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Background: Organising alcohol retail systems with more or less public ownership has implications for health and the economy. The aim of the present study was to estimate the economic, health, and social impacts of alcohol use in Finland in 2018 (baseline), and in two alternative scenarios in which current partial public ownership of alcohol retail sales is either increased or fully privatised. Methods: Baseline alcohol-attributable harms and costs were estimated across five categories of death, disability, and criminal justice. Two alternate alcohol retail systems were defined as privately owned stores selling: (1) only low strength alcoholic beverages (public ownership scenario, similar to Sweden); or (2) all beverages (private ownership scenario). Policy analyses were conducted to estimate changes in alcohol use per capita. Health and economic impacts were modelled using administrative data and epidemiological modelling. Results: In Finland in 2018, alcohol use was estimated to be responsible for €1.51 billion (95% Uncertainty Estimates: €1.43 billion, €1.58 billion) in social cost, 3,846 deaths, and 270,652 criminal justice events. In the public ownership scenario, it was estimated that alcohol use would decline by 15.8% (11.8%, 19.7%) and social cost by €384.3 million (€189.5 million, €559.2 million). Full privatisation was associated with an increase in alcohol use of 9.0% (6.2%, 11.8%) and an increase in social cost of €289.7 million (€140.8 million, €439.5 million). Conclusion: The outcome from applying a novel analytical approach suggests that more public ownership of the alcohol retail system may lead to significant decreases in alcohol-caused death, disability, crime, and social costs. Conversely, full privatisation of the ownership model would lead to increased harm and costs.

Government alcohol sales data were used to examine whether age 15+ per-capita alcohol consumption (PCAC) (i) changed during COVID-19 and (ii) predicted COVID-19 infections 2-5 weeks later.Interrupted time-series analyses were applied to panels of data before and after COVID-19 restrictions were introduced in Canada.The populations, aged 15+, of the provinces of Ontario (ON), British Columbia (BC) and Nova Scotia (NS), Canada.Expansion of home delivery options and hours of trading for liquor stores while restrictions on travel, social and economic activities were imposed by governments during COVID-19 from 17 March 2020 until 29 March 2021.Weekly estimates of (i) age 15+ PCAC using sales data supplied by provincial government alcohol distributors for liquor stores, bars and restaurants, (ii) stringency of public health measures assessed by the Public Health Agency of Canada (PHAC) and (iii) new COVID-19 infections reported by PHAC.PCAC increased by 7.10% (P = 0.013) during the pandemic versus previous years, with increased private liquor store sales partly offset by reduced bar/restaurant sales. Consumption was positively associated with stringency of public health measures. Weekly PCAC was positively associated with new COVID-19 infections 2 weeks later (+6.34% for a one drink/week increase, P 0.001). Lagged associations with COVID-19 infections 2 or 3 weeks later were observed for PCAC from all sales channels, with larger effect sizes per standard drink/person/week increase for on-premise outlets (+77.27% week 2, P = 0.009) than government liquor stores (+6.49%, week 2, P 0.001) or private liquor stores (+7.13%, week 4, P 0.001).Alcohol consumption increased in three Canadian provinces during COVID-19 to degrees corresponding to the extent of the strictness of measures imposed to prevent viral spread. Increased consumption of alcohol was associated with increased COVID-19 infection rates 2 weeks later.

BACKGROUNDAlcohol Minimum Unit Pricing (MUP) was introduced in Scotland in May 2018. Existing evidence suggests MUP can reduce alcohol consumption in the general population, but there is little research about its impact on vulnerable groups. This qualitative study aimed to explore experiences of MUP among people with experience of homelessness.METHODSWe conducted qualitative semi-structured interviews with a purposive sample of 46 people with current or recent experience of homelessness who were current drinkers when MUP was introduced. Participants (30 men and 16 women) were aged 21 to 73 years. Interviews focused on views and experiences of MUP. Data were analysed using thematic analysis.RESULTSPeople with experience of homelessness were aware of MUP but it was accorded low priority in their hierarchy of concerns. Reported impacts varied. Some participants reduced their drinking, or moved away from drinking strong white cider in line with policy intentions. Others were unaffected because the cost of their preferred drink (usually wine, vodka or beer) did not change substantially. A minority reported increased involvement in begging. Wider personal, relational and social factors also played an important role in participant responses to MUP.CONCLUSIONOur findings suggest that MUP worked as intended for some people with experience of homelessness, while a minority reported negative consequences. Our findings highlight the importance of considering the impact of population level health policies on marginalised groups. Policymakers in Scotland, and elsewhere, need to consider wider contextual factors that affect responses to MUP in people with experience of homelessness. It is important to invest further in secure housing and appropriate support services for people with experience of homelessness who consume alcohol, and implement and evaluate harm reduction initiatives such as managed alcohol programmes.

It has been argued that the alcohol industry resembles the tobacco industry closely in its global scale, consolidation, and strategy, yet a framework akin to the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control does not currently exist. Alcohol is no ordinary commodity, accounting for a significant proportion of disease burden globally, including among younger adults. Yet the alcohol industry also remains active in corporate social responsibility initiatives, funding research, dissemination of health information, litigation and lobbying efforts, as the tobacco industry has done. There is a substantial body of evidence on the role of alcohol marketing in sports and on social media. Crucially, the harmful consumption of alcohol often accounts for a significant proportion of overall revenue. Although much of the research on alcohol industry practices has focused on high-income settings, it is low- and middle-income countries that represent the “growth markets” of the future for this globally consolidated industry.

From comparisons of World Health Organization statistics, it is clear that people in lower-income countries experience more harms per litre of alcohol and different types of harms compared to those from higher-income countries. Yet studies in higher-income countries dominate research on policies to prevent alcohol problems. The paper reports on results of collaborative work to map priority areas for research relevant to low- and middle-income countries. Research focus areas were identified and discussed among potential coauthors from diverse fields with relevant knowledge, with agreement reached on an initial list of seven research priority areas. Areas identified include: (1) the effects of choices (e.g., national vs. local, monopoly vs. licensing system) in organising the alcohol market; (2) involvement/separation of alcohol industry interests in decisions on public health regulation; (3) options and effectiveness of global agreements on alcohol governance; (4) choices and experience in controlling unrecorded alcohol; (5) means of decreasing harm from men’s drinking to family members; (6) strategies for reducing the effects of poverty on drinking’s role in harms; and (7) measuring and addressing key alcohol-induced low-and middle-income country (LMIC) health harms: infectious diseases, injuries, digestive diseases. Paths ahead for such research are briefly outlined.

