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Objectives/hypothesis: From the 1970s-1990s the U.S. Smokeless Tobacco Company (USST) conducted aggressive campaigns to solicit college students to buy their smokeless tobacco (ST) products. The scope, scale, methods, and impact of this youth marketing campaign have yet to be analyzed in the academic literature., Study Design: Historical research study., Methods: Internal industry documents describing the USST campaigns were obtained via the University of California, San Francisco's repository of tobacco company records. Marketing materials were obtained from Stanford University's Research Into the Impact of Tobacco Advertising (SRITA) collection of 657 USST advertisements., Results: USST's College Marketing Program (1978-mid 1980s) sponsored events in some 350 campuses and hired student representatives in at least 175 colleges and universities across America. College representatives were trained to provide free samples to fellow students. Over a typical school year approximately a quarter million Happy Days, Skoal, and Skoal Bandits samples were handed out to undergraduates. USST paid their student representatives well and offered them a variety of incentives based upon sales growth. During the 1990s, USST's Skoal Music program engaged students on campuses and at "spring break" venues such as Daytona Beach., Conclusions: Targeting of college students on campus was a common tobacco industry practice between the 1940s and early 1960s. From the 1970s through 1990s USST resurrected the method and pursued it with vigor including: distribution of free samples; sponsored events and concerts, branded intramural teams; visits by sports celebrities; logo wearables and merchandise; contests and incentives; and displays and promotions in stores on and surrounding campuses. Laryngoscope, 131:E1860-E1872, 2021., (© 2021 American Laryngological, Rhinological and Otological Society Inc, "The Triological Society" and American Laryngological Association (ALA).)

Background: Nepal was a monarchy, then a dictatorship, then a democracy. This paper reviews how tobacco control progressed in Nepal in the context of these changes in government from 1950 through 2006., Methods: We triangulated tobacco industry documents, newspaper articles and key informant interviews., Results: Until 1983, the tobacco industry was mostly state owned. Transnational tobacco companies entered the Nepalese market through ventures with Surya Tobacco Company Private Limited (with Imperial Tobacco Company and British American Tobacco) in 1983 and Seti Cigarette Factory Limited (with Philip Morris International [PMI]) in 1985. Seminars and conferences on tobacco, celebrations of World No Tobacco Day (WNTD) and efforts by WHO helped promote tobacco control in Nepal beginning in the 1970s. Tobacco advocates in Nepal pushed the government to issue executive orders banning smoking in public places in 1992 and tobacco advertising in electronic media in 1998, and to introduce a tobacco health tax in 1993. The tobacco industry lobbied against these measures and succeeded in keeping the tobacco tax low by challenging it in court. Tobacco advocates sued the government in 2003 and 2005, resulting in a June 2006 Supreme Court decision upholding the smoking and advertising bans and requiring the government to enact a comprehensive tobacco control law., Conclusions: Political instability, conflict, weak governance and the dictatorship significantly affect tobacco control activities in low-income and middle-income countries. Nepal shows that tobacco control advocates can take advantage of global events, such as WNTD, and use domestic litigation to maintain support from civil societies and to advocate for stronger tobacco control policies., Competing Interests: Competing interests: None declared., (© Author(s) (or their employer(s)) 2020. No commercial re-use. See rights and permissions. Published by BMJ.)

