responsive regulation in the context of health and safety with nano- materials and the importance of dialogue in this regulatory process. The regulatory agencies should intervene in this area depending on the attainment of the assumed objectives of the law. The sense of responsibility for the effect could improve the quality of OH&S with nanomaterials.

The article examines the state of the organization of state control at the present stage of economic development in the field of ensuring labor and equipment safety. An analysis of inspections in this area showed a decrease in their number by federal inspections in order to reduce the burden on business. When studying the regulatory framework of the Russian Federation on labor and equipment safety, as well as examining statistical data regarding the state of labor protection and equipment safety in the Russian Federation, a conclusion was made about the lack of control in this area. In this regard, the organizational development of public control is proposed.

Copyright of Revista Româna de Dreptul Muncii is the property of Wolters Kluwer Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historisk Tidskrift is the property of Svenska Historiska Foereningen and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study estimates union wage premiums and analyzes the influence of trade unions on the wage gap between rural migrants and local urban workers in China by employing the Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition method based on national longitudinal survey data from the China Family Panel Studies (2010-2018). The results indicate that the union wage premium among rural migrant workers is greater than that among local urban workers. The disparity in union density widens the wage gap, whereas the difference in union wage premiums narrows the wage gap between the two groups. Moreover, the contribution rate of the former is greater than that of the latter. These results suggest that expanding union coverage among rural migrant workers could effectively contribute to reducing the wage gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of communism in Central and Eastern Europe resulted in wide-ranging social change, with established practices and relations being overturned in a relatively short period. Labour relations were an area that saw considerable upheaval as unions were released from state control and clandestine worker bodies were able to emerge. This article considers the medium-term effects of these changes by examining the characteristics of labour focused contention in Bulgaria from 2000 to 2019. This was a period during which the uncertainty that characterised the post-transition decade was settling, with new challenges and opportunities in the form of accession to the European Union, the global financial crisis, and the anti-government protests of 2013–2014 shaping the context for labour relations. This article draws on a unique dataset of labour protests to examine the claims, actors, and actions adopted to identify how the labour movement responded to these changes and the degree of trade union involvement in contentious events. The findings suggest there has been a shift from economic claims to encompass broader rights-based issues. They also suggest that unions have been visible in contentious actions but have been joined by a more diverse group of actors in advancing workers' claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Union communication and framing are important for how union members, as well as how unions as organizations, are represented. In the context of declining union density and therefore fewer direct union members, unions' daily communication material on social media may be one of the most common interactions people have with unions. This case study focuses on United Nurses of Alberta, the union for most registered nurses in Alberta, Canada, where unionization rates are among the lowest in Canada. This case study shows how United Nurses of Alberta uses two collective action frames, nurses-as-distinct and nurses-as-advocates, in their daily communication to members and the public. In creating and promoting these frames, United Nurses of Alberta draws from and pushes against the industrial relations framework under which they operate and the historical narrative of nurses as caring and self-sacrificing, which may reinforce common understandings of nursing and also limit United Nurses of Alberta's ability to represent their members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Management & Labor / Yönetim ve Çalışma Dergisi is the property of Yonetim ve Calisma and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Sozialreform is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cooperative enterprises emphasize their “moral” dimension in the Durkheimian sense, because their primary vocation is to serve the collective interest of their members. Based on a survey of several industrial cooperative enterprises, this article describes the difficulties encountered by trade unionists in these companies, where each member is expected to occupy the position of employee, decision-maker and shareholder simultaneously. The aim is to shed light on the moral dilemmas faced by member-unionists, and to show how these dilemmas lead to a redefinition of union functions.

This study appraised the role of the trade unions during the five years of the fifth phase regime in Tanzania in addressing employee’s concerns. The main aim was to assess the views of trade union members on how they view functioning of their unions basing on four dimensions namely structure, value, impact and environment with their indicators. The parameters focused on the common areas that influence functions of trade unions and are vividly assessable. The methodology involved online survey using Google form which was sent to members of trade unions through social media networks. The data collection technique used was unrestricted survey. The findings reveal that majority of respondents are positive on the existence of trade unions in work places but factors like political environment and legal framework are not friendly to smooth running of trade unions. Further, soft skills tactic is found to be more appropriate in solving employee’s grievances compared to hard skills. It is concluded by this study that despite the challenges experienced, unionism is still an important instrument for workers wellbeing in their work places. In addition to that, the spirit of trade unionism never dies, hence the trade unions and employees must learn to coexist in a mutual benefit as guided by industrial relation concept. This study recommends that the concept of industrial relations (labor relations) be enhanced in work places through different approaches like training and capacity building to trade union leaders, members and the management of the institutions (establishment of training programs). Additionally, the study about the future of trade unions in the fast-changing world in all aspects is demanding.