Minimum unit pricing (MUP) may reduce harmful drinking in the general population, but there is little evidence regarding its impact on marginalised groups. Our study is the first to explore the perceptions of MUP among stakeholders working with people experiencing homelessness following its introduction in Scotland in May 2018.Qualitative semi-structured interviews were conducted with 41 professional stakeholders from statutory and third sector organisations across Scotland. We explored their views on MUP and its impact on people experiencing homelessness, service provision and implications for policy. Data were analysed using thematic analysis.Participants suggested that the introduction of MUP in Scotland had negligible if any discernible impact on people experiencing homelessness and services that support them. Most service providers felt insufficiently informed about MUP prior to its implementation. Participants reported that where consequences for these populations were evident, they were primarily anticipated although some groups were negatively affected. People experiencing homelessness have complex needs in addition to alcohol addiction, and changes in the way services work need to be considered in future MUP-related discussions.This study suggests that despite initial concerns about potential unintended consequences of MUP, many of these did not materialise to the levels anticipated. As a population-level health policy, MUP is likely to have little beneficial impact on people experiencing homelessness without the provision of support to address their alcohol use and complex needs. The additional needs of certain groups (e.g., people with no recourse to public funds) need to be considered.

Introduction Les distillateurs et les brasseurs canadiens ont affirmé que les taxes gouvernementales représentent entre 50 % et 80 % du prix des boissons alcoolisées. Ces affirmations ont été formulées dans le cadre de campagnes visant à réduire les taxes sur l’alcool. Méthodologie Nous avons examiné le bien­fondé de ces affirmations au moyen des données de Santé Canada accessibles au public ainsi que des données provinciales sur les ventes par produit et la ventilation des prix des boissons alcoolisées types dans les principaux secteurs de marché. Résultats Dans tous les cas, les taux de taxe de vente totale et de taxe d’accise se situent généralement entre 20 % et 30 % du prix de détail final, soit bien en deçà de ce qu’avancent les représentants de l’industrie.

Aim Investigate changes in alcohol use and related harm using the first multisite, controlled, longitudinal study of Managed Alcohol Programs (MAPs). MAPs provide regular doses of alcohol, accommodation, social supports and healthcare to unstably housed people with alcohol dependence. Methods A multisite, quasi-experimental, longitudinal study was conducted in day centres, shelters and residential programs for unstably housed people. There were 59 MAP participants from six Canadian cities and 116 local controls. Self-reported alcohol consumption and harms were assessed at 0-2, 6 and 12 months. Liver function test results were accessed for MAP participants. Results Both groups had similar reductions in mean drinks per day (MAP: -8.11; controls: -8.54 controls, P < 0.001) and days drinking per month (MAP: -2.51 days, P < 0.05; control: -4.81 days, P = 0.0001) over 6–-12 months. Both reduced non-beverage alcohol consumption. MAP participants reported significantly fewer harms at both 0-2 and 6 months than controls. MAP participants had similar total consumption to controls, but spread out over more days (25.41 versus 19.64 days per month, P = 0.001). After leaving a MAP, participants’ liver status deteriorated, with increases in both aspartate transaminase and bilirubin levels. MAP sites with effective policies on outside drinking drank less and had fewer harms. Conclusion MAP participants drank less hazardously than controls, especially with effective management of non-MAP drinking. Reductions in alcohol use and harms occurred for both groups, although MAP participants reported fewer harms at 0-6 months. Departing an MAP was associated with deterioration in liver status. Although providing stable housing, MAPs did not worsen health or increase alcohol use.

INTRODUCTION Policy changes may contribute to increased alcohol-related risks to populations. These include privatisation of alcohol retailing, which influences density of alcohol outlets, location of outlets, hours of sale and prevention of alcohol sales to minors or intoxicated customers. Meta-analyses, reviews and original research indicate enhanced access to alcohol is associated with elevated risk of and actual harm. We assess the 10 Canadian provinces on two alcohol policy domains-type of alcohol control system and physical availability of alcohol-in order to track changes over time, and document shifting changes in alcohol policy. METHODS Our information was based on government documents and websites, archival statistics and key informant interviews. Policy domains were selected and weighted for their degree of effectiveness and population reach based on systematic reviews and epidemiological evidence. Government representatives were asked to validate all the information for their jurisdiction. RESULTS The province-specific reports based on the 2012 results showed that 9 of 10 provinces had mixed retail systems-a combination of government-run and privately owned alcohol outlets. Recommendations in each provincial report were to not increase privatisation. However, by 2017 the percentage of off-premise private outlets had increased in four of these nine provinces, with new private outlet systems introduced in several. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS Decision-making protocols are oriented to commercial interests and perceived consumer convenience. If public health and safety considerations are not meaningfully included in decision-making protocols on alcohol policy, then it will be challenging to curtail or reduce harms.

INTRODUCTION: Alcohol is a leading contributor to liver disease, however, estimating the proportion of liver disease deaths attributable to alcohol use can be methodologically challenging. METHODS: We compared three approaches for estimating alcohol-attributable liver disease deaths (AALDD), using the U.S. as an example. One involved summing deaths from alcoholic liver disease and a proportion from unspecified cirrhosis (direct method); two used population attributable fraction (PAF) methodology, including one that adjusted for per capita alcohol sales. For PAFs, the 2011–2015 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System and per capita sales from the Alcohol Epidemiologic Data System were used to derive alcohol consumption prevalence estimates at various levels (excessive alcohol use was defined by medium and high consumption levels). Prevalence estimates were used with relative risks from two meta-analyses, and PAFs were applied to the 2011–2015 average annual number of deaths from alcoholic cirrhosis and unspecified cirrhosis (using National Vital Statistics System data) to estimate AALDD. RESULTS: The number of AALDD was higher using the direct method (28,345 annually) than the PAF methods, but similar when alcohol prevalence was adjusted using per capita sales and all alcohol consumption levels were considered (e.g., 25,145 AALDD). Using the PAF method, disaggregating non-drinkers into lifetime abstainers and former drinkers to incorporate relative risks for former drinkers yielded higher AALDD estimates (e.g., 27,686) than methods with all non-drinkers combined. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS: Using PAF methods that adjust for per capita sales and model risks for former drinkers yield more complete and possibly more valid AALDD estimates.

