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Religious and conspiracy beliefs are based on the assumption that a potent force exists which is capable of affecting people's destinies. According to compensatory control theory, the belief in such a potent external agent may serve to alleviate feelings of uncertainty and help restore a sense of control. This is of particular relevance and importance to attitudes and behaviour of religious individuals towards vaccinations during the Covid-19 pandemic, where a belief in such a potent external force controlling events and destinies may have lowered the sense of threat posed by Covid-19 and in turn reduced vaccination uptake. To test this, we conducted a cross-sectional study of highly religious adults in Poland (N = 213) and found that the number of COVID-19 vaccine doses taken was negatively predicted by conspiracy beliefs, perceived closeness to God, and frequency of church attendance, and positively predicted by the perceived COVID-19 threat. Furthermore, mediation analysis revealed that both conspiracy beliefs and perceived closeness to God were related to a decreased perception of the COVID-19 threat, which in turn led to a decreased number of vaccine doses received. Our study offers important insights for public health professionals and identifies further research pathways on conspiracy and religious beliefs in relation to health-related behaviours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To identify demographic and behavioral correlates of dangerous firearm storage (i.e., unlocked and loaded) among firearm owners in nine states. Methods: Online survey data from the probability‐based sample were collected using Ipsos Knowledge Panel. Participants were adults residing in nine states across the United States (n = 7785). Results: Nearly one third of the firearm owners within the sample stored at least one of their firearms unlocked and loaded. Greater threat sensitivity was associated with dangerous firearm storage. Established firearm owners who purchased an additional firearm during the firearm purchasing surge (2020–2021) had increased odds of storing at least one firearm unlocked and loaded. Those who had direct exposure to firearm violence and those whose primary reason for having a firearm at home was protection also had increased odds of storing at least one firearm unlocked and loaded. Conclusions: The results contribute to the literature on firearm storage tendencies, highlighting correlates of dangerous firearm storage within the home related to perceptions of threat and direct experiences with firearm violence. Implications include the need for broad public education on the value of secure storage targeted toward to those who have an elevated perception of danger and have been personally exposed to firearm violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines Taiwan and India's media discourse and political elite statements from 1 July 2022 to 1 October 2023, starting from the fourth Taiwan Strait crisis in 2022. We conducted a discourse analysis of over 121,901 news texts using extensive data analysis and text-mining software. Additionally, our research team conducted expert focus group discussions with renowned think tanks and research centres in New Delhi, India. Building upon the data text analysis findings, we further explored India's stance on the Taiwan Strait conflict, its perception of the Chinese threat and the impact of the ongoing 'new normal' crisis on India's Indo-Pacific strategic layout. The aim was to uncover common security needs and intersecting interests between the two countries, considering their different national interests and geopolitical considerations. Based on the analysis of textual mining and expert discussions, this study reveals the following: First, India is concerned about the current situation in the Taiwan Strait. Second, the current tensions in the Taiwan Strait will influence India's strategic layout. Third, there is a growing consensus within India regarding the Chinese threat. In light of these findings, this study suggests that Taiwan and India share interests in democratic values, maritime traffic security and high-tech industry supply chains. Taiwan possesses expertise in China studies and a deep understanding of China's military threat, while Taiwan and India possess specific technological capabilities. Based on these foundations, there are potential opportunities for further dialogue, exchange and cooperation in relevant fields between India and Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding our cognitive and behavioral reactions to large-scale collective problems involving health and resource scarcity threats, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, helps us be better prepared for future collective threats. However, existing studies on these threats tend to be restricted to correlational data, partly due to a lack of reliable experimental techniques for manipulating threat perceptions. In four preregistered experiments (N = 5152), we developed and validated an experimental technique that can separately activate perceptions of personal health threat or resource scarcity threat, either in the specific context of the COVID-19 pandemic or in general. We compared the threat manipulations to a relaxation manipulation designed to deactivate background threat perceptions as well as to a passive control condition. Confirmatory tests showed substantial activation of personal health and resource scarcity threat perceptions. This brief technique can be easily used in online experiments. Distress due to the threat manipulation was rarely reported and easily managed with a debriefing toolkit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do cyberattacks elevate perceptions of threat even as they fail to generate truly destructive effects? We argue that people employ motivated reasoning to align cyberattacks with their preconceptions. Fielding a two-wave panel survey immediately before and after a cyberattack on an Israeli hospital, we confirm that motivated reasoning plays a crucial role in how people interpret cyber events. Results show that people already predisposed to perceive cyberattacks as threatening experience a significant increase in perceptions of threat, while those initially viewing cyberattacks as harmless also have their beliefs reinforced. The data reveals how even minor incidents bolster cyber doom convictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The loss of biodiversity is a problem that particularly affects biodiversity hotspots. Children play a crucial role in the