Background: In June 2019, Beverly Hills, California, became the first American city in the 21st century to pass an ordinance ending the sale of most tobacco products, including cigarettes, and it is unlikely to be the last. Knowledge of previous efforts to ban tobacco sales in the US, both successful and unsuccessful, may help inform tobacco control advocates' approach to future efforts., Methods: We retrieved and analyzed archival tobacco industry documents. We confirmed and supplemented information from the documents with news media coverage and publicly available state and local government materials, such as meeting minutes and staff reports, related to proposed bans., Results: We found 22 proposals to end the sale of cigarettes or tobacco products from 1969-2020 in the US. Proposals came from five states, twelve cities or towns, and one county. Most came from elected officials or boards of health, and were justified on public health grounds. In opposing tobacco sales bans, the tobacco industry employed no tactics or arguments that it did not also employ in campaigns against other tobacco control measures. Public health groups typically opposed sales ban proposals on the grounds that they were not evidence-based. This changed with Beverly Hills' 2019 proposal, with public health organizations supporting this and other California city proposals because of their likely positive health impacts. This support did not always translate into passage of local ordinances, as some city council members expressed reservations about the impact on small businesses., Conclusion: Tobacco control advocates are likely to encounter familiar tobacco industry tactics and arguments against tobacco sales ban proposals, and can rely on past experience and the results of a growing body of retail-related research to counter them. Considering how to overcome concerns about harming retailers will likely be vital if other jurisdictions are to succeed in ending tobacco sales., Competing Interests: I have read the journal's policy and the authors of this manuscript have the following competing interests: PAM: Personal financial interests: Since 2006, I have been a full-time faculty employee of the University of California, San Francisco. My salary is provided by funds from research grants. I have received honoraria from the U.S. Department of Justice (for serving as a tobacco industry documents consultant for United States of America vs. Philip Morris, et al.), and Cancer Research UK (for preparing a report on views of the idea of a tobacco “endgame”). I have participated in tobacco control advocacy. Organizational financial interests: Within the last 5 years I have received grant funding from the California Tobacco-Related Disease Research Program (research funds derived from the state tax on cigarettes), and have worked on projects funded by the National Cancer Institute and California Tobacco Control Program. Interests of related parties: None to declare. REM: Personal financial interests: Since 1997, I have been a full-time faculty employee of the University of California, San Francisco. My salary is provided by funds from the state of California and my research grants. I have received travel/accommodation expenses and consulting fees or honoraria from the U.S. Department of Justice (for serving as a tobacco industry documents consultant for United States of America vs. Philip Morris, et al.), World Health Organization (for serving on the Expert Panel on Tobacco Industry Interference with Tobacco Control), American Legacy Foundation (for serving on an award selection panel), Clearway Minnesota (for serving as a grant proposal reviewer), U.S. Centers for Disease Control (for consulting on a tobacco industry documents research project), NIH (for serving as a grant proposal reviewer) and Cancer Research UK (for preparing a report on views of the idea of a tobacco “endgame”). I own one share each of Philip Morris International, Reynolds American, and Altria stock for research and advocacy purposes and have participated in tobacco control advocacy. I receive an annual honorarium and reimbursement of travel/accommodation expenses from BMJ Publishing Group Ltd (for work as editor-in-chief of Tobacco Control). I have also received travel/accommodation expenses and honoraria for speaking to various public health groups. In addition, I have received funding for reviewing documents as a potential expert witness for plaintiffs’ legal cases involving tobacco industry activities. Organisational financial interests: Within the last 5 years I have received grant funding from the National Cancer Institute, National Institutes of Health, the California Tobacco-Related Disease Research Program (research funds derived from the state tax on cigarettes), and the California Tobacco Control Program. Non-financial interests: I have published or collaborated on research with more than 50 colleagues, postdoctoral fellows and students. I recuse myself from handling or reviewing papers submitted by these colleagues and others from my institution (UCSF). Interests of related parties: None to declare In 2019, both authors provided written informational resources at the request of Beverly Hills city staff and/or representatives and REM provided expert testimony at City Council or Health Commission meetings in Beverly Hills, Manhattan Beach, and Hermosa Beach. We confirm that nothing in those competing interest statements alters our adherence to PLOS ONE policies on sharing data and materials.

Objectives. To investigate the transfer of marketing knowledge and infrastructure for targeting racial/ethnic minorities from the tobacco to the food and beverage industry in the United States. Methods. We analyzed internal industry documents between April 2018 and April 2019 from the University of California San Francisco Truth Tobacco Industry Documents Library, triangulated with other sources. Results. In the 1980s, Philip Morris Companies purchased General Foods and Kraft Foods and created Kraft General Foods. Through centralized marketing initiatives, Philip Morris Companies directly transferred expertise, personnel, and resources from its tobacco to its food subsidiaries, creating a racial/ethnic minority-targeted food and beverage marketing program modeled on its successful cigarette program. When Philip Morris Companies sold Kraft General Foods in 2007, Kraft General Foods had a "fully integrated" minority marketing program that combined target marketing with racial/ethnic events promotion, racial/ethnic media outreach, and corporate donations to racial/ethnic leadership groups, making it a food industry leader. Conclusions. The tobacco industry directly transferred racial/ethnic minority marketing knowledge and infrastructure to food and beverage companies. Given the substantial growth of food and beverage corporations, their targeting of vulnerable populations, and obesity-related disparities, public policy and community action is needed to address corporate target marketing.

In recent years, cigarette packets have become the site of considerable legislative attention, via initiatives to remove industry branding from tobacco products. These efforts are based on the premise that branded cigarette packaging acts as a 'silent salesman' for smoking. According to this perspective, the cigarette packet has a particular sort of agency, but one rooted in its communicative powers rather than its material qualities. In this article, I reconsider this view, based on an analysis of archives in the Truth Tobacco Industry Documents Library produced by a search of the term 'packet design', and scholarship on containerization. Taking up the idea of containers as undertheorized forms of materiality, I argue that the cigarette packet is best conceptualized as a technology with powerful, albeit largely invisible, physical consequences on the circulation of cigarettes and the practice of smoking itself.

Background: Video games have grown in popularity since the 1970s, and tobacco imagery is present in a substantial subset of games, including those oriented to youth. Much like exposure to tobacco content in films, exposure to tobacco content in video games may influence smoking uptake and use; however, the tobacco industry's role in facilitating or promoting the use of tobacco imagery in video games is unclear. We explored the industry's interest in and use of video games to market their products to youth and young adults., Methods: We retrieved and analyzed archival tobacco industry documents. We supplemented information from the documents with current and archived versions of several brand and corporate websites and one website containing user-supplied information on video games., Results: Tobacco companies recognized the youth appeal and marketing potential of video games as early as 1980. Initial marketing ideas included incorporating video game themes into product packaging and design. More fully realized plans focused on incorporating video games into product promotions in bars, as a high visibility way to attract younger patrons and increase long-term marketing opportunities by generating names for tobacco company direct-marketing databases. Tobacco companies also incorporated video games into in-home product promotions, primarily as components of brand websites, in order to enhance brand image and generate repeat website traffic. A similar desire to attract and keep visitors led to discussions about the inclusion of video games on corporate youth smoking prevention websites, although only one company, Lorillard, followed through., Conclusions: Video game players are an attractive target market for tobacco companies. Video games, as used by these companies, facilitate consumer engagement with particular tobacco brands or particular corporate messages. Eliminating the use of video games as a promotional vehicle may require limiting tobacco marketing in both physical and online environments., Competing Interests: The authors have declared no competing interests exist.