Twelve Communist trade union leaders from nine nations in the prosperous post-war period are compared, on the basis of an in-depth Belgian example, in an attempt to define their common theoretical profile. Five major analogies, from family origins to the end of their careers, offer a hypothetical look at the militant career of twelve workers with little schooling who fought major socio-political conflicts with their factory workers and took on major responsibilities at the head of their union and party, not without encountering numerous problems and internal tensions. This analysis provides a glimpse into the ethos of a particular type of trade unionist and the environment that led them to surpass themselves and break through the glass ceiling of social reproduction, without betraying the aspirations and values of their class.

Objective: to define libertarian principles of labor law, to establish their place in the system of labor law, and to identify problems related to their implementation in the law enforcement practice of EAEU member states.Methods: dialectical approach to cognition of social phenomena, allowing to analyze them in historical development and functioning in the context of the totality of objective and subjective factors, which predetermined the following research methods: formal-legal, comparative-legal, and method of specific sociological research.Results: based of natural-law and libertarian concepts of legal understanding, the author formulates a definition of the “libertarian principles of labor law” concept as guiding ideas that embody freedom and underlie the labor law construction. The author determines the vector of its further development in the regulation of labor and associated relations. The main libertarian principles of labor law are proposed and analyzed: a) freedom of labor force movement; b) freedom of labor and the right to work; c) prohibition of forced labor; d) freedom of contract (specified as the principles of freedom of labor contract, freedom of collective bargaining, agreement); e) freedom of association; f) freedom of collective bargaining, freedom of choice in discussing issues within the sphere of labor, voluntariness of the parties’ taking obligations (as the main principles of social partnership). The study results are expressed in theoretical conclusions and assessment of labor legislation of the EAEU countries in terms of the libertarian principles of labor law completely reflected and guaranteed in them.Scientific novelty: the paper is the first to analyze libertarian principles of labor law as a separate group of principles of labor law in the EAEU member states and to reveal the legal nature and system of libertarian principles of labor law.Practical significance: the main provisions and conclusions of the article can be used in scientific, pedagogical and law enforcement activities when considering issues related to the consideration and resolution of labor disputes, in overcoming gaps and legal conflicts in labor legislation.

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There is a rich narrative on the new dynamics of organizing among informal workers wherein citizenship claims rather labour rights become the basis for negotiation. However, putting citizenship claims at the centre puts migrants at a relative disadvantage. Migrants share their vulnerabilities with other informal workers, but they have additional disadvantages rooted in them being 'non-citizens'. Ironically, migrants are often treated in existing literature as an undifferentiated part of informal labour. Situated in the aftermath of COVID-19, this article locates migrant workers' vulnerability within their inability to organize as a unique group rather than just as trade-based associations of informal workers. Specifically, the paper asks; what explains the lack of organization among migrant workers? What is the role of trade unions in this regard? And, how has an NGO-led initiative during the outbreak of Covid-19, unfolded opportunities for migrant street vendors to organize? Based on a qualitative study using, primary data from two districts in India, it is found that migrants are occupationally designed to remain de-organized, whereas trade unions represent a case of moral hazard. In fact, part of this disadvantage persists because migrants' mobilization is yet to figure as a direct agenda of the trade unions. Alongside, a civil society organization, through iterative negotiations initiates a process that, though unintended, can address the citizenship question for migrants. This process mirrors the dynamics of alternative organizing. However, it also signifies that any claims to organize migrant workers must accommodate their distinct positioning within informal workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is aimed at giving meaning to the importance of the departmental bargaining chambers as required in the public service workplaces. The departmental bargaining chambers serve as the critical legal structure to engage with management at the workplace level. It serves as the policy development structure and a platform of expression where parties (employer/employee) thrash out policy and collective bargaining matters. This system enables the parties to achieve agreements on matters of mutual interest including conflict resolution at the source of origin. The collective bargaining chambers in the workplace serve to strengthen the union bargaining power and increase their sphere of influence on policy and decision-making processes. This is a necessary legislative structure to enhance service delivery through social dialogue. To effect the bargaining chambers in the public service workplaces, they are stratified in terms of sector specific interest, namely, the Public Health and Social Development Sectoral Bargaining Council (PHSDSBC), Safety and Security Sectoral Bargaining Council (SSSBC), General Public Service Sectoral Bargaining Council (GPSSBC) and the Education Labour Relations Council (ELRC). Further on collective bargaining issues that straddle sectoral councils collectively converge under the auspices of the PSCBC to attain policy and agreements that cover all employees in the public service alike. The mandate and powers of the departmental bargaining chambers in the public service workplaces are regulated through collective agreements of the sectoral bargaining chambers. The powers of the departmental bargaining chambers should be complementary to those of the sector and should not contradict the role of the central bargaining chamber. The departmental chambers are created to keep the balance between management and employees in the workplace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout history, trade union organization has undergone significant reforms and changed as the organization of the state itself has changed. Trade union organization went through three historical phases: the phase until the nineteenth century, the phase from the nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century, and the final phase in the twenty-first century. Trade union organization followed the organization of the first states, through which workers defended their labor rights under primitive conditions in a primitively organized way. The first modern forms of trade union organizing were experienced in the territory of the United Kingdom, which is also considered the forerunner of trade union organizing. The right to organize a trade union, although today one of the fundamental collective rights, is increasingly becoming the subject of discussions and dilemmas, whether this right is really necessary in labor relations and, in the end, in constitutions of a large number of countries, as a promotion of economic and social rights. The paper could be divided into three parts, firstly the authors want to define the historical development of trade union organization, the process of developing in the countries of the world, what are the key historical moments in which this right made and contributed to "a quality more" in labor relations, and which were the first laws-constitutions that provided for this fundamental right today. The second part of the paper refers to the current normative legal situation in the Republic of Serbia regarding trade union organization and specifically trade union rights. The third part actually represents the main purpose of the paper, which is to point out some potential problems in the twenty-first century that union organizing in the international community is facing.

The subject. Proclaiming the ideas of partnership and solidarity, the state designates a completely new development focused on socio-economic relations in Russia, involving new principles of interaction between society, business and the state. The revision of the status of subjects of social partnership will be aimed at further development of the system of guarantees of human and civil rights and freedoms. Purpose of the study. The purpose of this work is a comprehensive analysis of the trade union as a subject of social partnership based on the study, analysis and generalization of the scientific base, current legislation and practice of its application. Effective protection of the rights and legitimate interests of employees is possible only if there is an effective mechanism of implementation of trade union control over their compliance. Therefore, it seems that in the near future the share of public control over compliance with labor legislation and labor protection should increase. Methodology. In the process of achieving the goal and solving the tasks set, the general scientific dialectical methods of cognition, as well as logical, historical, comparative legal and formal legal methods were used. Structural and systemic methods are also the basis of the study. The conclusions of the work are based on dialectical unity and the struggle of opposites. The main results. In the process of scientific research, it can be concluded that a society should be able to exercise public control over the observance of human rights in this society. During the reforms, trade unions lost the right to legislative initiative at the federal level, the rights to state supervision of compliance with labor legislation and the state of labor protection, and consideration of individual labor disputes. At the same time, trade unions have re-ceived a number of new rights, for example, to participate in the resolution of collective labor disputes, in collective bargaining, to conclude social partnership agreements, etc.Despite the declared principle of independence of trade unions from the state, as a result, it is impossible to create and legalize the legal status of the trade union movement without a state regulator. Therefore, the independence of any legal entity is, in principle, relative. Nevertheless, associations of employees are provided with a sufficient amount of corporate independence, which actually ensures their national and individual characteristics. Conclusions. Trade unions are an important element of civil society. Without increasing their role, it is impossible to achieve harmony in social and labor relations. In this regard, the question of the new status of trade unions in Russia should be raised. This conclusion is justified by the fact that free and independent trade unions are the guarantors of social justice and security. Consequently, the use of the market mechanism by the population depends on whether it is possible to regulate the labor market within the framework of law and policy. Moreover, the labor market improves the status of employees in relation to employers only with strong trade unions.

