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We report a tephra deposit in the southern Lake Titicaca Basin, Bolivia, which was deposited by a major, previously unrecognized eruption sometime between AD 400 and 720. Archaeological data suggest these centuries were characterized by a substantial community migration to Tiwanaku, where social interaction networks gave birth to one of the Andes' first large complex societies. Here we provide an initial characterization of this tephra, based on samples from the archaeological site Khonkho Wankane. The same tephra is present at two other archaeological sites in the region. Given the great distance to the nearest active volcano, this tephra layer likely derives from a large-magnitude, Late-Holocene explosive eruption of a Central Andean volcano. We suggest that this major event be included in the human history of the region, given its inferred magnitude and wide dispersal area. Future research could confirm the Khonkho tephra at other sites, identify the source volcano, estimate its volume, and more precisely date the eruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a long-term history of the patrimonialisation of the archaeological site of Tiwanaku with a focus on the social relatedness triggered by the ruins. A constant tension between official discourses and indigenous sociability emerges, from colonial times, through the affirmation of the modern nation-state, to the advance of multicultural neoliberalism. The analysis informs the power dynamics that characterise the plurinational state from a cosmopolitical reading of heritage relationships.

Raised-field agricultural systems have received attention from scholars involved in the analysis of prehistoric agricultural intensification in the New World. This paper discusses the function of raised fields associated with the Tiwanaku society (500–1100 CE) located on the southern rim of Lake Titicaca in Bolivia. The overnight internal heat storage capacity of Tiwanaku raised-field berms located at the high-altitude (~3810 masl) Bolivian altiplano is analyzed through ANSYS (version 4.2B) finite difference methods to provide an understanding of ancient agricultural engineers' knowledge regarding how to protect crops from nightly subzero freezing temperatures and water saturation. The present analysis concludes that enhanced berm heat storage capacity derived from solar radiation into multi-layered moist berm agricultural soils, together with radiative heating of berm-surrounding swale water (swale water depth determined from excavation into the groundwater aquifer), was an essential Tiwanaku design element of raised-field agriculture to protect crops from freezing damage during both wet and dry seasons. This paper reports the ANSYS temperature distribution results derived from a raised-field berm swale computer model of ancient excavated raised fields in the form of a 24 h heat input and cooling cycle, which indicates the presence of an internal berm heat storage effect designed to protect crops from freezing damage. The calculations performed use specific hydrological and climatological conditions characteristic of the littoral and near-shore environment of Lake Titicaca. The use of the ANSYS finite element code to investigate the source of internal berm heat storage protecting crops from freezing temperatures, compared to the field test results from experimental use of reconstructed ancient, raised fields, provides an understanding of the technologies developed by Tiwanaku agricultural engineers to increase raised-field agricultural production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reflections on the coloniality that permeates Latin American archaeologies enhance their role in the legitimization of national projects in tension with indigenous populations. These approaches prompt the adoption of an anthropological approach centered on the political uses of the past when studying the history of Latin American archaeologies. This, instead of a purely historiographical use. The history of Bolivian archaeology suggests that the National Revolution of 1952 was a point of rupture between the liberal and nationalist narratives. The purpose of this article is to discuss this postulate by considering the political uses of the past. To do so, we analyze the archaeological work of Arthur Posnansky, which covers four decades (1904-1946) of transformations in the ideologies and policies of the Bolivian State towards indigenous populations: the rise and decline of the liberal state, the indigenist-telurist proposal, and a nationalism that gave rise to the Revolution of 1952. We embark on a detailed diachronic journey through Posnansky’s archaeological work, concentrating on his narratives on the origin of pre-Hispanic populations, their characterization and valuation, the mechanisms of rupture between the present and the past, and their relations with contemporary indigenous populations. This journey is further complemented by considering political contexts and intellectual influences. We posit that Posnansky developed two narratives: one adapted to the liberal moment and the other to indigenism, and that his second narrative is analogous to the one produced after 1952. This new perspective raises questions about the relationship between archaeological narratives and politics, the role of scientific racism in contemporary Bolivia, and the importance of a comparative and cross-border emphasis in constructing a critical history of Latin American archaeologies.