Introduction: The use of waterpipe (also known as hookah) increased between 2011 and 2016 in the US and globally, especially among youth and young adults. The aim of this study is to examine the tobacco industry's interest, involvement and role in proliferating waterpipe-like products and its technology., Methods: We searched the University of California San Francisco Truth Tobacco Industry Documents beginning with the search terms "hookah', 'waterpipe', 'narghile', 'shisha', 'hooka', 'e-hookah', 'electronic hookah', 'water filtration', and 'hubble-bubble' and then expanded the search using snowball sampling. Over 1500 documents were reviewed, and 39 were included in this analysis., Results: This review focuses on several companies' addition of water to the filter of one cigarette holder and to two cigarettes in an attempt to make these products seem safer. In 1954, the Aquafilter Corporation created and patented a filtered cigarette holder named Aquafilter, which the documents reveal was closely monitored by multiple tobacco companies. In 1965, the American Tobacco Company developed the Waterford cigarette. In 1987, Japan Tobacco patented the Rivage cigarette. Waterford and Rivage were very similar products that contained crushable water capsules designed to "wet" the cigarettes' filter., Conclusion: Companies have been attempting to incorporate the water filtrating aspect of waterpipe into cigarette products. Ultimately, several tobacco companies adapted the technology from these devices to create cigarettes with crushable flavor capsules. Given the tobacco industry's history of resurrecting products, the industry may attempt to incorporate water filtration and other aspects of waterpipe into future products to attempt to make them appear safer., (Published by Elsevier Ltd.)

Competing Interests: Competing interests: We have read and understood BMJ policy on declaration of interests and declare that the work was supported by the Laura and John Arnold Foundation, CrossFit Foundation, and the US National Cancer Institute (CA 087472). The funders had no role in design, conduct, collection, management, analysis, and interpretation of the data or in the preparation, review, or approval of the manuscript.

Objective: To better understand the current embrace of long-term nicotine maintenance by British governmental agencies and tobacco harm reduction by several leading British public health organisations, describe the context and deliberations of the UK's first formal tobacco risk reduction programme: 'Product Modification'., Methods: Analysis of previously secret tobacco industry documents, news archives and Parliamentary debate records., Results: From 1972 to 1991, the British government sought to investigate safer smoking through the 'product modification programme'. The Independent Scientific Committee on Smoking and Health (ISCSH) advised the British government on these efforts and collaborated with the tobacco industry, with which government then negotiated to determine policy. The ISCSH operated from four industry-backed premises, which contributed to the ISCSH's support of safer smoking: (1) reduced toxicity indicates reduced risk; (2) collaboration with the tobacco industry will not undermine tobacco control; (3) nicotine addiction is unavoidable; (4) to curtail cigarette use, solutions must be consumer-approved (ie, profitable). These premises often undermined tobacco control efforts and placed the ISCSH at odds with broader currents in public health. The product modification programme was abandoned in 1991 as the European Community began requiring members to adopt upper tar limits, rendering the ISCSH redundant., Policy Implications: Endorsements of reduced harm tobacco products share the same four premises that supported the product modification programme. Current tobacco harm reduction premises and policies supported by the British government and leading British public health organisations may reflect the historical influence of the tobacco industry., Competing Interests: Competing interests: None declared., (© Article author(s) (or their employer(s) unless otherwise stated in the text of the article) 2018. All rights reserved. No commercial use is permitted unless otherwise expressly granted.)

Background and Aim: During the mid-20th century tobacco companies placed advertisements in medical journals to entice physicians to smoke their brand and, more importantly, to recommend it to their patients. They have been little studied, in part because advertising sections in medical journals are almost universally discarded before binding. This study aimed to define the themes and techniques used in doctor-targeted tobacco advertisements that appeared in American medical journals in the mid-20th century and determine the motivations and tactics of the tobacco industry in engaging the medical profession in this way., Methods: Doctor-targeted tobacco advertisements from JAMA and the New York State Medical Journal appearing between 1936 and 1953 were studied. These were obtained from the New York Academy of Medicine and the UCSF Truth database of tobacco industry documents. Content analysis of advertising slogans and imagery was conducted. Using internal tobacco industry documents, we examined the relationship between tobacco advertisers and medical journals., Results: Among the 519 doctor-targeted advertisements, 13 brands were represented, with two (Philip Morris and Camel) accounting for 84%. Correspondence between tobacco advertisers and medical journal editors reveals the potent influence of revenue to the sponsoring society and personal compensation derived from consulting arrangements. Content analysis of the advertisements revealed much flattery of doctors and arguments professing the harmlessness of the company's brand., Conclusions: Analysis of doctor-targeted tobacco advertisements in American medical journals from 1936 to 1953 suggest that tobacco companies targeted physicians as a potential sales force to assuage the public's fear of health risks and to recruit them as allies against negative publicity. Tobacco companies also appeared to try, through the substantial advertising revenue passed by journals to their parent medical societies, to temper any possible opposition by organized medicine., (© 2018 Society for the Study of Addiction.)