Aims: Meta-analyses have suggested a dose-response relationship between level of alcohol use and risk of prostate cancer, but the populations in the included studies are predominantly Caucasian. Many Chinese language studies have not been included in published reviews and/or meta-analyses. The present meta–analysis accessed research reports in both English and Chinese language sources in order to investigate this relationship specifically among Chinese people. Methods: Searches in five large Chinese biomedical bibliographic databases were made for case–control and cohort studies of alcohol consumption and prostate cancer incidence and death (ICD–10: C61) up to May 2017. Studies were coded for design, outcome, drinker and non-drinkers, extent of control for confounding and other study characteristics. Mixed models were used to estimate relative risk (RR) of incidence or death from prostate cancer due to alcohol consumption with study level controls for designs, drinker bias and types of drinkers. Findings: A total of 415 studies were identified of which 25 (20 in Chinese from five Chinese databases and 5 in English from published meta-analyses) satisfied inclusion criteria providing 36 risk estimates of prostate cancer for drinkers versus non-drinkers. There was a total of 36 OR estimates; 27 using patients as controls and 9 using healthy people. Nine studies (14 OR estimates) specified reference abstainers as “never drank” or “no drinking”. Adjusted RR estimates indicated a significantly increased risk of prostate cancer among drinkers (RR=1.46, 95% CI: 1.40 – 1.52, t-test P

Excessive alcohol use is a leading cause of preventable death in the United States (1) and costs associated with it, such as those from losses in workplace productivity, health care expenditures, and criminal justice, were $249 billion in 2010 (2). CDC used the Alcohol-Related Disease Impact (ARDI) application* to estimate national and state average annual alcohol-attributable deaths and years of potential life lost (YPLL) during 2011-2015, including deaths from one's own excessive drinking (e.g., liver disease) and from others' drinking (e.g., passengers killed in alcohol-related motor vehicle crashes). This study found an average of 93,296 alcohol-attributable deaths (255 deaths per day) and 2.7 million YPLL (29 years of life lost per death, on average) in the United States each year. Of all alcohol-attributable deaths, 51,078 (54.7%) were caused by chronic conditions, and 52,361 (56.0%) involved adults aged 35-64 years. Age-adjusted alcohol-attributable deaths per 100,000 population ranged from 20.3 in New Jersey and New York to 52.3 in New Mexico. YPLL per 100,000 population ranged from 613.8 in New York to 1,651.7 in New Mexico. Implementation of effective strategies for preventing excessive drinking, including those recommended by the Community Preventive Services Task Force (e.g., increasing alcohol taxes and regulating the number and concentration of alcohol outlets), could reduce alcohol-attributable deaths and YPLL.†.

Introduction En 2017, le Canada a augmenté les taxes d’accise sur l’alcool pour la première fois depuis plus de 30 ans. Dans cet article, nous offrons un modèle permettant d’estimer les divers effets de politiques augmentant les taxes et les prix dans le but d’améliorer les résultats en matière de santé. Méthodologie Nous avons obtenu de Statistique Canada les données 2016­2017 sur les ventes de boissons alcoolisées et leur taxation dans l’ensemble des provinces et des territoires au Canada, ainsi que les données sur les ventes par produit en ColombieBritannique. Nous avons modélisé les effets de diverses politiques fiscales et d’établissement des prix ‒ taxes sans incidence sur les recettes gouvernementales, taxes corrigées en fonction de l’inflation et d’un prix unitaire minimum (PUM) ‒ sur la consommation, les revenus et les méfaits. Nous avons utilisé les élasticités de prix publiées pour estimer les effets sur la consommation et les revenus, et le modèle international en matière de méfaits et de politiques liés à l’alcool (InterMAHP) pour estimer les effets sur la mortalité et la morbidité attribuables à l’alcool. Résultats Toutes choses égales par ailleurs, les taxes volumétriques sur l’alcool (TVA) sans incidence sur les recettes gouvernementales auraient eu une influence minime sur la consommation globale d’alcool et les méfaits qui y sont liés. Les TVA corrigées en fonction de l’inflation auraient entraîné une baisse de 3,83 % de la consommation, ce qui se serait accompagné d’une réduction du nombre des décès de 329 et une diminution du nombre d’admissions à l’hôpital de 3762. En 2016, un prix unitaire minimum de 1,75 $ par verre standard (soit 17,05 ml d’éthanol) aurait permis de réduire la consommation de 8,68 %, ce qui aurait conduit à une diminution du nombre de décès de 732 et du nombre d’hospitalisations de 8 329. Indexer les taxes d’accise sur l’alcool entre 1991­ 1992 et 2016­2017 aurait fait gagner au gouvernement fédéral environ 10,97 milliards de dollars supplémentaires. Selon nos estimations, la situation aurait permis d’éviter entre 4000 et 5400 décès de plus et entre 43000 et 56000 hospitalisations supplémentaires. Conclusion L’amélioration des résultats en matière de santé publique aurait été possible grâce à (1) l’augmentation des taux de la taxe d’accise sur l’alcool pour toutes les boissons afin de compenser la non­indexation passée des taux et (2) la fixation d’un PUM d’au moins 1,75 $ par verre standard. La mise en œuvre de ces politiques permettrait aujourd’hui de réduire les méfaits dus à l’alcool tout en augmentant les recettes fédérales.

Introduction In 2017, Canada increased alcohol excise taxes for the first time in over three decades. In this article, we describe a model to estimate various effects of additional tax and price policies that are predicted to improve health outcomes. Methods We obtained alcohol sales and taxation data for 2016/17 for all Canadian jurisdictions from Statistics Canada and product-level sales data for British Columbia. We modelled effects of alternative price and tax policies - revenue-neutral taxes, inflation-adjusted taxes and minimum unit prices (MUPs) - on consumption, revenues and harms. We used published price elasticities to estimate impacts on consumption and revenue and the International Model for Alcohol Harms and Policies (InterMAHP) to estimate impacts on alcohol-attributable mortality and morbidity. Results Other things being equal, revenue-neutral alcohol volumetric taxes (AVT) would have minimal influence on overall alcohol consumption and related harms. Inflation-adjusted AVT would result in 3.83% less consumption, 329 fewer deaths and 3762 fewer hospital admissions. A MUP of $1.75 per standard drink (equal to 17.05mL ethanol) would have reduced consumption by 8.68% in 2016, which in turn would have reduced the number of deaths by 732 and the number of hospitalizations by 8329 that year. Indexing alcohol excise taxes between 1991/92 and 2016/17 would have resulted in the federal government gaining approximately $10.97 billion. We estimated this could have prevented 4000-5400 deaths and 43 000-56 000 hospitalizations. Conclusion Improved public health outcomes would be made possible by (1) increasing alcohol excise tax rates across all beverages to compensate for past failures to index rates, and (2) setting a MUP of at least $1.75 per standard drink. While reducing alcohol-caused harms, these tax policies would have the added benefit of increasing federal government revenues.