This paper envisages how the concept of 'Inequality' has been perceived by the Trade Unionists in late colonial Bengal. Informed by the ideology of Communism, these activists penned down a myriad of insightful analytical tracts, primarily in vernaculars, ranging from propaganda pamphlets to articles in the party organs. Their critique of Imperialism, and how it precipitates economic and socio-political inequalities was grafted in the ethos of class struggle. Through delineating their stark ideological differences with Gandhian mass politics, and by focusing on their intellectual endeavours concerning various structural inequalities of class, religion, caste, and gender it aims at charting out the indigenous response to the global doctrine of Communism. Often overlooked as conventional intellectuals, their literature brings to fore an alternative discourse on anti-colonialism in South Asia, overwhelmed by the theme of Nationalism. This paper is a methodological probe in doing intellectual history from below, adding to the edifice of the existing scholarship on Decolonisation, Communism, and Inequality in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to membership decline, trade unions have attempted a number of revitalization strategies. One of these is political campaigning. If used as a revitalization strategy, political campaigns are not just employed because the union desires a specific policy outcome but also as a way to convince new members to join the union. Drawing from the literature on both union revitalization and interest group strategies more in general, we seek to explain why some unions attempt this revitalization strategy where others do not. We use a controlled comparison of two trade union federations in the same country facing the same membership pressures to determine which factor or factors contribute to using this strategy. One trade union organized a campaign to increase the minimum wage specifically to boost its membership (the #Voor14 campaign), while the other did not. On the basis of interviews with key actors in both unions, we identify a key factor in determining union strategic choices: some groups risk their relations with the government and employers to gain more power at the negotiation table, while others believe that expanding membership is not worth risking the relations with the government and employers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of trade unions in the labour market is currently a hot topic in Vietnam as there is a plan to transition from a single state-led union system to a new system that allows the participation of some types of independent unions. This study provides the first evidence on the links between union coverage and workers' welfare utilising a Vietnamese national representative dataset. An instrument variable technique is applied for estimation. Using cross-sectional data, the study finds that union coverage negatively affects both sexes in terms of earnings and labour supply while positively affecting their participation in social insurance. However, the effects disappear for women in terms of earnings and for both sexes in terms of labour supply when investigating the non-state sector. The study also shows some important results using panel data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of a Just Transition [JT] gained considerable international interest as exemplified by a dedicated pavilion set up for the JT by the European Commission and the ILO at the COP27. Although the concept now encompasses a wide range of justices such as the social, legal, and environmental justices, the original concept itself can be traced back to trade union movements in the 1980s. Drawing lessons from the socio-economic damage caused by a failed JT of the UK mine closures between the 1980s and 1990s, this paper argues that former coal mining communities in the UK today continues to face similar problems identified in the past, which makes them uniquely vulnerable against the current process of JT. This paper utilises the multi-level perspective [MLP] theory by fleshing out the role of politics and policy in enabling a JT, using a case study approach to the coal mine closure in the North of England. This paper identifies the failed JT at every stage of the MLP theory. It concludes that the example of the coal mine closures provides a valuable lesson for a successful JT today such as stronger key stakeholder cooperation and a place-based response through significant decentralisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article applies the concept of legitimacy to reinterpret collective bargaining as a war of words instead of an institutional arrangement of negotiations and power struggles between employers and trade unions. The case study investigates trade union discourse by collecting and analysing campaign materials about academic wages across British universities over 18 years. The results suggest trade unions tried to stigmatize British universities for not engaging in consultation and negotiation; acting with honesty and good faith; or being transparent and equitable. However, none of these management practices puts economic framing at the forefront, which is at odds with financialization and the essence of wages being about money and performance. This article concludes that embracing economics and reducing plurality within trade union discourse may help legitimize academic wages to match economic growth in the sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper Periodic Knowledge acquisition and Replication inspired optimization algorithm, Enriched Indus River flow dynamics Optimization Algorithm, Trade union chief selection optimization, algorithm and Population based optimization, algorithm are designed to solve the Power loss Engineering problem. In Periodic Knowledge acquisition and Replication inspired optimization algorithm, Learning and adapting to the situations are more important in the human being life. Teaching and sequential learning, Solution to Contradictory Opinions, Ikigai and Kaizen, Understanding cosmos and Indus river flow watercourse flow dynamics algorithm are integrated to form the Enriched Indus River flow dynamics Optimization Algorithm. Trade union chief selection optimization is designed by imitating the elective procedure of the trade union to select the leader. Population