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The relationship between bilingual language control and executive control is debated. The present study investigated the effect of short-term language switching in a comprehension task on executive control performance in unbalanced bilinguals. Participants were required to perform a context task and an executive control task (i.e., flanker task) in sequence. A picture-word matching task created different language contexts in Experiment 1 (i.e., L1, L2, and dual-language contexts). By modifying the color-shape switching task, we created different contexts that do not involve language processing in Experiment 2 (i.e., color, shape, and dual context). Experiment 1 showed overall faster responses (in both congruent and incongruent trials) in the flanker task after a language switching context than after single (L1 or L2) contexts. This suggests that the language switching in a comprehension task affected general monitoring performance. By contrast, the nonlinguistic contexts in Experiment 2 did not affect flanker performance. This provides further evidence for the crucial role of language processing during switching to elicit short-term adaptions on domain-general conflict monitoring. Overall, our findings add to the previous studies by showing cross-talk between bilingual language control and domain-general conflict monitoring when language switching occurs in a comprehension task.

Bilinguals often outperform monolinguals on executive function tasks, including tasks that tap cognitive flexibility, conflict monitoring, and task-switching abilities. Some have suggested that bilinguals also have greater working memory capacity than comparable monolinguals, but evidence for this suggestion is mixed. We therefore conducted a comprehensive meta-analysis on the effects of bilingualism on working memory capacity. Results from 88 effect sizes, 27 independent studies, and 2,901 participants revealed a significant small to medium population effect size of 0.20 in favor of greater working memory capacity for bilinguals than monolinguals. This suggests that experience managing two languages that compete for selection results in greater working memory capacity over time. Moderator analyses revealed that largest effects were observed in children than other age groups. Furthermore, whether the task was performed in the first (L1) or second (L2) language for bilinguals moderated the effect size of the bilingual advantage; this factor is often overlooked and our results point to the importance of defining language variables that influence critical cognitive outcomes.

The current study investigates reading aloud words in Persian, a language that does not mark all its vowels in the script. Behaviorally, a "masked onset priming effect" (MOPE) was revealed for transparent words, with faster speech onset latencies in the phoneme-matching condition (i.e. phonological prime and target onset overlap; e.g. [image omitted] /[image omitted]/; "year" - [image omitted]/"sot"/; "voice") than the phoneme-mismatching condition (e.g. [image omitted]/[image omitted] :b/ "swing" - [image omitted]/"sot"/; "voice"). For opaque target words (e.g. [image omitted]/"solh"/; "peace"), no such effect was found. However, event-related potentials (ERPs) did reveal an amplitude difference between the two prime conditions in the 80-160 ms time window for transparent as well as opaque words. Only for the former, this effect continued into the 300-480 ms time window. This finding constrains the time course of the MOPE and suggests the simultaneous activation of both the non-lexical grapheme-to-phoneme and the lexical route in the "dual-route cascaded" (DRC) "model". (Contains 1 figure.)

Aims: The present study aimed to investigate the effect of contexts (i.e., non-conflicting context versus conflicting context) on bilingual language switch costs during language comprehension. Methodology: Thirty-two unbalance Chinese-English bilinguals completed a modified comprehension-based language-switching task in two contexts. They made a judgement about the colour meaning of the word. In the non-conflicting context all words were presented in white ink, while in the conflicting context the words were printed in an inconsistent ink colour. Data and analysis: Reaction time and accuracy data were analysed using mixed-effects models. Findings/conclusions: Results showed that the switch costs were larger in the conflicting context than in the non-conflicting context. Further, in the non-conflicting context an asymmetrical switch cost with larger costs for the second language was observed as compared to symmetrical switch costs in the conflicting context. Originality: This is the first study that indicates that bilingual comprehension-based language control adapts flexibly depending on the context, just as during bilingual production. Significance/implications: These findings supported and expanded the classic adaptive control hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How flexible is bilingual language control and how does it adapt to the linguistic context of a conversation? We address this by looking at the pattern of switch costs in contexts involving mostly the use of a dominant or non-dominant language. This linguistic context affected switching patterns: switching was equally costly for both languages in a dominant (L1) context, while switching was harder for the weaker language in the non-dominant (L2) context. Also, naming latencies for each language were affected by the linguistic contexts: only the dominant L1 context led to slower latencies for the dominant language. This latter finding was also present when looking at the LPC component, which may reveal differences in the way inhibitory control is applied depending on the linguistic context. These results reveal that the bilingual language control system is flexible and that it adapts to the linguistic context in which the speaker is placed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People often process non-native linguistic information. Here, we investigated whether first (L1) and second language (L2) phonologies are automatically activated. Response latencies and event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded, while Russian-English bilinguals read aloud L1 target words (e.g. PE?C /reis/ 'flight') primed with onset-matching L1 (e.g. PAHA /rana/ 'wound') or L2 words (e.g. PACK) and corresponding onset-mismatching primes (e.g. L1: ?APA /kara/ 'punishment'; L2: HOPE). Responses were faster to targets preceded by L1 onset-matched than by onset-mismatched primes. No priming from L2 primes was found due to conflicting phonologies (e.g. is /r/ or /p/). These results were supported by the ERPs suggesting that both, L1 and L2 phonologies are simultaneously activated, after which the phonology belonging to the language of the prime is selected. The results provide support for nonselective models of bilingual reading, which assume automatic activation of the non-target language phonology even when it is not required by the task. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]