Aim: The article provides an overview on the beginning and evolutions of medical observations on tobacco induced diseases between Eighteenth and Nineteenth century., Methods: By searching for historical medical literature, first studies on tobacco-induced diseases focused on production risks rather than on adverse effects that the use of tobacco has for the human health., Results: The approach induced first eighteenth-century authors to define this substance as a non-pathogenic and, consequently, not to consider tobacco factories dangerous for health workers. In those years, tobacco was employed in therapy as a stimulant treatment and it was considered harmless and even healthy and preventive of several acute diseases., Conclusions: Authors will show that studies on pathogenic effects of smoking will only start around late nineteenth century, when the idea of the healthiness of tobacco industry was already supported.

For years, the tobacco industry has organized the inoculation of tobacco addiction to adolescents., Method: The analysis of a 1973 RJReynols ® document identified ten physical and psychological factors in order to increase the number of young users for a brand of cigarettes. These young people are classified into three groups: pre-smokers, learners and smokers., Result: The taste for pre-smokers and learners and nicotine for smokers are main physical parameters. The industry clearly knows that tobacco is mainly consumed because of nicotine addiction, so it is necessary to make adolescents addict. It is interesting to note that cigarette pack was in 1973 a positive factor to attract young smokers, whereas now with the arrival of the neutral packaging, the tobacco industry declares that packaging has no influence to attract teenagers ! Of the psychological factors, the only negative factor is the self-image of the smoker. The tobacco industry already recognized in 1973 that smokers were unhappy about smoking. For learners, self-image and the experience of adults are most important factor, which is why the industry strives to create a positive image and convey message that smoking initiation is a ritual to become adult. According to the tobacco industry, stress and alleviation of boredom are also important points in turning pre-smokers into learners and learners into smokers., Conclusion: This article aims to provide practical tools for understanding industry initiatives targeting adolescents. The attached tool can be used by the teens or adults involved to understand the optimization of teenagers tobacco marketing., (Copyright © 2018 Elsevier Masson SAS. All rights reserved.)

Background: Tobacco addiction is a complex, multicomponent phenomenon stemming from nicotine's pharmacology and the user's biology, psychology, sociology, and environment. After decades of public denial, the tobacco industry now agrees with public health authorities that nicotine is addictive. In 2000, Philip Morris became the first major tobacco company to admit nicotine's addictiveness. Evolving definitions of addiction have historically affected subsequent policymaking. This article examines how Philip Morris internally conceptualized addiction immediately before and after this announcement., Methods and Findings: We analyzed previously secret, internal Philip Morris documents made available as a result of litigation against the tobacco industry. We compared these documents to public company statements and found that Philip Morris's move from public denial to public affirmation of nicotine's addictiveness coincided with pressure on the industry from poor public approval ratings, the Master Settlement Agreement (MSA), the United States government's filing of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) suit, and the Institute of Medicine's (IoM's) endorsement of potentially reduced risk products. Philip Morris continued to research the causes of addiction through the 2000s in order to create successful potentially reduced exposure products (PREPs). While Philip Morris's public statements reinforce the idea that nicotine's pharmacology principally drives smoking addiction, company scientists framed addiction as the result of interconnected biological, social, psychological, and environmental determinants, with nicotine as but one component. Due to the fragmentary nature of the industry document database, we may have missed relevant information that could have affected our analysis., Conclusions: Philip Morris's research suggests that tobacco industry activity influences addiction treatment outcomes. Beyond nicotine's pharmacology, the industry's continued aggressive advertising, lobbying, and litigation against effective tobacco control policies promotes various nonpharmacological determinants of addiction. To help tobacco users quit, policy makers should increase attention on the social and environmental dimensions of addiction alongside traditional cessation efforts.

This study analyzes Brazil's tobacco control policy from 1986 to 2016, seeking to describe the policy's history and discuss its achievements, limits, and challenges. The study adopted a political economics approach and contributions from public policy analysis. Data were based on a search of the literature, documents, and secondary sources and semi-structured interviews with stakeholders involved in the policy. Factors related to the domestic and international contexts, the political process, and the policy's content influenced the institutional characteristics of tobacco control in the country. The study emphasizes the consolidation of Brazil's social rejection of smoking, government structuring of the policy, action by civil society, and Brazil's prestige in the international scenario. Inter-sector tobacco control measures like price and tax increases on cigarettes, the promotion of smoke-free environments, and the enforcement of health warnings contributed to the important reduction in prevalence of smoking. Implementation of the World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control in Brazil, beginning in 2006, contributed to the expansion and consolidation of the national policy. However, tobacco-related economic interests limited the implementation of some strategic measures. The challenges feature the medium- and long-term sustainability of tobacco control and the solution to barriers involving crop diversification on current tobacco-growing areas, the fight against the illegal cigarette trade, and interference in the policy by the tobacco industry.