conservation of endangered species. One important prerequisite for conservation behavior is the willingness to protect endangered animal species. The present study investigated the influence of several variables on Ecuadorian children's willingness to protect domestic endangered animal species (N = 154; MAge = 8.57; SD = 0.55; 48.1% female). Gender, caring beliefs (a subdimension of the wildlife value orientation), dispositional empathy with endangered animals, and threat perception of the Andean condor (Vultur gryphus) toward humans were strong predictors of the willingness to protect them. Conversely, psychological distance, and threat perception of both the Andean bear (Tremarctos ornatus) and the jaguar (Panthera onca) had no significant influence on willingness to protect. However, their effects may be indirect. The results of this study are relevant for biodiversity conservation and educators in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do governments use interventions to shape the internal political composition of other states? Many explanations focus on intervention's strategic utility, which can include a wider sphere of influence and enhanced state security. Alternatively, this article argues that how regimes view the internal political conditions of other states in relation to their own political spheres dictates the utility that they assign to intervention. Drawing on archival content related to Saudi Arabia's intervention in the North Yemen Civil War (1962–1967), the article tests this political-threat explanation of intervention against the strategic-threat alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russia-Ukraine conflict in the past decade has garnered attention as a subject of inquiry because of its implications for security in the international system. This research examines the relationship between Russia's perceived threats from the West and the subsequent fluctuations in tensions in the reciprocal relations between Russia and the West. The researcher used an explanatory design and a qualitative method with deductive reasoning for a cross-sectional study. The Russian president was selected as the sample, and data related to Putin's annual speeches to the Federal Assembly from 2014 to 2024 were examined using manual conceptual content analysis in line with Stephen Walt's balance of threat theory. The author discovered that Russia's perceived threats from the West prompted the development of strategies that involved assertive measures to counter them. The research concludes that the Russian president's perceived threats from the West have escalated tension in the Russia-West mutual relations, confirming the research's hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction Method Results Discussion Secure firearm storage has been proposed as a suicide prevention method within the military; however, secure storage practices are uncommon. Service members may perceive limited value in secure storage as a suicide prevention tool and threat‐related factors may influence such perceptions.A nationally representative sample of firearm‐owning military service members (n = 719) was recruited between December 3, 2021 and January 4, 2022 to complete a self‐report survey by Ipsos using their KnowledgePanel calibration approach to optimize representativeness.Threat sensitivity was associated with less perceived suicide prevention value across all within‐home storage practices as well as out‐of‐home storage. Defensive firearm ownership was associated with less perceived out‐of‐home storage value. Contrary to expectations, PTSD symptoms were associated with greater perceived suicide prevention value across all storage practices and intolerance of uncertainty was associated with greater perceived out‐of‐home storage value.Perceptions of, sensitivity to, and reactions to threat represent a complicated confluence of factors that may influence firearm views and behaviors in disparate ways. Viewing the world as dangerous and other people as a threat may limit perceived suicide prevention value for secure storage and increase the drive for firearm access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This forum focuses on the overlooked areas of the moment surrounding the nature and progression of Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It brings together scholars of different disciplines, backgrounds, and locations to provide analyses of the Russian aggression from varying perspectives such as history, law, military studies, politics, and media and communications, to name a few, encouraging the authors to focus on intricacies to deliver a deeper analysis of the invasion. Each author offers a unique take on the analyses of the past and present. The forum has two aims. First, the collection raises the question "What did we miss?" and it aims to highlight the lack of attention by Western scholars to Russian perceptions of Western threats and the concerns of former Soviet countries regarding Russia's aggressive foreign policy. Second, the forum intends to start a conversation on different non-Western perspectives of thinking about the Russian invasion. The forum covers the events of the period from the beginning of the invasion up to July 2022, with some post-revision comments in the introduction and conclusion mentioning the events up to February 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The perception of threatening facial expressions is a critical skill necessary for detecting the emotional states of others and responding appropriately. The anger superiority effect hypothesis suggests that individuals are better at processing and identifying angry faces compared with other nonthreatening facial expressions. In adults, the anger superiority effect is present even after controlling for the bottom-up visual saliency, and when ecologically valid stimuli are used. However, it is as yet unclear whether this effect is present in children. To fill this gap, we tested the anger superiority effect in children ages 6–14 years in a visual search task by using emotional dynamic stimuli and equating the visual salience of target and distractors. The results suggest that in childhood, the angry superiority effect consists of improved accuracy in detecting angry faces, while in adolescence, the ability to discriminate angry faces undergoes further development, enabling faster and more accurate threat detection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the escalating perception of China as a "threat" in some Western countries, existing cross‐national investigations lack a psychological framework that