Copyright of Confluenze. Rivista di Studi Iberoamericani is the property of Universita di Bologna, Dipartimento di Lingue, Letterature e Culture Moderne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista del Museo de Antropología is the property of Museo de Antropologia - IDACOR and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo recorre la narrativa arqueológica de “aloctonismo racial” desarrollada por Belisario Díaz Romero en Bolivia entre 1904 y 1925. Se resume la biografía del autor y se disecciona la narrativa, resaltando sus ideas centrales y relacionándolas con el estado de las discusiones de su época. Se plantea que Díaz Romero, erudito y fanático de la “ciencia positiva”, incorporó selectivamente a su narrativa argumentos –algunos para entonces ya obsoletos- procedentes de varias disciplinas científicas sociales y naturales. Se analizan las estrategias del autor en el contexto político-intelectual de su época, relacionando su narrativa con el auge del “estado oligárquico” liberal; se propone que el alocotonismo racial, al glorificar a un Tiwanaku prehispánico “blanco” y emplazar a los ancestros de los indígenas contemporáneos como agentes destructivos, era funcional a los objetivos del estado-nación boliviano. Finalmente, se pondera el impacto de las nociones raciológicas de Díaz Romero sobre Arthur Posnansky y, mediante este último, sobre la arqueología boliviana de los años 30 y 40.

Reflections on the coloniality that permeates Latin American archaeologies enhance their role in the legitimization of national projects in tension with indigenous populations. These approaches prompt the adoption of an anthropological approach centered on the political uses of the past when studying the history of Latin American archaeologies. This, instead of a purely historiographical use. The history of Bolivian archaeology suggests that the National Revolution of 1952 was a point of rupture between the liberal and nationalist narratives. The purpose of this article is to discuss this postulate by considering the political uses of the past. To do so, we analyze the archaeological work of Arthur Posnansky, which covers four decades (1904-1946) of transformations in the ideologies and policies of the Bolivian State towards indigenous populations: the rise and decline of the liberal state, the indigenist-telurist proposal, and a nationalism that gave rise to the Revolution of 1952. We embark on a detailed diachronic journey through Posnansky's archaeological work, concentrating on his narratives on the origin of pre-Hispanic populations, their characterization and valuation, the mechanisms of rupture between the present and the past, and their relations with contemporary indigenous populations. This journey is further complemented by considering political contexts and intellectual influences. We posit that Posnansky developed two narratives: one adapted to the liberal moment and the other to indigenism, and that his second narrative is analogous to the one produced after 1952. This new perspective raises questions about the relationship between archaeological narratives and politics, the role of scientific racism in contemporary Bolivia, and the importance of a comparative and cross-border emphasis in constructing a critical history of Latin American archaeologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Espanola de Antropologia Americana is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino is the property of Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sealings recovered from the Omo M10 temple, a provincial center of the Andean Tiwanaku state (AD 500–1100), and from the Muru Ut Pata neighborhood of the Tiwanaku capital, as well as a signet ring from the Akapana East complex of Tiwanaku's highland capital, shed light on the hitherto undocumented use of seals and sealings in Central Andean complex society. The identification of Tiwanaku sealings related to the signet ring seal has implications for understanding the transmission of identity, authority, and authenticity over time and distance in early Andean states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Archaeologists working in the Late Formative Lake Titicaca Basin have identified several "transit communities"—villages that benefited from long-distance exchange. Some scholars suggest that such places played a key role in the development of the Middle Horizon city of Tiwanaku. In this article, we explore the movement of plant goods into transit communities during both the Late Formative (300 BC–AD 500) and Middle Horizon (AD 600–1100) periods. After presenting the current understanding of transit communities, we summarize previous work on both local plants, including tubers and quinoa, and the presence of maize. We then report on a recent microbotanical study of ceramics recovered from excavations at Late Formative Challapata (in the eastern basin) and a burial from the Middle Horizon occupation at Chiripa (in the southern basin). For the first time we identify lowland tubers in the Lake Titicaca Basin, including yuca, sweet potato, and arrowroot. These findings reveal the critical importance of microbotanical analyses for tracing regional connections and foodways in emergent Middle Horizon worlds, as well as the need for more complex interpretive models for things/plants-in-motion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este texto pone en tensión dos ideas sobre el agua: el modelo aristotélico del Agua como uno de los cuatro elementos primordiales de la materia, con sus cualidades inmanentes, y las ontologías andinas que propugnan múltiples instancias en que toman forma las aguas, emergiendo en sus propiedades y límites desde relaciones con espacios y personas, animales, cosas e imágenes. Las imágenes de animales acuáticos en la iconografía de Tiwanaku, percibidas con el auxilio de miradas que emanan de la etnohistoria y la etnografía andinas, permiten entender unas aguas dotadas de agencia y voluntad, que, lejos de ser asumidas como una única sustancia, deben ser criadas, aplacadas, alimentadas. La idea permite reflexionar, al final, acerca de la compleja situación en que aguas, animales, lugares y personas, como agentes en intracción constante, se encuentran en la Bolivia de hoy.