Background: Use of electronic cigarettes (e-cigarettes) is increasing rapidly. Chinese pharmacist Hon Lik is frequently cited as inventing the modern e-cigarette in 2003. However, tobacco companies have developed electronic nicotine delivery systems since at least 1963., Methods: We searched the University of California San Francisco Truth (formerly Legacy) Tobacco Industry Documents beginning with the terms 'electric cigarette' and 'electronic cigarettes', 'e-cigarette', 'smokeless cigarettes', 'nicotine aerosol', 'tobacco aerosol', and 'vaping' and then expanded the search using snowball sampling. We focused our analysis on Philip Morris (PM) documents discussing technology that aerosolised a nicotine solution because these devices resembled modern e-cigarettes. Over 1000 documents were reviewed; 40 were included in the final analysis., Results: PM started developing a nicotine aerosol device in 1990 to address the health concerns and decreased social acceptability of smoking that were leading smokers to switch to nicotine replacement therapy. PM had developed a capillary aerosol generator that embodied basic e-cigarette technology in 1994, but in the mid-to-late 1990s focused on applying its aerosol technology to pharmaceutical applications because of uncertainty of how such products might affect potential Food and Drug Administration regulation of tobacco products. In 2001, PM resumed its work on a nicotine aerosol device, and in 2013, NuMark (a division of Altria, PM's parent company) released the MarkTen, a nicotine aerosol device., Conclusions: Rather than a disruptive technology, PM developed e-cigarette technology to complement, not compete with, conventional cigarettes and evade tobacco control regulations., Competing Interests: Competing interests: None declared., (Published by the BMJ Publishing Group Limited. For permission to use (where not already granted under a licence) please go to http://www.bmj.com/company/products-services/rights-and-licensing/.)

Electronic cigarettes are advertised as the latest technological gadget-the smoking equivalent of smart phones. I challenge this sense of novelty by tracing their history to the 1960s, when researchers at British American Tobacco first recognized that smokers' brains were dependent on nicotine. This discovery enabled British American Tobacco to develop a novel kind of smoking device under the codename "Ariel" between 1962 and 1967. Whereas filters were meant to eliminate specific harmful constituents of tobacco smoke, Project Ariel tried to reduce smoking to its alkaloid essence: nicotine. By heating instead of burning tobacco, the scientists working on Ariel managed to produce an aerosol smoking device that delivered nicotine with very little tar while retaining the look and feel of a cigarette. However, after receiving two patents for Ariel, British American Tobacco ultimately decided to abandon the project to avoid endangering cigarettes, its main product. Today, as e-cigarettes are surging in popularity, it is worth revisiting Ariel because it is not just an episode in the history of aerosol smoking devices but its starting point.

Background: The primary reason cited by many scholars for the defeat of the Clinton Administration's 1994 health care reform bill has long been identified as Health Insurance Association of America and National Federation of Independent Businesses opposition to the bill. Given this predominant consensus combined with sizeable proposed funding for the bill by a large tobacco product tax, this manuscript examined what the tobacco industry's role was in whole or part in defeating the Clinton health care bill., Methods: This research occurred through crosschecking internal tobacco industry documents and Clinton White House documents., Results: Prior to the passage of the bill, the tobacco industry accepted a compromise of 45 cents per pack increase phased in over five years. Due to this compromise, the industry or third party allies had no role in the ultimate defeat in the bill., Conclusions: The primary reason for the bill's ultimate defeat was general business (but not tobacco industry and third party ally) opposition, the bill running out of time, and conflicting bills. Secondary reasons for the bill's defeat included issues with: employer mandates, high taxes on insurance plans, impacts on medical research and education, Congressional attention to other issues, election year politics, and possible future excise tax possibilities.

The Scientific Commission (SC) of the Swiss Cigarette Manufacturers Association (SCMA) has been active between 1962 and the end of the 1990s. The commission fulfilled multiple tasks in the service of the tobacco industry : planning of external joint research, public relations work, lobbying, and collaboration with public authorities as well as organisations with a similar mission as the SC itself. In addition, it monitored research on smoking and health, reviewed studies that were detrimental to the cigarette manufacturers' interest and organized pro-tobacco scientific meetings. The commission was thus a powerful tool at the disposal of the tobacco industry. It also had a major impact on public health through perpetuating the pseudo-controversy about the negative effects of smoking on health., Competing Interests: Les auteurs n’ont déclaré aucun conflit d’intérêts en relation avec cet article.

Seen through the prism of public health, the cigarette industry is an apparatus of death. To those who run it, however, it is something more prosaic: a workplace comprised of people whose morale is to be shepherded. Provisioning employees of the cigarette industry with psychic scaffolding to carry out effective daily work is a prime purpose of the China Tobacco Museum. This multistoried exhibition space in Shanghai is a technology of self, offering a carefully curated history of cigarette production thematized around tropes such as employee exaltation. Designed to anchor and vitalize the ethical outlook of those working for the world's most prolific cigarette conglomerate, the museum is a striking illustration that industrial strongholds of 'slow violence' produce their own forms of self-care.