incorporates identity factors such as ontological security (OS) and diverse security value orientations to predict the threat. This study introduces a framework of self‐reported individual‐difference measures, tapping into ontological security and security value orientation, to analyze their influence on China threat perception in Australia, South Korea, and the USA. Based on our examination of four dimensions of ontological security (biographical, dread, self‐integrity, and trust), the findings challenge current theories that assume a coherent, integrated model of the four OS dimensions. We thus dispute OS as an initiated and unified form of security, revealing a tension between theoretical and empirical perspectives on individual‐level ontological security. In this tension, dread has a generalizing effect on China threat perception, while self‐continuity lacks substantial impact. Regarding security orientation values, individuals favoring an absolutist notion of security, alongside violent and collective means, are more prone than others to perceive China as a threat. This study contributes to the constructivist school in OS‐threat association within international relations and enhances ontological security research on China perception in the Asia‐Pacific context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to examine psychosocial, experiential, and demographic correlates of firearm ownership, carrying, and storage methods. We used a representative survey of 3,510 people living in five US states (Colorado, Minnesota, Mississippi, New Jersey, and Texas) conducted in 2022. Individuals provided information on past experiences with firearms, perceptions of threat and neighborhood safety, discrimination, and tolerance of uncertainty alongside demographic items. The analysis was conducted in November 2022. Past experiences with firearms and prior victimization are associated with increased firearm ownership and carrying practices. Threat sensitivity is associated with owning more guns while poorer perceptions of neighborhood safety correspond with owning fewer guns but greater risk for unsafe storage practices like storing a loaded gun in a closet or drawer. Intolerance of uncertainty is associated with owning fewer guns and lower risk for carrying outside of the home but greater risk for unsafe storage. Prior experience of discrimination is associated with risk for carrying firearms outside of the home. Demographic characteristics related to sex, rurality, military service, and political conservatism predict risky firearm-related behaviors related to firearm ownership, carrying frequency, and unsecure storage. Taken together, we find firearm ownership and risky firearm behaviors (e.g. carrying, unsafe storage) are more prominent among groups such as politically conservative males living in rural areas while also being influenced by threatening experiences, uncertainty, and perceptions of safety.

In international relations, the concept of ‘threat perception’ is the key focus in research on war, deterrence, coercion, alliances and conflict. Although detecting and measuring the concept of threat is challenging, this field of study has become increasingly critical. To represent the intangible ‘threat notion’ more tangibly, this article selects ‘China Threat’ as the security reference object, merging constructivist and Copenhagen School principles of ‘Identity,’ ‘Power,’ and ‘Intention.’ This forms the basis for constructing questionnaires. An experimental observation and questionnaire survey was conducted on master’s and doctoral students from the Republic of China (Taiwan) who had previously taken part in a large-scale decision-making simulation. The research applies a ‘quasi-experimental approach’ and ‘non-participant observation.’ The regression analysis reveals that the perception of the difference in ‘power’ and the perception of ‘harmful intent’ are relatively correlated and predictive of threat perception. In other words, when China’s military power and harmful intention become more assertive, the group’s threat perception increases. These correlation findings serve as an effective indicator for future research and measurement of ‘perceived strength of enemy threat,’ strengthening awareness of enemy threats within the group by addressing textual issues and the establishing the logic of securitization discourse.

Objective: This study investigated the impact of war exposure on post-traumatic stress symptoms (PTSS) and sleep disturbance across Ukraine. Subjective and objective indicators of war exposure were modelled as predictors of these symptoms.Methods: We created two predictors: first, we used governmental and crowd-sourced data to create an objective war exposure index for each of the 21 non-occupied regions of Ukraine, based on the number of air raid alarms, explosions, and proximity to frontline; and second, we obtained self-report cross-sectional data, using convenience sampling, from a nation-wide survey (N = 991) on subjective experience of threat triggered by the war. The survey also measured the outcome variables of PTSS and sleep disturbance. Hierarchical multilevel regressions modelled the relationship of this objective war exposure index with the two outcome variables, after accounting for demographics. A final regression step modelled subjective threat as predictor of these symptoms.Results: We observed strongly elevated levels of PTSS and sleep disturbance and strong regional differences in objective and subjective war indicators. Objective war exposure predicted PTSS but not sleep disturbance, whereas subjective threat predicted both symptom domains.Conclusion: The study demonstrates the utility of objective war exposure data for predicting the prevalence of PTSS in the different regions. The results further underscore the prominent role of subjective appraisal processes in the symptomatology of PTSS and sleep disturbance, thus informing theories on trauma-related disorders. Our results can guide the allocation of mental health services by identifying highly affected regions.

The invasion of Ukraine highlights the continued threat Russia poses to Eastern Europe. This essay describes these threats as twofold: investigating both the material realities of soldiers and weapons, as well as abstract notions like the role played by ideas and history. Discussing examples such as the “war of monuments,” the Baltic forest brothers, and the Holodomor, this paper examines how contrasting approaches to history and memory can lead to conflict in the region, particularly when threats are perceived differently by competing actors.