El cementerio arqueológico de Solcor-3 es uno de los pocos yacimientos de San Pedro de Atacama que han sido excavados sistemáticamente con recuperación de sus contextos culturales y de los restos humanos completos, por lo cual diferentes autores lo han utilizado para estudiar aspectos específicos o en forma comparativa con otros yacimientos. Considerando que hasta el momento no se ha hecho una revisión completa del mencionado sitio, hemos creído importante desarrollar una evaluación detallada de sus contextos. Utilizando las asociaciones tipológicas de la alfarería se ha logrado definir tres fases para este sitio: Séquitor, Quitor y Coyo, develando una continuidad de cinco siglos en el desarrollo de la localidad. La posesión de objetos de metal destaca a esta comunidad como élite entre las sociedades atacameñas, adquiriendo mayor relevancia en la fase Coyo. La cantidad y heterogeneidad de los bienes foráneos argumenta su inserción en una red de interacción circumpuneña que alcanza hasta Tiwanaku por el norte y se extiende hasta territorios de la Cultura Aguada por el sur. Las manifestaciones tiwanaku son las más relevantes, presentes inicialmente en la fase Quitor y haciendo su eclosión en la fase Coyo. Se discute sobre la estructura bioantropológica y social de la población.

Copyright of Revista La Tadeo de Arte is the property of La Fundacion Universidad de Bogota Jorge Tadeo Lozano and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A long-standing debate on the dynamics of population growth in human history has become polarized between a Malthusian stance and a Boserupian one. The former tends to view population growth as limited by carrying capacity, dependent on environment and technology, whereas the latter sees population growth itself as a major inducement to social, economic and technological developments. In this paper the authors experiment with approaching this debate by using recent developments in evolutionary theory. According to these, evolutionary principles, as expounded by Charles Darwin and subsequent evolutionary scientists, apply not only to biological evolution but also to social or cultural evolution. Here, the role of genes is taken over by culture and, since culture is much more pliable than our DNA, evolution speeds up. As the only organisms on Earth whose evolution relies as heavily on culture as on genes, humans have become extremely adaptable. Their hyper-adaptability suggest that humans, through their cultural evolution, have managed increasingly to adapt to their own growing population, thus succeeding in accommodating ever-growing numbers. This hypothesis fits the Boserupian approach to population very well but less so the Malthusian one, perhaps indicating a gradual shift from a Malthusian regime to a Boserupian one in human history. The hypothesis is discussed and examined through four case studies: The beginning of farming around Göbekli Tepe in southeast Turkey, the productive farming systems of Tiwanaku in South America, the population crisis of late medieval and early modern Iceland, and the ‘collapse’ of Rapa Nui (Easter Island).