In the United States, state laws establish a minimum age of legal access (MLA) for most tobacco products at 18 years. We reviewed the history of these laws with internal tobacco industry documents and newspaper archives from 1860 to 2014. The laws appeared in the 1880s; by 1920, half of states had set MLAs of at least 21 years. After 1920, tobacco industry lobbying eroded them to between 16 and 18 years. By the 1980s, the tobacco industry viewed restoration of higher MLAs as a critical business threat. The industry's political advocacy reflects its assessment that recruiting youth smokers is critical to its survival. The increasing evidence on tobacco addiction suggests that restoring MLAs to 21 years would reduce smoking initiation and prevalence, particularly among those younger than 18 years.

In this article, I provide a perspective on the tobacco epidemic and epidemiology, describing the impact of the tobacco-caused disease epidemic on the field of epidemiology. Although there is an enormous body of epidemiologic evidence on the associations of smoking with health, little systematic attention has been given to how decades of research have affected epidemiology and its practice. I address the many advances that resulted from epidemiologic research on smoking and health, such as demonstration of the utility of observational designs and important parameters (the odds ratio and the population attributable risk), guidelines for causal inference, and systematic review approaches. I also cover unintended and adverse consequences for the field, including the strategy of doubt creation and the recruitment of epidemiologists by the tobacco industry to serve its mission. The paradigm of evidence-based action for addressing noncommunicable diseases began with the need to address the epidemic of tobacco-caused disease, an imperative for action documented by epidemiologic research., (© The Author 2016. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com.)

Unlabelled: POLICY POINTS: The tobacco companies prioritized blocking tobacco-control policies in tobacco-growing states and partnered with tobacco farmers to oppose tobacco-control policies. The 1998 Master Settlement Agreement, which settled state litigation against the cigarette companies, the 2004 tobacco-quota buyout, and the companies' increasing use of foreign tobacco led to a rift between the companies and tobacco farmers. In 2003, the first comprehensive smoke-free local law was passed in a major tobacco-growing state, and there has been steady progress in the region since then. Health advocates should educate the public and policymakers on the changing reality in tobacco-growing states, notably the major reduction in the volume of tobacco produced., Context: The 5 major tobacco-growing states (Kentucky, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia) are disproportionately affected by the tobacco epidemic, with higher rates of smoking and smoking-induced disease. These states also have fewer smoke-free laws and lower tobacco taxes, 2 evidence-based policies that reduce tobacco use. Historically, the tobacco farmers and hospitality associations allied with the tobacco companies to oppose these policies., Methods: This research is based on 5 detailed case studies of these states, which included key informant interviews, previously secret tobacco industry documents (available at http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu), and media articles. This was supplemented with additional tobacco document and media searches specifically for this article., Findings: The tobacco companies were particularly concerned about blocking tobacco-control policies in the tobacco-growing states by promoting a pro-tobacco culture, beginning in the late 1960s. Nevertheless, since 2003, there has been rapid progress in the tobacco-growing states' passage of smoke-free laws. This progress came after the alliance between the tobacco companies and the tobacco farmers fractured and hospitality organizations stopped opposing smoke-free laws. In addition, infrastructure built by National Cancer Institute research projects (COMMIT and ASSIST) led to long-standing tobacco-control coalitions that capitalized on these changes. Although tobacco production has dramatically fallen in these states, pro-tobacco sentiment still hinders tobacco-control policies in the major tobacco-growing states., Conclusions: The environment has changed in the tobacco-growing states, following a fracture of the alliance between the tobacco companies and their former allies (tobacco growers and hospitality organizations). To continue this progress, health advocates should educate the public and policymakers on the changing reality in the tobacco-growing states, notably the great reduction in the number of tobacco farmers as well as in the volume of tobacco produced., (© 2015 Milbank Memorial Fund.)

The paper contain a brief historical introduction about tobacco and smoking trends among women over the years--from cigarettes introduction to the present (years 1840-2014). Particular attention was paid to the historical backgrounds and marketing strategies of tobacco companies, which tried to reach each of women. Moreover, this paper described the dangers of smoking, which have been proven by scientists over the years and the impact of this knowledge on the tobacco industry and cigarettes consumption by women.

The idea of tobacco or nicotine dependence as a specific psychiatric diagnosis appeared in 1980 and has evolved through successive editions of the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual. Not surprisingly, the tobacco industry attempted to challenge this diagnosis through behind-the-scenes influence. But another entity put corporate muscle into supporting the diagnosis-the pharmaceutical industry. Psychiatry's ongoing professional challenges have left it vulnerable to multiple professional, social, and commercial forces. The example of tobacco use disorder illustrates that mental health concepts used to develop public health goals and policy need to be critically assessed. I review the conflicting commercial, professional, and political aims that helped to construct psychiatric diagnoses relating to smoking. This history suggests that a diagnosis regarding tobacco has as much to do with social and cultural circumstances as it does with science.