Ce numéro spécial sur les problèmes de consommation de substances paraît dans une période cruciale pour les responsables des politiques et pour les chercheurs canadiens en matière de santé. À l’heure actuelle, ce sont la crise des opioïdes et les répercussions possibles de la légalisation du cannabis qui retiennent le plus l’attention. Cependant, les substances les plus consommées et les plus nocives demeurent l’alcool et la nicotine. Les politiques visant à réduire les méfaits de ces substances ne suffisent pas : les politiques sur le contrôle de l’alcool sont progressivement abandonnées et on ne saisit pas les occasions de maximiser le potentiel de réduction des méfaits associé aux nouveaux dispositifs d’administration de nicotine plus sécuritaires. Plus généralement, il faut davantage cibler les stratégies de réduction des méfaits fondées sur l’expérience des personnes marginalisées ayant de graves problèmes de consommation de substances, de manière à ne pas aggraver les inégalités en matière de santé. Afin de mieux éclairer les interventions stratégiques, nous recommandons des approches novatrices de contrôle et de surveillance qui maximisent le recours à de multiples sources de données, comme celles utilisées dans le cadre du projet Coûts et méfaits de l’usage de substances au Canada (CEMUSC). Il faut également accorder une plus grande attention à la précision des définitions de ce qu’est une habitude de consommation à risque et un méfait, afin de favoriser l’adoption de politiques qui tiennent mieux compte des taux réels de méfaits liés à la consommation de substances dans la société canadienne et qui sont davantage capables de les contrer.

This special issue on substance use issues comes at a critical time for Canadian health policy makers and researchers. Most attention is currently focussed on the opioid crisis and the potential impacts of cannabis legalization. However, our most widely used and harmful substances continue to be alcohol and nicotine. Our policies to reduce harms from these substances are failing. While alcohol control policies are being gradually abandoned, opportunities to maximize the harm reduction potential of new, alternative and safer nicotine delivery devices are not being grasped. More generally, a greater focus is needed on harm reduction strategies that are informed by the experience of marginalized people with severe substance use-related problems so as to not exacerbate health inequities. In order to better inform policy responses, we recommend innovative approaches to monitoring and surveillance that maximize the use of multiple data sources, such as those used in the Canadian Substance Use Costs and Harms (CSUCH) project. Greater attention to precision in defining patterns of risky use and harms is also needed to support policies that more accurately reflect and respond to actual levels of substance use-related harm in Canadian society.Ce numéro spécial sur les problèmes de consommation de substances paraît dans une période cruciale pour les responsables des politiques et pour les chercheurs canadiens en matière de santé. À l’heure actuelle, ce sont la crise des opioïdes et les répercussions possibles de la légalisation du cannabis qui retiennent le plus l’attention. Cependant, les substances les plus consommées et les plus nocives demeurent l’alcool et la nicotine. Les politiques visant à réduire les méfaits de ces substances ne suffisent pas : les politiques sur le contrôle de l’alcool sont progressivement abandonnées et on ne saisit pas les occasions de maximiser le potentiel de réduction des méfaits associé aux nouveaux dispositifs d’administration de nicotine plus sécuritaires. Plus généralement, il faut davantage cibler les stratégies de réduction des méfaits fondées sur l’expérience des personnes marginalisées ayant de graves problèmes de consommation de substances, de manière à ne pas aggraver les inégalités en matière de santé. Afin de mieux éclairer les interventions stratégiques, nous recommandons des approches novatrices de contrôle et de surveillance qui maximisent le recours à de multiples sources de données, comme celles utilisées dans le cadre du projet Coûts et méfaits de l’usage de substances au Canada (CEMUSC). Il faut également accorder une plus grande attention à la précision des définitions de ce qu’est une habitude de consommation à risque et un méfait, afin de favoriser l’adoption de politiques qui tiennent mieux compte des taux réels de méfaits liés à la consommation de substances dans la société canadienne et qui sont davantage capables de les contrer.Substance use in Canada cost $46 billion in 2017, with the great majority of these costs resulting from the use of tobacco and alcohol. Substance use-related costs, harms and rates of use have been increasing in Canada over the past decades for both legal and illegal substances, including those for cannabis. Canadian policies to address our most harmful substances, i.e. alcohol, cannabis and tobacco, are largely failing, despite significant opportunities to improve policies on pricing, taxation and marketing of legal substances. Canada's monitoring and surveillance efforts can be improved by developing more discerning measures of risk and maximizing the use of multiple data sources.Au Canada, la consommation de substances a coûté 46 milliards de dollars en 2017, la grande majorité de ces coûts découlant du tabagisme et de la consommation d’alcool. Au Canada, les taux de consommation de substances ainsi que les coûts et les méfaits connexes ont augmenté au cours des dernières décennies, que ce soit pour les substances légales ou illégales, en particulier le cannabis. Les politiques canadiennes en matière de lutte contre la consommation des substances les plus nocives, soit l’alcool, le cannabis et le tabac, sont en grande partie inefficaces, malgré d’importantes possibilités d’amélioration en matière de tarification, de taxation et de commercialisation des substances légales. Il est possible d’améliorer les efforts de contrôle et de surveillance au Canada en élaborant des mesures de risque bien pensées et en maximisant l’utilisation de multiples sources de données.

Introduction Cette étude a pour but de documenter la portée des infractions au Code de la publicité radio diffusée en faveur de boissons alcoolisées du Conseil de la radiodiffusion et des télécommunications canadiennes (CRTC) (Code du CRTC) commises par certains établissements servant de l’alcool qui publient du contenu lié à l’alcool sur des plateformes de médias sociaux et d’évaluer si ces infractions au Code du CRTC sont en lien avec la popularité de ces établissements auprès des étudiants universitaires et avec les comportements de ces derniers en matière de consommation d’alcool. Méthodologie Au cours de la phase 1 de l’étude, un échantillon aléatoire de 477 étudiants provenant de quatre universités canadiennes ont répondu à un questionnaire portant sur leurs habitudes de consommation d’alcool et sur les établissements servant de l’alcool qu’ils préféraient. Au cours de la phase 2, nous avons évalué, auprès d’un échantillon aléatoire de 78 étudiants, si les publications de ces établissements dans les médias sociaux étaient conformes aux 17 lignes directrices du Code du CRTC. Nous avons regroupé les deux ensembles de données et nous les avons jumelés au moyen de la liste des établissements servant de l’alcool. Résultats Les établissements populaires servant de l’alcool ont publié massivement des contenus liés à l’alcool contrevenant au Code du CRTC. Les estimations d’effet ajusté indiquent qu’une réduction du niveau moyen de conformité au Code du CRTC est associée de manière significative à une augmentation de 1 % du taux de popularité des établissements servant de l’alcool (test t, p < 0,001). En ce qui a trait aux comportements de consommation d’alcool, une augmentation de 1 % du niveau moyen global de conformité au Code du CRTC est significativement associée à une diminution de 0,458 jour de consommation par semaine pendant un semestre (test t, p = 0,01), une diminution de 0,294 consommation par occasion (test t, p = 0,048) et une probabilité plus faible que les étudiants consomment de l’alcool lorsqu’ils se trouvent dans un établissement servant de l’alcool (test t, p = 0,001). Conclusion Les résultats de notre étude sont une invitation à ce que les agences de réglementation territoriales et provinciales réévaluent leurs pratiques, afin que les lignes directrices en matière de publicité sur l’alcool soient appliquées et respectées de manière uniforme. Au­delà, ces résultats justifient l’adoption d’une loi fédérale avec un mandat en santé publique applicable à tous les médias : médias imprimés, numériques et sociaux, télévision et radio.