Copyright of Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino is the property of Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino is the property of Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El cementerio arqueológico de Coyo Oriente fue utilizado por Tarragó (1968, 1989) como prototipo para definir el Período Medio de la Etapa Agroalfarera de San Pedro de Atacama. Sin embargo, hasta el momento solo se han realizado análisis parciales y no se ha hecho una revisión detallada y completa del mencionado sitio. Por este motivo, hemos considerado importante desarrollar un análisis integral y una evaluación de sus contextos, con el fin de aportar mayor información para el conocimiento de un yacimiento considerado referente fundamental en la estructura de la secuencia cronológica de la Etapa Agroalfarera de San Pedro de Atacama. Coyo Oriente es el segundo sitio con mayor número de objetos Tiwanaku de San Pedro de Atacama, a lo que se agrega también un importante componente de la Cultura Aguada del Noroeste Argentino (NOA). En este trabajo se discute el tema de la etnicidad y de la foraneidad. Se analizan los indicadores de estatus y su comportamiento a través del tiempo. La información relevada para este trabajo, complementada con información existente, nos ha permitido definir el Perfil Ergológico de este yacimiento, describiendo sus componentes contextuales y llevándolos a Indice de Representatividad, como referentes para las fases Coyo y Yaye.

The Franco-Bolivian Mission “Palaeoenvironment and Archaeology of the Guaquira –Tiwanaku River” tries to restore the evolution of the landscape in contact with one of the most emblematic cultures of the Andes. The Tiwanakota culture developed on the shores of Lake Titicaca at the end of the second millennium BC and disappears between 1100 and 1200 AD following a drought that would have affected the entire Altiplano. In this essay we present the methodology and the work in progress. It is designed to allow scholars to better understand the interactions between the Tiwanakota culture and the immediate environment surrounding the monumental archaeological site.

Julius Nestler, high school teacher and amateur archaeologist from Prague, brought home more than 3,500 archaeological and anthropological artifacts from his expedition to Bolivia (1909-1912). At present they are in the possession of the Náprstek Museum in Prague. a smaller corpus of human bones, especially skulls, some deformed (elongated) and/or trepanned, were deposited at the Hrdlička Museum of Man (Charles University in Prague). Nestler's second collection has not, so far, received much attention from anthropologists, museologists or historians of science, one of the reasons probably being the fact that there is no preserved documentation as to its provenance. Sources dispersed in several archives and publications made it possible to ascertain Nestler's motivation for collecting human remains, the location where he collected them, and the circumstances of their sale to Charles University. The article also aspires to insert the collection and its original owner into the broader context of anatomical and anthropological disciplinary practices in the Czech Lands in the first decades of the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the decades since Verano (1997) published his foundational piece on Andean paleopathology, scholars have recognized the importance of the bioarchaeology of childhood. Yet, scholarship on ancient childhood in the Andes deemphasizes paleopathology. Nonadult paleopathological data are often employed in large-scale, biocultural studies focused on environmental or political adaptations; however, they can also elucidate children's individual lived experiences and roles in society. To generate culturally-meaningful paleopathological data, we must take a contextualized approach to our analyses and interpretations. Disparate use of chronological age in published datasets makes synthesis across studies problematic, and ethnohistorical and ethnographic data on Andean children demonstrate that developmental age categories, rather than chronological age ranges, are most appropriate. Further, paleopathological data can best inform our investigations when they are combined with related datasets such as those on sex, diet, activity, and mobility. With that in mind, we use the theoretical framework of "local biologies" (and the related "situated biologies"), where biology is viewed as heavily contingent on culturally-specific beliefs and practices and local physical, sociocultural, and political environments (Lock, 1993 , 2001 ; Niewöhner and Lock, 2018). Local biologies approaches can enrich social bioarchaeology and paleopathology to by specifically situating children and their experiences within the ancient Andean world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Architectus is the property of Oficyna Wydawnicza Politechniki Wroclawskiej and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The conquest by the Incas of the gold mines in Collasuyu had several aims: open doorways to the Andesuyu and to its wealth. Before the Incas, this huge mining region situated in the valleys was the possession of the Pukina-Colla, descendants of Tiwanaku people and guardians of the solar cult in the Titicaca Island. This cult was closely to gold —because gold was believed to have been made from the tears of the Sun. The cult had inherited the traditions from earlier periods, such as the pre-Pukara or Pukara traditions inscribed in the Yayamama style monoliths. Earlier, these traditions had spread across a vast region and had influenced the Inca’s cult of Punchao.