Smokefree policies (SFPs) have diffused throughout the US and worldwide. However, the development of SFPs in the difficult policy environment of tobacco-producing states and economies worldwide has not been well-explored. In 2007, Tennessee, the third largest tobacco producer in the US, enacted the Non-Smoker Protection Act (NSPA). This study utilizes the multiple streams model to provide understanding of why and how this policy was developed by triangulating interviews with key stakeholders and legislative debates with archival documents. In June 2006, the Governor unexpectedly announced support for SFP, which created a window of opportunity for policy change. The Campaign for Healthy and Responsible Tennessee, a health coalition, seized this opportunity and worked with the administration and the Tennessee Restaurant Association to negotiate a comprehensive SFP, however, a weaker bill was used by the legislative leadership to develop the NSPA. Although the Governor and the Tennessee Restaurant Association's support generated an environment for 100% SFP, health groups did not fully capitalize on this environmental change and settled for a weak policy with several exemptions. This study suggests the importance for proponents of policy change to understand changes in their environment and be willing and able to capitalize on these changes.

The tobacco industry consistently frames smoking as a personal issue rather than the responsibility of cigarette companies. To identify when personal responsibility framing became a major element of the tobacco industry's discourse, we analyzed news coverage from 1966 to 1991. Industry representatives began to regularly use these arguments in 1977. By the mid 1980s, this frame dominated the industry's public arguments. This chronology illustrates that the tobacco industry's use of personal responsibility rhetoric in public preceded the ascension of personal responsibility rhetoric commonly associated with the Reagan Administration in the 1980s.

More than 500 papers are retrieved from the PubMed database by the keywords "Tobacco" and "Otorhinolaryngology", none of which, however, is devoted to the history of a plant that has a major impact on our specialty and practice. The present report describes and analyzes how tobacco conquered the world, the conflicts it triggered and the impact it has had in our field over the past centuries., (Copyright © 2014 Elsevier Masson SAS. All rights reserved.)

Context: In 2012, Washington State and Colorado legalized the recreational use of marijuana, and Uruguay, beginning in 2014, will become the first country to legalize the sale and distribution of marijuana. The challenge facing policymakers and public health advocates is reducing the harms of an ineffective, costly, and discriminatory "war on drugs" while preventing another public health catastrophe similar to tobacco use, which kills 6 million people worldwide each year., Methods: Between May and December 2013, using the standard snowball research technique, we searched the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library of previously secret tobacco industry documents (http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu)., Findings: Since at least the 1970s, tobacco companies have been interested in marijuana and marijuana legalization as both a potential and a rival product. As public opinion shifted and governments began relaxing laws pertaining to marijuana criminalization, the tobacco companies modified their corporate planning strategies to prepare for future consumer demand., Conclusions: Policymakers and public health advocates must be aware that the tobacco industry or comparable multinational organizations (eg, food and beverage industries) are prepared to enter the marijuana market with the intention of increasing its already widespread use. In order to prevent domination of the market by companies seeking to maximize market size and profits, policymakers should learn from their successes and failures in regulating tobacco., (© 2014 Milbank Memorial Fund.)

The advertising poster's main characteristic is the ability to convey a commercial message quickly and publicly thanks to its straightforward image and text. The young people, being the tobacco industry's principal target, are particularly exposed to these messages. This kind of advertisement becomes a mean of counterstroke as soon as the cigarette's harmfulness is acknowledged. Some of the cigarette industry's strategies can be revealed by the historical analysis of a 253 posters corpus selected among the main cigarette manufacturers in Switzerland at the time of the post-war economic boom. With the misuse of sport's theme, the overvaluation of the filter's efficiency, the use of a vocabulary that implies lightness and by erasing the image of smoke in its advertisement, the industry tries to reassure the smoker wrongly.

Hispanics are the fastest growing racial/ethnic group in the United States, and smoking is the leading preventable cause of morbidity and mortality among this population. We analyzed tobacco industry documents on R. J. Reynolds' marketing strategies toward the Hispanic population using tobacco industry document archives from the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library (http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu) between February-July 2011 and April-August 2012. Our analysis revealed that by 1980 the company had developed a sophisticated surveillance system to track the market behavior of Hispanic smokers and understand their psychographics, cultural values, and attitudes. This information was translated into targeted marketing campaigns for the Winston and Camel brands. Marketing targeted toward Hispanics appealed to values and sponsored activities that could be perceived as legitimating. Greater understanding of tobacco industry marketing strategies has substantial relevance for addressing tobacco-related health disparities.