Managed alcohol programs (MAPs) have been implemented in Canada to reduce harms of severe alcohol use disorder and homelessness. Programs traditionally provide participants with regulated doses of ...

Objective: Alcohol labels are one strategy for communicating health information to consumers. This study tested the extent to which consumers recalled alcohol labels with national drinking guidelines and examined the impact of labels on awareness and knowledge of the guidelines. Method: A quasi-experimental study was conducted in two jurisdictions in northern Canada examining the impact of labels on the following outcomes: unprompted and prompted recall of the drinking guideline label message, awareness of the drinking guidelines, and knowledge of the daily and weekly recommended drink limits. The intervention site applied labels with national drinking guidelines, a cancer warning, and standard drink information to alcohol containers in its liquor store, whereas the comparison site did not apply these labels. In total, 2,049 cohort participants in both sites were recruited to complete surveys before and at two time points after the intervention. Changes in outcomes were examined using generalized estimating equations. Results: After the intervention, unprompted and prompted recall of the drinking guideline label message increased more in the intervention versus comparison site (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 10.8, 95% CI [0.9, 127.6]; AOR = 7.0, 95% CI [3.3, 14.9], respectively). Awareness of the drinking guidelines increased 2.9 times more in the intervention versus comparison site (AOR = 2.9, 95% CI [2.0, 4.3]). In addition, knowledge of the daily and weekly drink limits increased 1.5 and 1.4 times more in the intervention versus comparison site, respectively (daily: AOR = 1.5, 95% CI [1.0, 2.1]; weekly: AOR = 1.4, 95% CI [1.0, 2.0]). Conclusions: Enhanced alcohol labels get noticed and may be an effective population-level strategy for increasing awareness and knowledge of national drinking guidelines.

Objective Many countries propose low-risk drinking guidelines (LRDGs) to mitigate alcohol-related harms. North American LRDGs are high by international standards. We applied the International Model of Alcohol Harms and Policies (InterMAHP) to quantify the alcohol-caused harms experienced by those drinking within and above these guidelines. We customized a recent Global Burden of Disease (GBD) analysis to inform guidelines in high-income countries. Method Record-level death and hospital stay data for Canada were accessed. Alcohol exposure data were from the Canadian Substance Use Exposure Database. InterMAHP was used to estimate alcohol-attributable deaths and hospital stays experienced by people drinking within LRDGs, people drinking above LRDGs, and former drinkers. GBD relative risk functions were acquired and weighted by the distribution of Canadian mortality. Results More men (18%) than women (7%) drank above weekly guidelines. Adherence to guidelines did not eliminate alcohol-caused harm: those drinking within guidelines nonetheless experienced 140 more deaths and 3,663 more hospital stays than if they had chosen to abstain from alcohol. A weighted relative risk analysis found that, for both women and men, the risk was lowest at a consumption level of 10 g per day. For all levels of consumption, men were found to experience a higher weighted relative risk than women. Conclusions Drinkers following weekly LRDGs are not insulated from harm. Greater than 50% of alcohol-caused cancer deaths are experienced by those drinking within weekly limits. Findings suggest that guidelines of around one drink per day may be appropriate for high-income countries.

Objective: Media coverage of alcohol-related policy measures can influence public debate and is often more aligned with interests of the alcohol industry than public health. The purpose of this study was to examine the framing of news coverage of alcohol warning label (AWL) initiatives that included a cancer message on alcohol containers in two different countries. Policy contexts and industry perspectives were also evaluated. Method: We identified and systematically reviewed news articles published between 2017–2019 covering an AWL academic study in Yukon, Canada, and labeling provisions in a Public Health (Alcohol) Bill in Ireland. Both included a cancer message. News stories were coded for media type and topic slant; inclusion of alcohol industry perspectives was examined using content analysis. Results: Overall, 68.4% of media articles covering the Yukon Study (n = 38) and 18.9% covering the Ireland Bill (n = 37) were supportive of AWLs with a cancer message. The majority of articles in both sites presented alcohol industry perspectives (Yukon, 65.8%; Ireland, 86.5%), and industry arguments opposing AWLs were similar across both contexts. In articles with statements from industry representatives, the label message was frequently disputed by distorting or denying the evidence that alcohol causes cancer (n = 33/43). Conclusions: News coverage of AWLs with a cancer message was more supportive in Canada than Ireland, where alcohol industry perspectives were consistently foregrounded. Industry arguments opposing the cancer label bore similarities across contexts, often distorting or denying the evidence. Increasing awareness of industry messaging strategies may generate more critical coverage of industry lobbying activities and increase public support for alcohol policies. (J. Stud. Alcohol Drugs, 81, 273–283, 2020)

Objective: This study tested the initial and continued effects of cancer warning labels on drinkers’ recall and knowledge that alcohol can cause cancer. Method: A quasi-experiment was conducted to examine changes in the intervention versus comparison site for three outcomes: unprompted and prompted recall of the cancer warning, and knowledge that alcohol can cause cancer. The intervention site applied cancer warning labels to alcohol containers in its liquor store for 1 month, and the two liquor stores in the comparison site did not apply cancer labels. In total, 2,049 unique cohort participants (1,056 male) were recruited at liquor stores in the intervention and comparison sites to participate in surveys 4 months before labels were applied and 2 and 6 months after the cancer label was halted because of alcohol industry interference. Generalized estimating equations tested differences in outcomes between sites over time adjusting for socio-demographics and other covariates. Results: Two months after the cancer label, unprompted (+24.2% vs. +0.6%; adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 32.7, 95% CI [5.4, 197.7]) and prompted (+35.7% vs. +4.1%; AOR = 6.2, 95% CI [3.6, 10.9]) recall increased to a greater extent in the intervention versus comparison site. There was a 10% greater increase in knowledge (+12.1% vs. +11.6%; AOR = 1.1, 95% CI [0.7, 1.5]) 2 months after the cancer label in the intervention versus comparison site. Similar results were found 6 months after the cancer label for all three outcomes. Conclusions: In a real-world setting, cancer warning labels get noticed and increase knowledge that alcohol can cause cancer. Additional cancer label intervention studies are required that are not compromised by industry interference.