Attentional bias to threat is an adaptive response to the presence of threat and danger in the environment (Haselton et al., 2009; Pollak, 2008). Attentional bias to threat is present in both human and nonhuman primates (e.g., Mandalaywala, Parker, & Maestripieri, 2014) and attentional bias to threat is exacerbated during periods of acute stress in rhesus macaque adults (Bethell et al., 2012a,b). Here, we build on this extant work to assess whether 5-month-old infant rhesus macaques, previously believed to be too young to express attentional bias to threat, might actually demonstrate attentional bias in response to an acute stressor. At approximately 5 months of age, free-ranging rhesus macaque infants on Cayo Santiago, Puerto Rico (N = 44) were briefly separated from their social group and underwent a maternal separation test, a validated stressor shown to induce anxiety in infant monkeys (Sánchez et al., 2001). We assessed their behavioral (Temperament Task) and cognitive (Threat perception/Vigilance for Threat task) reactivity. Across these two reactivity tests, infants could be classified as “vigilant-fighters”—trying to escape and paying more attention to a threatening than a neutral stimulus—or as “avoidant-freezers”—staying still and quiet and avoiding looking at the threatening stimulus in favor of the neutral stimulus. This behavioral and cognitive phenotype was related to infants' early life experiences, including exposure to early life adversity, and suggests both that attention to threat can be present as young as 5 months of age, and that infants quickly learn behavioral and cognitive strategies for coping with their particular circumstances.

Saltwater crocodiles (Crocodylus porosus) are farmed in Australia primarily for their skins and meat. Commercially, they are raised in group pens as hatchlings and grower crocodiles and then moved to unitised (individual) pens for the final finishing stage when they are several years old. They will exhibit aggressive behaviour towards each other in captivity. Unitised pens can prevent animal injury and teeth marks on the skins but may result in other social restrictions. Research into behavioural housing preferences could assist the industry and inform the process of guideline development for optimal crocodile management and welfare. This study assessed the impacts of two housing systems, unitised or group pens, in 20 commercial finishing crocodiles through measuring behavioural profiles of individuals from video recordings, including housing preference when given a choice. Both pens included water and an abovewater shelf, but the crocodiles in unitised pens could also access underneath the shelf. A threat perception test was applied to assess anxiety when housed individually or in groups. However, it was difficult to apply a standardised stimulus to all animals that reliably elicited a behavioural response. Further work would be needed to validate this test for commercial reptiles as the outcomes were not robust. The behavioural observation results showed clear differences in where the crocodiles spent their time across the day and in their activity levels between the pen types. However, interpretation of this variation was confounded by the physical and social differences between the pen types given the inconsistency in shelf access. Behaviours exhibited also differed given there were social opportunities in the group pens where individuals were observed engaged in both aggressive and non-aggressive contact interactions. In the free choice environment, crocodiles spent similar amounts of time in both unitised and group pens, suggesting there were features of both pen types that were attractive to the animals. However, skins were damaged from teeth marks highlighting the physical and economical risks of group housing. Further work could validate behavioural tests to quantify affective state impacts in different housing environments and whether social interactions do provide benefits for improving crocodile welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between the defence spending of European NATO members and their exposure to asylum seekers. While research shows that threat perceptions and domestic politics partly determine the defence spending of a state, the effect of migration has so far not been studied. This is remarkable because migration is increasingly framed as a security threat, also by NATO and European Union member states. Using a panel analysis, this paper explores the relationship between the defence spending of 23 European NATO members and the number of asylum seekers they register each year between 2000 and 2020. Results show a positive and significant relationship between the number of asylum seekers registered in a country and its overall military expenditure relative to GDP, equipment spending, and infrastructure spending. These findings shed new light on the origins of defence spending in collective security alliances, at a time when transatlantic burden sharing is at the centre of societal and academic debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The invasion of Ukraine highlights the continued threat Russia poses to Eastern Europe. This essay describes these threats as twofold: investigating both the material realities of soldiers and weapons, as well as abstract notions like the role played by ideas and history. Discussing examples such as the "war of monuments," the Baltic forest brothers, and the Holodomor, this paper examines how contrasting approaches to history and memory can lead to conflict in the region, particularly when threats are perceived differently by competing actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Uyghur issue has an immense impact on how Türkiye and China relate to one another, view one another, interact, and worsen their relationship. China regards the Uyghur issue through the contexts of separatism, terrorism, and radicalism in terms of sovereignty and territorial integrity, whereas Turkey interprets the Uyghurs as a human rights concern due to their ties to other ethnic, cultural, religious, and historical groups. According to this paradigm, China's approach to the Uyghur issue is determined by its periodically evaluated global, regional, and internal threat levels. Furthermore, Türkiye's position on the Uyghur issue appears to have been developed more by acting and reacting within the constraints of China's Uyghur policy. As a result, Türkiye's responses to tensions over the Uyghur problem may have an impact on bilateral ties. Türkiye's Uyghur policy appears to have altered as a result of recent inequalities in its political and economic relationship with China. According to this study, the Uyghur question has substantially affected the relationship between Türkiye-China and will continue to do so. This essay examines the influence of the Uyghur question on Turkish-Chinese relations in light of cyclical conjunctural changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study investigated