Copyright of Estudios Atacameños is the property of Estudios Atacamenos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As in other examples of state collapse, political disintegration of the Tiwanaku state circa AD 1000 was accompanied by considerable cultural continuity. In the Moquegua Valley, Peru, the location of the largest Tiwanaku communities outside the altiplano, settlements and practices associated with this postcollapse cultural continuity are termed Tumilaca. Previous research indicated that Tumilaca was short-lived, with all vestiges of Tiwanaku gone from Moquegua's archaeological record by the thirteenth century when the valley was subsequently characterized by Estuquiña-style materials. This article discusses radiocarbon dates from Tumilaca la Chimba, a village established as the political authority of the Tiwanaku state waned. The 21 absolute dates from Tumilaca domestic, public, and funerary contexts span at least 350 years, from the late tenth to the mid-fourteenth centuries AD. They suggest that (1) Tiwanaku-affiliated communities endured well into the later Late Intermediate Period (AD 1200–1470); (2) ongoing debates about the emergence of Estuquiña communities must consider the role of terminal Tiwanaku populations; and (3) analyses of postcollapse continuity can be enhanced by considering peripheral locales and the particularities of continuity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bolivians are inventing spiritual practices that fit into the current dominant political discourse of decolonization and revalorization of native beliefs by associating these new traditions with archaeological spaces and objects. This new Bolivia is believed to emerge from the ashes of the old economic and social order, which for centuries oppressed and elided native religious practices, and harkens back to precolonial values. Drawing from long-term ethnographic research, media reports, and scholarly works, I aim to examine these new practices to improve our understanding of emerging indigenous identities in this small Andean nation. I discuss two case studies that exemplify how the urban indigenous are rediscovering the power of ancestor veneration and animism in their heritage to construct a new sense of national belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A long-standing debate on the dynamics of population growth in human history has become polarized between a Malthusian stance and a Boserupian one. The former tends to view population growth as limited by carrying capacity, dependent on environment and technology, whereas the latter sees population growth itself as a major inducement to social, economic and technological developments. In this paper the authors experiment with approaching this debate by using recent developments in evolutionary theory. According to these, evolutionary principles, as expounded by Charles Darwin and subsequent evolutionary scientists, apply not only to biological evolution but also to social or cultural evolution. Here, the role of genes is taken over by culture and, since culture is much more pliable than our DNA, evolution speeds up. As the only organisms on Earth whose evolution relies as heavily on culture as on genes, humans have become extremely adaptable. Their hyper-adaptability suggest that humans, through their cultural evolution, have managed increasingly to adapt to their own growing population, thus succeeding in accommodating ever-growing numbers. This hypothesis fits the Boserupian approach to population very well but less so the Malthusian one, perhaps indicating a gradual shift from a Malthusian regime to a Boserupian one in human history. The hypothesis is discussed and examined through four case studies: The beginning of farming around Göbekli Tepe in southeast Turkey, the productive farming systems of Tiwanaku in South America, the population crisis of late medieval and early modern Iceland, and the ‘collapse’ of Rapa Nui (Easter Island).