Objective:Although the World Health Organization (WHO) declared alcohol a Class 1 carcinogen 30 years ago, few governments have communicated this fact to the public. We illustrate how alcohol indus...

OBJECTIVE: Policy makers require evidence-based estimates of the economic costs of substance use-attributable lost productivity to set strategies aimed at reducing substance use-related harms. Building on a study by Rehm et al. (2006), we provide estimates of workplace costs using updated methods and data sources. METHODS: We estimated substance use-attributable productivity losses due to premature mortality, long-term disability, and presenteeism/absenteeism in Canada between 2007 and 2014. Lost productivity was estimated using a hybrid prevalence and incidence approach. Substance use prevalence data were drawn from three national self-report surveys. Premature mortality data were from the Canadian Vital Statistics Death Database, and long-term disability and workplace interference data were from the Canadian Community Health Survey. RESULTS: In 2014, the total cost of lost productivity due to substance use was $15.7 billion, or approximately $440 per Canadian, an increase of 8% from 2007. Substances responsible for the greatest economic costs were alcohol (38% of per capita costs), tobacco (37%), opioids (12%), other central nervous system (CNS) depressants (4%), other CNS stimulants (3%), cannabis (2%), cocaine (2%), and finally other psychoactive substances (2%). CONCLUSION: In 2014, alcohol and tobacco represent three quarters of substance use-related lost productivity costs in Canada, followed by opioids. These costs provide a valuable baseline that can be used to assess the impact of future substance use policy, practice, and other interventions, especially important given Canada’s opioid crisis and recent cannabis legalization. ELECTRONIC SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL: The online version of this article (10.17269/s41997-019-00271-8) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

Background The twin problems of severe alcohol dependence and homelessness are associated with precarious living and multiple acute, social and chronic harms. While much attention has been focused on harm reduction services for illicit drug use, there has been less attention to harm reduction for this group. Managed alcohol programs (MAPs) are harm reduction interventions that aim to reduce the harms of severe alcohol use, poverty and homelessness. MAPs typically provide accommodation, health and social supports alongside regularly administered sources of beverage alcohol to stabilize drinking patterns and replace use of non-beverage alcohol (NBA). Methods We examined impacts of MAPs in reducing harms and risks associated with substance use and homelessness. Using case study methodology, data were collected from five MAPs in five Canadian cities with each program constituting a case. In total, 53 program participants, 4 past participants and 50 program staff were interviewed. We used situational analysis to produce a series of “messy”, “ordered” and “social arenas” maps that provide insight into the social worlds of participants and the impact of MAPs. Results Prior to entering a MAP, participants were often in a revolving world of cycling through multiple arenas (health, justice, housing and shelters) where abstinence from alcohol is often required in order to receive assistance. Residents described living in a street-based survival world characterized by criminalization, unmet health needs, stigma and unsafe spaces for drinking and a world punctuated by multiple losses and disconnections. MAPs disrupt these patterns by providing a harm reduction world in which obtaining accommodation and supports are not contingent on sobriety. MAPs represent a new arena that focuses on reducing harms through provision of safer spaces and supply of alcohol, with opportunities for reconnection with family and friends and for Indigenous participants, Indigenous traditions and cultures. Thus, MAPs are safer spaces but also potentially spaces for healing. Conclusions In a landscape of limited alcohol harm reduction options, MAPs create a new arena for people experiencing severe alcohol dependence and homelessness. While MAPs reduce precarity for participants, programs themselves remain precarious due to ongoing challenges related to lack of understanding of alcohol harm reduction and insecure program funding.

Introduction Canadian distillers and brewers have claimed that between 50% and 80% of the price of alcoholic drinks are government taxes. These claims were made in campaigns to decrease alcohol taxation. Methods We investigated these claims using publicly available Statistics Canada data and provincial-level product sales data and breakdowns of the prices of typical alcohol beverages in major market sectors. Results In all cases, the rate of total sales tax and excise taxation are mostly between 20% and 30% of final retail prices, well below the industry claims.

Introduction Managed Alcohol Programs (MAPs) are designed to improve health and housing outcomes for unstably housed people with an alcohol use disorder (AUD). The present study assesses the association of MAP participation with healthcare and mortality outcomes. Methods A retrospective cohort study assessed health outcomes for 205 MAP participants and 128 controls recruited from five Canadian cities in 2006–2017. Survival and negative binomial regression models were used to calculate hazard ratios (HR) of death and emergency room (ER) visits and hospital bed days (HBDs). Covariates included age, sex, AUD severity and housing stability score. Results In fully adjusted models, compared with times outside MAPs, participants had significantly reduced risk of mortality (HR = 0.37, P = 0.0001) and ER attendance (HR = 0.74, P = 0.0002), and fewer HBDs yearly (10.40 vs 20.08, P = 0.0184). Over the 12 years, people enrolled in a MAP at some point had significantly fewer HBDs per year than controls after MAP enrolment (12.78 vs 20.08, P = 0.0001) but not significantly different rates of death or ER presentation. MAP participants had significantly more alcohol-related but significantly fewer nonalcohol-related ER presentations than controls. Conclusion Attendance at a MAP was associated with reduced risk of mortality or morbidity and less hospital utilization for individuals with unstable housing and severe AUDs. MAPs are a promising approach to reduce mortality risk and time spent in hospital for people with an AUD and experiencing homelessness.

Evidence for effective government policies to reduce exposure to alcohol’s carcinogenic and hepatoxic effects has strengthened in recent decades. Policies with the strongest evidence involve reducing the affordability, availability and cultural acceptability of alcohol. However, policies that reduce population consumption compete with powerful commercial vested interests. This paper draws on the Canadian Alcohol Policy Evaluation (CAPE), a formal assessment of effective government action on alcohol across Canadian jurisdictions. It also draws on alcohol policy case studies elsewhere involving attempts to introduce minimum unit pricing and cancer warning labels on alcohol containers. Canadian governments collectively received a failing grade (F) for alcohol policy implementation during the most recent CAPE assessment in 2017. However, had the best practices observed in any one jurisdiction been implemented consistently, Canada would have received an A grade. Resistance to effective alcohol policies is due to (1) lack of public awareness of both need and effectiveness, (2) a lack of government regulatory mechanisms to implement effective policies, (3) alcohol industry lobbying, and (4) a failure from the public health community to promote specific and feasible actions as opposed to general principles, e.g., ‘increased prices’ or ‘reduced affordability’. There is enormous untapped potential in most countries for the implementation of proven strategies to reduce alcohol-related harm. While alcohol policies have weakened in many countries during the COVID-19 pandemic, societies may now also be more accepting of public health-inspired policies with proven effectiveness and potential economic benefits.