prospective relationships between the perception of threat to one's own life or to that of one's infant during childbirth and maternal childbirth-related posttraumatic stress symptoms (CBPTSS) and probable childbirth-related posttraumatic stress disorder (CB-PTSD) in a community and a community and an emergency cesarean section (ECS) sample. Methods: Study samples included 72 mothers from a community sample and 75 mothers after emergency cesarean section. Perceived maternal and infant life threat were assessed at =1 week postpartum. Maternal CB-PTSS and probable CB-PTSD were assessed with validated questionnaires up to 6 months postpartum. Covariates were extracted from hospital records. Secondary data analysis with logistic and linear regressions was performed. Results: Globally, mothers were significantly more likely to perceive their infant's life to be threatened, rather than their own. Both types of perceived threat were prospectively but differentially associated with maternal CB-PTSS and probable CB-PTSD at 4-6 weeks and 6 months postpartum. Statistical significance was set at p<0.05. Conclusion: The type of perceived threat differently influences maternal CBPTSS and probable CB-PTSD up to 6 months postpartum. These results may be the basis for the development of a short screening instrument after traumatic childbirth in clinical settings. Future studies need to assess the psychometric properties and acceptability of such a brief screening tool. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Threat cues have been widely shown to elicit increased sensory and attentional neural processing. However, whether this enhanced recruitment leads to measurable behavioral improvements in perception is still in question. Here, we adjudicate between two opposing theories: that threat cues do or do not enhance perceptual sensitivity. We created threat stimuli by pairing one direction of motion in a random dot kinematogram with an aversive sound. While in the MRI scanner, 46 subjects (both men and women) completed a cued (threat/safe/neutral) perceptual decision-making task where they indicated the perceived motion direction of each moving dot stimulus. We found strong evidence that threat cues did not increase perceptual sensitivity compared with safe and neutral cues. This lack of improvement in perceptual decision-making ability occurred despite the threat cue resulting in widespread increases in frontoparietal BOLD activity, as well as increased connectivity between the right insula and the frontoparietal network. These results call into question the intuitive claim that expectation automatically enhances our perception of threat and highlight the role of the frontoparietal network in prioritizing the processing of threat-related environmental cues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorism continues to be an enigmatic and contested concept, lacking a universally accepted definition despite extensive scholarly debate. Lay intuitions, however, demonstrate a notable convergence in identifying acts as "terrorism" when specific situational features are present, such as indiscriminate violence and out-group perpetration. These features elicit predictable and robust precautionary responses, raising the question: Is there a unified and parsimonious explanation for these phenomena? It is hypothesized that a situational template exists in the human mind, the coalitional predation template (CPT), which evolved not to detect modern-day terrorism, per se, but to identify and respond to situations of predatory coalitional conflict. The paper examines the potential cues and mechanisms that constitute the psychological systems activated by such threats, suggesting that matching the input cues of the CPT triggers well-documented precautionary responses to terrorism. However, this cue-based system may not align neatly with contemporary threats, leading to disproportionate responses to some threats while underestimating others. The model also posits that interpretations of violence can vary due to incomplete cues and the social position of the evaluator, leading to public disagreements and inconsistencies in defining terrorism. Consequently, arriving at an unambiguous and widely accepted definition of terrorism may not be possible. The model presented may account for a range of phenomena, including the inclination towards attributing mental illness to particular violent incidents and the uncanny surface similarities between terrorism and war crimes. The findings have significant implications for both the theoretical understanding of terrorism and practical policy responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regime of Confidence- (and Security-) Building Measures (C(S)BMs) represented an effort to re-imagine Arms Control in Europe and reduce the possibility of unwanted escalation due to misunderstanding or misperception. The regime was first developed during the Cold War due to concerns about large-scale military exercises, and its ongoing importance has come into sharp relief given that NATO and Russia have increasingly engaged in similar manoeuvres. However, despite the C(S)BMs, military exercises represented a point of conflict between NATO and the Soviet Union, and there is little indication that the regime led to the development of confidence in the benign intent of other participants. What prevented this from occurring? This paper compares the theory and logic of confidence-building with the negotiations around the CSBMs, highlighting three primary points of discontinuity that undermined the ability of the regime to fully deliver on its potential. The competitive nature of negotiation about its terms resulted in incomplete transparency, the conflation of the concepts of 'confidence' and 'security' shifted the focus towards assessing an adversary's military capability rather than intent, and the regime's inflexibility meant that it did not account for technological changes that otherwise altered understanding of proximate threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has led to a shift of public opinion in Germany on collective defense: reluctance towards the defense of NATO's eastern flank has given way to majority support for military efforts to reassure NATO's eastern members in the face of Russian aggression. Against the background of the war, which factors are driving this shift in peoples' alliance solidarity? An in-depth analysis of representative population surveys from 2021 and 2022 shows that the perception of Russia as a security threat is the key factor, yet it is only part of a more complex explanation involving peoples' strategic postures and issue-specific knowledge as well. Contrary to common belief, a free-riding mentality turns out to be irrelevant. The empirical findings shine light on Germany's reaction to Russia's war against Ukraine and add to our understanding of the societal foundations of alliance solidarity in Germany and other NATO countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The