Tobacco smoking is the world's leading cause of avoidable premature mortality, reflecting the potent toxicity of tobacco smoke inhaled by smokers for decades. In the twentieth century, lung cancer was an early sentinel of the emergence of the still persisting epidemic of tobacco-caused disease. Smoking has declined in many countries, particularly the high-income countries, but low- and middle-income countries remain at risk because of the aggressive tactics of tobacco multinationals. The World Health Organization treaty, the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, is a critical factor in countering these tactics and precipitating the end of the global epidemic of tobacco smoking., (Copyright © 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

Objective: To analyse how local tobacco companies in the Nordic countries, individually and through National Manufacturers' Associations, cooperated with British American Tobacco and Philip Morris in denying the health hazards of smoking and undermining tobacco control., Methods: Analysis of tobacco control policies in the Nordic countries and tobacco industry documents., Results: Nordic countries were early adopters of tobacco control policies. The multinational tobacco companies recognised this fact and mobilised to oppose these policies, in part because of fear that they would set unfavourable precedents. Since at least 1972, the Nordic tobacco companies were well informed about and willing to participate in the multinational companies activities to obscure the health dangers of smoking and secondhand smoke and to oppose tobacco control policies. Cooperation between multinational companies, Nordic national manufacturer associations and local companies ensured a united front on smoking and health issues in the Nordic area that was consistent with the positions that the multinational companies were taking. This cooperation delayed smoke-free laws and undermined other tobacco control measures., Conclusions: Local tobacco companies worked with multinational companies to undermine tobacco control in distant and small Nordic markets because of concern that pioneering policies initiated in Nordic countries would spread to bigger market areas. Claims by the local Nordic companies that they were not actively involved with the multinationals are not supported by the facts. These results also demonstrate that the industry appreciates the global importance of both positive and negative public health precedents in tobacco control.

Objectives: China is facing a serious public health problem in active and passive smokers. Confronted with this, China has taken some measures to control tobacco. However, this information has not been surveyed at academic level. Our aim is to investigate information relating to tobacco controls in China., Methods: To find information relating to tobacco control, we reviewed and analysed the China National Tobacco Corporation (CNTC) and State Tobacco Monopoly Administration (STMA) mainly by systematic examination of documents made available in the University of California, San Francisco Legacy Tobacco Documents Library and China Tobacco database., Results: Eleven relevant documents met our research purpose, and 18 further relevant documents were found on the CNTC, STMA and Tobacco China database websites. As a result, 29 relevant articles were included in our analysis. We describe the CNTC and STMA's history, structure, and relation to the Chinese Government ministry and to other tobacco companies, and China's tobacco control in detail., Conclusions: The Chinese cigarette market is dominated by a state-owned monopoly, the STMA. Under the protection of the Law of the People's Republic of China on Tobacco Monopoly, the STMA controls all aspects of the tobacco industry. As far as the Chinese tobacco monopoly is concerned, although smoking harms people's health, restraining smoking threatens social stability and government income, which may be more serious problems for any government. China still has a long way to go in creating smoke-free environments.

The type A behavior pattern (TABP) was described in the 1950s by cardiologists Meyer Friedman and Ray Rosenman, who argued that TABP was an important risk factor for coronary heart disease. This theory was supported by positive findings from the Western Collaborative Group Study and the Framingham Study. We analyzed tobacco industry documents to show that the tobacco industry was a major funder of TABP research, with selected results used to counter concerns regarding tobacco and health. Our findings also help explain inconsistencies in the findings of epidemiological studies of TABP, in particular the phenomenon of initially promising results followed by negative findings. Our analysis suggests that these "decline effects" are partly explained by tobacco industry involvement in TABP research.

Mentally ill individuals have always smoked at high rates and continue to do so, despite public health efforts to encourage smoking cessation. In the last half century, the tobacco industry became interested in this connection, and conducted and supported psychiatric and basic science research on the mental health implications of smoking, long before most mental health professionals outside the industry investigated this issue. Initially, representatives of tobacco industry research organizations supported genetics and psychosomatic research to try to disprove findings that smoking causes lung cancer. Tobacco industry research leaders engaged with investigators because of shared priorities and interests in the brain effects of nicotine. By the 1980s, collaborative funding programs and individual company research and development teams engaged in intramural and extramural basic science studies on the neuropharmacology of nicotine. When mental health researchers outside the industry became interested in the issue of the mentally ill and smoking in the mid-1990s, they increasingly explained it in terms of a disease of nicotine addiction. Both the idea that smoking/nicotine does something positive for the mentally ill and the conclusion that it is the result of nicotine dependence have the potential to support corporate agendas (tobacco or pharmaceutical).

Product liability litigation has made important contributions to tobacco control, especially by uncovering incriminating industry documents and publicizing product dangers and industry misconduct. WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) Article 19 encourages Parties to strengthen legal procedures to facilitate these lawsuits and to establish mechanisms for mutual assistance. Creative lawyers will continue to find ways to bring the tobacco industry to justice in forums around the world.

Since the launch of Tobacco Control 20 years ago, there have been several changes in the tobacco industry worldwide. The goal of this commentary is to present some of the keys changes of the past two decades. This time is marked by mergers and acquisitions that led to the existence, today, of four major transnational tobacco companies: Philip Morris International, British American Tobacco, Japan Tobacco and Imperial Tobacco. The possible role of the China National Tobacco Corporation in the world tobacco market is also discussed. In addition, in the past decade there was an increase in tobacco companies' investment in non-cigarette forms of nicotine delivery. The impact of these changes for tobacco control policy is briefly discussed.