Background While there is robust evidence for strategies to reduce harms of illicit drug use, less attention has been paid to alcohol harm reduction for people experiencing severe alcohol use disorder (AUD), homelessness, and street-based illicit drinking. Managed Alcohol Programs (MAPs) provide safer and regulated sources of alcohol and other supports within a harm reduction framework. To reduce the impacts of heavy long-term alcohol use among MAP participants, cannabis substitution has been identified as a potential therapeutic tool. Methods To determine the feasibility of cannabis substitution, we conducted a pre-implementation mixed-methods study utilizing structured surveys and open-ended interviews. Data were collected from MAP organizational leaders (n = 7), program participants (n = 19), staff and managers (n = 17) across 6 MAPs in Canada. We used the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR) to inform and organize our analysis. Results Five themes describing feasibility of CSP implementation in MAPs were identified. The first theme describes the characteristics of potential CSP participants. Among MAP participants, 63% (n = 12) were already substituting cannabis for alcohol, most often on a weekly basis (n = 8, 42.1%), for alcohol cravings (n = 15, 78.9%,) and withdrawal (n = 10, 52.6%). Most MAP participants expressed willingness to participate in a CSP (n = 16, 84.2%). The second theme describes the characteristics of a feasible and preferred CSP model according to participants and staff. Participants preferred staff administration of dry, smoked cannabis, followed by edibles and capsules with replacement of some doses of alcohol through a partial substitution model. Themes three and four highlight organizational and contextual factors related to feasibility of implementing CSPs. MAP participants requested peer, social, and counselling supports. Staff requested education resources and enhanced clinical staffing. Critically, program staff and leaders identified that sustainable funding and inexpensive, legal, and reliable sourcing of cannabis are needed to support CSP implementation. Conclusion Cannabis substitution was considered feasible by all three groups and in some MAPs residents are already using cannabis. Partial substitution of cannabis for doses of alcohol was preferred. All three groups identified a need for additional supports for implementation including peer support, staff education, and counselling. Sourcing and funding cannabis were identified as primary challenges to successful CSP implementation in MAPs.

Alcohol policy in North America is dominated by moderation and abstinence-based modalities that focus on controlling population-level alcohol consumption and modifying individual consumption patterns to prevent and reduce alcohol-related harms. However, conventional alcohol policies and interventions do not adequately address harms associated with high-risk drinking among individuals experiencing severe alcohol use disorder (AUD) and structural vulnerability such as poverty and homelessness. In this commentary we address this gap in alcohol harm reduction, and highlight the lack of, and distinct need for, alcohol-specific harm reduction for people experiencing structural vulnerability and severe AUD. These individuals, doubly impacted by structural oppression and severe AUD, engage in various high-risk drinking practices that contribute to a unique set of harms that conventional abstinence-based treatments and interventions fail to adequately attend to. Managed alcohol programs (MAPs) have been established to address these multiple intersecting harms, and though gaining momentum across Canada, have had a hard time finding their place within the harm reduction movement. We illustrate how MAPs play a crucial role in the harm reduction movement in their ability to not only address high-risk drinking practices among structurally marginalized individuals, but to respond to harms associated with broader structural inequities such as poverty and homelessness.

Objective:Alcohol use causes approximately 10% of deaths among adults ages 20–65 in the United States. Although previous research has demonstrated differential age-related risk relationships, it is...

INTRODUCTION Evidence-based alcohol policies have the potential to reduce a wide range of related harms. Yet, barriers to adoption and implementation within governments often exist. Engaging relevant stakeholders may be an effective way to identify and address potential challenges thereby increasing reach and uptake of policy evaluation research and strengthening jurisdictional responses to alcohol harms. METHODS As part of the 2019 Canadian Alcohol Policy Evaluation project, we conducted interviews with government stakeholders across alcohol-related sectors prior to a second round of researcher-led policy assessments in Canada's 13 provinces and territories. Stakeholders were asked for feedback on the design and impact of an earlier policy assessment in 2013 and for recommendations to improve the design and dissemination strategy for the next iteration. Content analysis was used to identify ways of improving stakeholder engagement. RESULTS We interviewed 25 stakeholders across 12 of Canada's 13 jurisdictions, including representatives from government health ministries and from alcohol regulation, distribution and finance departments. In providing feedback on our stakeholder engagement strategy, participants highlighted the importance of maintaining ongoing contact; presenting results in accessible online formats; providing advance notice of results; and offering jurisdiction-specific webinars. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS This study offers important insight into the engagement preferences of government stakeholders involved in the health, regulation, distribution and financial aspects of alcohol control policy. Findings suggest that seeking input from stakeholders as part of conducting evaluation research is warranted; increasing the relevance, reach and uptake of results. Specific stakeholder engagement strategies are outlined.

The World Health Organization (WHO) is undertaking important work to develop a new action plan on alcohol for 2022–30. However, the WHO's published proposal for the action plan envisages that the alcohol industry be a co‐regulator with government of consumer information, including health warnings, on alcoholic beverage labels.

The COVID-19 pandemic is presenting significant challenges for health and social care systems globally. The implementation of unprecedented public health measures, alongside the augmentation of the treatment capacity for those severely affected by COVID-19, are compromising and limiting the delivery of essential care to people with severe substance use problems and, in some cases, widening extreme social inequities such as poverty and homelessness. This global pandemic is severely challenging current working practices. However, these challenges can provide a unique opportunity for a flexible and innovative learning approach, bringing certain interventions into the spotlight. Harm reduction responses are well-established evidenced approaches in the management of opioid dependence but not so well-known or implemented in relation to alcohol use disorders. In this position paper, we explore the potential for expanding harm reduction approaches during the COVID-19 crisis and beyond as part of substance use treatment services. We will examine alcohol use and related vulnerabilities during COVID-19, the impact of COVID-19 on substance use services, and the potential philosophical shift in orientation to harm reduction and outline a range of alcohol harm reduction approaches. We discuss relevant aspects of the Structured Preparation for Alcohol Detoxification (SPADe) treatment model, and Managed Alcohol Programs (MAPs), as part of a continuum of harm reduction and abstinence orientated treatment for alcohol use disorders. In conclusion, while COVID-19 has dramatically reduced and limited services, the pandemic has propelled the importance of alcohol harm reduction and created new opportunities for implementation of harm reduction philosophy and approaches, including programs that incorporate the provision of alcohol as medicine as part of the substance use treatment continuum.