restoration of diplomatic relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia in March 2023 has been described as a landmark in China's advancing engagement in Middle Eastern affairs. This article argues, however, that China's role in the deal was minimal and that the main drivers of the agreement were Iran and Saudi Arabia's own objectives and concerns and, in particular, Saudi Arabia's growing economic and military power. China's greatest influence resulted from its intervention on the side of Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf Arab states and the Tehran leadership's perceptions that Beijing's commercial interests were leading it to side with Riyadh. The Iranian government's fears were exacerbated by concerns about mass protests in Iran in 2022 and the outcomes of the China-GCC Summit in December of that year. At the same time, Saudi Arabia chose to de-escalate its confrontation with Iran to strengthen its regional and global power underpinned by the huge Vision 2030 development programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol's statement on nuclear acquisition resonates throughout the United States, raising speculations about his intent. Although the U.S. has made strides to reassure South Korea by establishing the Nuclear Consultative Group in 2023, the South Korean public's heightened threat perception of North Korea has neither been assuaged nor translated into support for the U.S. extended deterrence. This situation contradicts existing literature, which posits that a state's restraint on nuclear armament can be attributed to the security guarantee provided by its nuclear ally. To resolve this puzzle, this study explores the nature of the South Korean public's threat perception and the factors determining its support for the U.S. extended deterrence. Empirical analyses demonstrate that South Korean public's threat perception of North Korea is substantially high in both progressive and conservative blocs. However, South Koreans would rather develop their own nuclear weapon than rely on extended deterrence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do US democratic allies perceive and adapt to the multiple challenges associated with the rise of multipolarity and the return of major war in Europe? This article examines how two US allies--Canada and Italy--have adapted their defense postures from the professed beginning of the shift in the balance of power in 2008 to Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. More specifically, it provides a comparison of three major dimensions of defense postures: threat perceptions, patterns of foreign military deployments, and military expenditures. This article argues that both allies have undertaken a shift from liberal interventionism towards a defense posture increasingly geared towards deterrence vis-à-vis Russia. However, the shift did not occur analogously and simultaneously, as the two allies' adjustment was shaped by differing levels of domestic inter-party contestation. This article highlights the extent to which US allies' international security adaptation follows political-party threat perceptions more than the traditional left-right dichotomy. Shared inter-party threat perceptions of great power revisionism are found to shape the degree of defense policy adaptation toward great power competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite evident and oft-cited disparities in the policing of right-wing extremists and more progressive social movements, we understand much less about how such distinctions emerge and unfold as the police prepare for, and act within, protest events. How does the racial and political orientation of social movements affect how they are policed? What are the processes through which such effects are realized? In contrast with most existing studies of protest policing, which emphasize how the actions of authorities are conditioned by the degree of threat associated with, for example, the size or capacity for violence of a given protest target, the analysis here of a cluster of cases associated with the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, recognizes the constructed nature of protest threats and highlights how those assumptions inform and interact with police planning and action. Findings emphasize how the degree of alignment between police and protesters shapes policing agents' preparations for, and operational considerations within, protest events. This alignment provides a basis for asymmetric communication, differential assessment, and—ultimately—distinct treatment of different protest targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Saltwater crocodiles (Crocodylus porosus) are farmed in Australia primarily for their skins and meat. Commercially, they are raised in group pens as hatchlings and grower crocodiles and then moved to unitised (individual) pens for the final finishing stage when they are several years old. They will exhibit aggressive behaviour towards each other in captivity. Unitised pens can prevent animal injury and teeth marks on the skins but may result in other social restrictions. Research into behavioural housing preferences could assist the industry and inform the process of guideline development for optimal crocodile management and welfare. This study assessed the impacts of two housing systems, unitised or group pens, in 20 commercial finishing crocodiles through measuring behavioural profiles of individuals from video recordings, including housing preference when given a choice. Both pens included water and an above-water shelf, but the crocodiles in unitised pens could also access underneath the shelf. A threat perception test was applied to assess anxiety when housed individually or in groups. However, it was difficult to apply a standardised stimulus to all animals that reliably elicited a behavioural response. Further work would be needed to validate this test for commercial reptiles as the outcomes were not robust. The behavioural observation results showed clear differences in where the crocodiles spent their time across the day and in their activity levels between the pen types. However, interpretation of this variation was confounded by the physical and social differences between the pen types given the inconsistency in shelf access. Behaviours exhibited also differed given there were social opportunities in the group pens where individuals were observed engaged in both aggressive and non-aggressive contact interactions. In the free choice environment, crocodiles spent similar amounts of time in both unitised and group pens, suggesting there were features of both pen types that were attractive to the animals. However, skins were damaged from teeth marks highlighting the physical and economical risks of group housing. Further work could validate behavioural tests to quantify affective state impacts in different housing environments and whether social interactions do provide benefits for improving crocodile welfare.