is channelled by the examination region under the leadership of the chosen chief. In Population based optimization algorithm every optimal problem has an appetizing region which defined as Exploration region and it envisaged as a synchronize structure with a numeral of hatchets equivalent to the problem resolution parameters. Proposed Periodic Knowledge acquisition and Replication inspired optimization algorithm, Enriched Indus River flow dynamics Optimization Algorithm, Trade union chief selection optimization algorithm and Population based optimization algorithm are verified in G01-G24 benchmark functions, Six and IEEE 30, 57, 118 bus test systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa's professional nursing organisations and consequently the profession itself, underwent two major periods of transformation. The first period from the 1950s to the 1980s, was shaped by a political system that forbade multiracial workers' organisations and mandated racially segregated nursing associations. The statutory position of the South African Nursing Association (SANA), combined with the country's autocratic socio-political environment, limited the ability of nurse leaders to openly challenge the status quo. Instead, these leaders developed strategies and professional structures to minimise the impact of socio-political influences on the development of nursing as a profession. The second period of transformation began in the 1980s, driven by broader socio-political changes in South Africa. The racial fragmentation caused by the first transformational period, coupled with SANA's statutory status, made this second period particularly challenging. Over time the nursing profession experienced further division because of differing philosophical and socio-political views. From 1944 to 1985, nurse leaders opted for a single, mandatory professional association to represent professional nurses' interests. However, after 1985, professional nurses in South Africa chose to prioritise freedom of association and their socio-economic needs, which led to the erosion of a unified, collective professional identity. Contribution: The authors contribute to the history of nursing by describing how South African professional nursing organisations were subjected to two transitional periods that significantly influenced the nature of the organisations and the nursing profession itself. The purpose of this article is to narrate these events not yet disseminated in South African nursing history literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Seventy five years after Charles Dukes represented the UK at the UN's Human Rights Commission which drafted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1947–1948, he is scarcely known compared with "major" figures of the drafting, like Roosevelt, Malik, and Cassin. With little formal education, the life-long trade union official had a very different profile from the jurists, academics, and diplomats who represented the other 17 states. Yet, Dukes' intimate practical understanding of social and economic rights added an essential perspective, at a moment when the Cold War began to stir, including the battle for the heart of organized labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on examining the role of trade unionism in contributing to organisational conflicts within the public sector. Employing a mixed-method approach, both quantitative and qualitative methods were utilized. The study's population consisted of 18,800 individuals, with a sample size of 384 determined through a sample size calculator. Ultimately, 299 questionnaires were returned, yielding a response rate of 77.8%. Additionally, 34 interviews were conducted. Theoretical frameworks, including the goal system, unitary, radical, and pluralist theories, were employed during the literature review. Sampling techniques encompassed stratified random sampling and purposive sampling. Quantitative data underwent analysis using the Scientific Package for Social Scientists (SPSS) version 23, aided by Microsoft Excel, while qualitative data was analysed using Nvivo version 12.The research's findings underscore that trade unions have lost effectiveness and struggle to fulfill their intended role as contributors to organisational conflicts. Notably, the research was unfunded, and ethical considerations were scrupulously followed. Respondents were willingly engaged, and participation was voluntary, allowing them to withdraw from the study at any point without coercion. This study bears substantial significance for policymakers when formulating legislative provisions concerning employment relations. Scholarly peers aiming to expand their knowledge in the realm of trade unionism will benefit from the insights this study contributes to the existing knowledge base. The study's results are poised to positively influence the negotiation dynamics between management and employees in disputes involving both interests and rights. In conclusion, this comprehensive study sheds light on the diminishing efficacy of trade unions as drivers of organisational conflict within the public sector. By employing a mixed-method approach and integrating multiple theoretical frameworks, the research has broad-ranging implications for policy, theory advancement, and social interactions within the realm of employment relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This editorial shows how the digital economy continuously reshapes work and employment. Based on a literature review, it illustrates that digitalization frequently implies job loss, de-skilling and measures to restrict co-determination and participation of labor. However, digitalization also offers opportunities for managers, employees and unions to create new work tasks and conditions for skilled work. After showing major trends of digitalization in the last decades, the editorial illustrates recent research fields in economic geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the impact of unions on employment protection during the COVID-19 economic crisis in South Korea, finding that union members were 1.9 times more likely to retain their jobs than non-union members. Topics include the nuanced effects on wages and working hours, emphasizing that unions provided employment security by reducing working hours rather than wages during the pandemic.