Background Worldwide momentum toward legalization of recreational cannabis use has raised a common concern that such policies might increase cannabis-impaired driving and consequent traffic-related harms, especially among youth. The current study evaluated this issue in Canada. Methods Utilizing provincial emergency department (ED) records (April 1, 2015-December 31, 2019) from Alberta and Ontario, Canada, we employed Seasonal Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (SARIMA) models to assess associations between Canada’s cannabis legalization (via the Cannabis Act implemented on October 17, 2018) and weekly provincial counts of ICD-10-CA-defined traffic-injury ED presentations. For each province (Alberta/Ontario), SARIMA models were developed on two driver groups: all drivers, and youth drivers (aged 14–17 years in Alberta; 16–18 years, Ontario). Results There was no evidence of significant changes associated with cannabis legalization on post-legalization weekly counts of drivers’ traffic-injury ED visits in: (1) Alberta, all drivers (n = 52,752 traffic-injury presentations), an increase of 9.17 visits (95 % CI -18.85; 37.20; p = 0.52); (2) Alberta, youth drivers (n = 3265 presentations), a decrease of 0.66 visits (95 % CI -2.26; 0.94; p = 0.42); (3) Ontario, all drivers (n = 186,921 presentations), an increase of 28.93 visits (95 % CI -26.32; 84.19; p = 0.30); and (4) Ontario, youth drivers (n = 4565), an increase of 0.09 visits (95 % CI -6.25; 6.42; p = 0.98). Conclusions Implementation of the Cannabis Act was not associated with evidence of significant post-legalization changes in traffic-injury ED visits in Ontario or Alberta among all drivers or youth drivers, in particular.

Introduction Effective alcohol control measures can prevent and reduce alcohol-related harms at the population level. This study aims to evaluate implementation of alcohol policies across 11 evidence-based domains in Canada's 13 jurisdictions. Methods The Canadian Alcohol Policy Evaluation project assessed all provinces and territories on 11 evidence-based domains weighted for scope and effectiveness. A scoring rubric was developed with policy and practice indicators and peer-reviewed by international experts. The 2017 data were collected from publicly-available regulatory documents, validated by government officials, and independently scored by team members. Results The average score for alcohol policy implementation across Canadian provinces and territories was 43.8%; Ontario had the highest (63.9%) and Northwest Territories the lowest (38.4%) jurisdictional scores. Only six of 11 policy domains had average scores above 50% with Monitoring and Reporting scoring the highest (62.8%) and Health and Safety Messaging the lowest (25.7%). A 2017 provincial/territorial current best practice score of 86.6% was calculated taking account of the highest scores for any individual policy indicators implemented in at least one jurisdiction across the country. Discussion and conclusions Most of the evidence-based alcohol policies assessed by the Canadian Alcohol Policy Evaluation project were not implemented across Canadian provinces and territories as of 2017, and many provinces showed declining scores since 2012. However, the majority of policies assessed have been implemented in at least one jurisdiction. Improved alcohol policies to reduce related harm are therefore achievable and could be implemented consistently across Canada.

Alcohol minimum unit pricing is a strategy capable of reducing alcohol-related harm from cheap alcoholic beverages. We used the International Model of Alcohol Harms and Policies (InterMAHP), an open-access alcohol harms estimator and policy scenario modeler, to estimate the potential health benefits of introducing minimum unit pricing in Québec, Canada.Aggregated mortality and hospitalization data were obtained from official administrative sources. Alcohol sales and pricing data were obtained from the partial government retail monopoly and Nielsen. Exposure data were from the Canadian Substance Use Exposure Database. Average price changes under two minimum-unit-pricing scenarios were estimated by applying a product-level pricing analysis. The online InterMAHP tool was used to automate the estimation of observed alcohol-attributable harm and what was projected in each policy scenario.Alcohol was estimated to cause 2,850 deaths and 24,694 hospitalizations in Québec in 2014. Introducing minimum unit pricing of CAD$1.50 was estimated to reduce consumption by 4.4%, alcohol-attributable deaths by 5.9% (95% CI [0.2%, 11.7%]), and alcohol-attributable hospital stays by 8.4% (95% CI [3.2%, 13.7%]). Higher minimum unit pricing of CAD$1.75 was estimated to reduce alcohol-attributable deaths by 11.5% (95% CI [5.9%, 17.2%]) and alcohol-attributable hospital stays by 16.3% (95% CI [11.2%, 21.4%]).The results of this policy modeling study suggest that the introduction of minimum unit pricing between CAD$1.50 and $1.75 would substantially reduce the alcohol-caused burden of disease in Québec. The quantification of alcohol-caused death and disability, and the changes in these measures under two scenarios, was significantly automated by the open-access resource, InterMAHP.

Aims Building upon an existing methodology and conceptual framework for estimating the association between the use of substances and crime, we calculated attributable fractions that estimate the proportion of crimes explained by alcohol and six other categories of psychoactive substances. Design Cross-sectional surveys. Setting Canadian federal correctional institutions. Participants Canadian men (n = 27 803) and women (n = 1335) offenders who began serving a custodial sentence in a Canadian federal correctional institution between 2006 and 2016. Measurements Offenders completed the computerized assessment of substance abuse, a self-report tool designed to assess (1) whether the offence for which they were convicted would have occurred had they not been intoxicated from alcohol or another substance, (2) whether they committed the offence to support their alcohol or other substance use and (3) whether they were dependent on alcohol (alcohol dependence scale) or another substance (drug abuse screening test). Offences were grouped into four mutually exclusive categories: violent crimes, non-violent crimes, impaired driving and substance-defined crimes. This study focused on violent and non-violent crime categories. Substances assessed were: alcohol, cannabis, opioids, other central nervous system (CNS) depressants, cocaine, other CNS stimulants and other substances. Findings According to offender self-report, 42% of all violent and non-violent crime would probably not have occurred if the perpetrator had not been under the influence of, or seeking, alcohol or other substances. Between 2006 and 2016, 20% of violent crimes and 7% of non-violent crimes in Canada were considered attributable to alcohol. In contrast, all other psychoactive substance categories combined were associated with 26% of all violent crime and 25% of non-violent crime during the same time-frame. Conclusions Attributable fraction analyses show that more than 42% of Canadian crime resulting in a custodial sentence between 2006 and 2016 would probably not have occurred if the perpetrator had not been under the influence of or seeking alcohol or other drugs. Attributable fractions for alcohol and substance-related crime are a potentially useful resource for estimating the impact of alcohol and other substances on crime.