Military Strategy is the process of matching the resources provided to military power according to the threat. Threat is about the future rather than the present and involves an assessment based on the predictions. In a sense, it is perception. When perception is far from reality, it leads to unnecessary waste of resources or, conversely, to increased risks for countries. This study aims to explain the impact of threat perception on military strategy during the Cold War period through the case of Türkiye. The findings obtained through document analysis are supported by interviews with retired military officers specialized in military strategy. According to the main argument of the article, Türkiye’s threat perception during the Cold War was determined by the United States (US) and Türkiye’s defence design was based on this threat created by the US. Questioning the dimensions and accuracy of the threat revealed that the threat was overestimated. One of the reasons why the US overestimated the Soviet threat was its need to appropriate its resources by distributing the need for conventional power among its allies, and another reason was its desire to keep the Alliance under control. However, countries like Türkiye had to spend more strategic resources on military power than necessary.

Before politicians used refugees as a tool of interstate relations, refugees and asylum seekers were perceived only as a symbolic or realist threat in social perception. With the use of refugees as a tool of international politics, the phenomenon of threats felt in society has deepened with securitization and started to pose threats to human security. This dialectical relationship between society and the state also changes and transforms the direction and form of the threat. The study will investigate how symbolic or realistic threat perceptions in the public have evolved into securitization by governments, how these two phenomena strengthen each other, and what they mean in terms of human security. The quantitative data used in this study will be explained with integrated threat and securitization theories. This study aims to examine the variations in threat perceptions associated with refugees in Europe, employing an integrated threat theory framework. The focus will be on investigating questions such as “What types of threats are attributed to the presence of refugees and asylum seekers in European countries?” and “What factors contribute to the divergence in perceived threats?”. Furthermore, the study will explore the implications of these divergent threat perceptions on national and regional migration governance within each country. This paper will focus on the refugee crisis and examine the cases of Turkey, Greece, and Germany, which are mainly on the refugee transit route and host the largest number of refugees in Europe. In order to describe which threat perception has a decisive impact on Europe, the 7th wave (2017-2020) datasets provided by the “World Values Survey (WVS)” from 2010-2022 will be examined in comparison with previous waves. The cases of Germany, Turkey, and Greece in these datasets will be the main focus of the study.

ObjectiveThis study investigated prospective relationships between the perception of threat to one’s own life or to that of one’s infant during childbirth and maternal childbirth-related posttraumatic stress symptoms (CB-PTSS) and probable childbirth-related posttraumatic stress disorder (CB-PTSD) in a community and a community and an emergency cesarean section (ECS) sample.MethodsStudy samples included 72 mothers from a community sample and 75 mothers after emergency cesarean section. Perceived maternal and infant life threat were assessed at ≤1 week postpartum. Maternal CB-PTSS and probable CB-PTSD were assessed with validated questionnaires up to 6 months postpartum. Covariates were extracted from hospital records. Secondary data analysis with logistic and linear regressions was performed.ResultsGlobally, mothers were significantly more likely to perceive their infant’s life to be threatened, rather than their own. Both types of perceived threat were prospectively but differentially associated with maternal CB-PTSS and probable CB-PTSD at 4-6 weeks and 6 months postpartum. Statistical significance was set at p

Anglers are a diverse population whose behaviours and perspectives are influenced by a myriad of factors including knowledge, expertise, management actions, and regulations. We examine similarities and differences in behaviours and perspectives amongst freshwater anglers of rainbow trout and steelhead (Oncorhynchus mykiss) in British Columbia, Canada, using an online survey. Findings from the survey suggest that subgroups or “types” of anglers are identifiable by differences in their behaviours and perspectives according to geographic area, gear type, fishery, and frequency of fishing activities. Our results indicate that angler types share many of the same motivations for engaging in fishing behaviours and similar concerns regarding threats to their preferred fishery; however, differences were evident across types of issues related to angler behaviour, as well as views on fisheries management. Overall, we argue that understanding fishery-scale angler heterogeneity can benefit fisheries management by highlighting areas of agreement and disagreement and encouraging tailored communications and relationship-building with important angler subgroups.

How do US democratic allies perceive and adapt to the multiple challenges associated with the rise of multipolarity and the return of major war in Europe? This article examines how two US allies—Canada and Italy—have adapted their defense postures from the professed beginning of the shift in the balance of power in 2008 to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. More specifically, it provides a comparison of three major dimensions of defense postures: threat perceptions, patterns of foreign military deployments, and military expenditures. This article argues that both allies have undertaken a shift from liberal interventionism towards a defense posture increasingly geared towards deterrence vis-à-vis Russia. However, the shift did not occur analogously and simultaneously, as the two allies’ adjustment was shaped by differing levels of domestic inter-party contestation. This article highlights the extent to which US allies’ international security adaptation follows political-party threat perceptions more than the traditional left-right dichotomy. Shared inter-party threat perceptions of great power revisionism are found to shape the degree of defense policy adaptation toward great power competition.

Russia's war in Ukraine further strained Russia's relations with the West and negatively influenced Arctic regional governance, especially after seven members of the Arctic Council paused cooperation with Russia. The rationale of the suspension was to express disapproval by seven Arctic states of Russia's aggression in Ukraine. However, the suspension of cooperation with Russia within the Arctic Council format prompted some observers to question the relevance and utility of the institution. Russia never expressed its wish to leave the Council and continues to express its desire for multilateral cooperation in the region. This raises the question: Can Russia's assertive stance in Ukraine coexist with peaceful cooperation in the Arctic? In order to answer this question, this article addresses the following questions: How does the geopolitical tension shape Russia's approach to Arctic governance? And what is the role of military and economic security in Russia's Arctic policy? The article uses a comparative method combined with discourse analysis to establish a change in Russia's view on Arctic governance before and after the war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the impact of local people's perceptions of economic, security, environmental, and cultural threats posed by Syrian refugees on xenophobia in Turkey. The survey model was used in the study. A total of 466 people participated in the study, including 172 (36.9%) males and 294 (63.1%) females. The average age of the participants in the 18- 70 age range is x =27.23±9.15. The data for the study were collected using a Demographic Information Form, the Xenophobia Scale, and Perceptions of Syrians as a Threat Scale. Pearson correlation and multiple linear regression analyses were used in the data analysis. The findings indicate that the participants have a high level of xenophobia and threat perception. In the correlation analysis, a significant high level of correlation was found between the participants' levels of xenophobia and their perceptions of economic, security, environmental, and cultural threats. In the multiple linear regression analysis, the participants' perceptions of economic, security, and cultural threats towards Syrians were found to be significant predictors of xenophobia. The findings were discussed within the framework of the studies and interpreted within the context of the literature. Based on the results of the study, several recommendations were proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nongovernment organizations are increasingly leveraging the metaverse and its suite of extended reality technologies, such as 360° video and virtual reality, to immerse audiences in situations depicting environmental threats. The promise of immersive storytelling as a conservation tool is predicated on the verisimilitude of the mediated experience, with exposure to environmental threats in immersive video akin to in vivo exposure. However, the psychological mechanisms explaining users' environmental responses to immersive stories remain ambiguous. In three controlled laboratory experiments, we examined unique properties (e.g., interactivity and modality) of immersive technologies vis-à-vis environmental stories and their influence on proenvironmental outcomes. Study 1 (N = 48) implemented a two-condition (interactivity: high vs. low) between-subjects experiment, showing that interactive 360° video significantly influenced attitudes through the mechanism of cognitive absorption. A 2 (interactivity: high/low) × 2 (distance: proximal/distant) between-subjects experiment (study 2; N = 76) further supported this mediation model by showing the mediating effects of cognitive absorption on attitudes and threat perceptions toward both distant and proximal threats. Lastly, study 3 (N = 68) replicated the mediating effects of cognitive absorption across 360° video modalities, though head-mounted display-based, rather than screen-based, 360° videos only significantly increased attitudes and absorption when threats were proximal. We discuss the results' practical and theoretical implications and propose avenues for future research. Moreover, we outline important considerations for environmental organizations seeking to leverage metaverse platforms for communicating environmental threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When and how do the American political elites react discursively to China as a rising power? Do they depict it as an economic or military risk? What role do discursive references to China play in the US populist discourses? Relying on the thematic and critical discourse analysis of all the American presidential debates, this article explores the way US politicians portray China throughout three eras marked by distinct global power configurations. Several types of discourses have been identified. In contrast to the belligerent rhetoric of the early Cold War, when China was framed as a major military threat, after 2004, presidential candidates started referring to Beijing as an economic rival. By 2008, the emerging bipartisan consensus centered on China as mainly a trade competitor. By contrast, populist narratives in 2016 and 2020 stood out because they included emotional appeals and inflated the risks of the Sino-American rivalry to mobilize voters. In doing so, the populists sought to forge coalitions in favor of protectionist policies among those voters, who were employed in manufacturing sectors facing growing international competition. The anti-China mentions reached a peak during the 2020 debates amidst the pandemic when the populist candidate used biased language, relying on tropes resembling the 19th century racist "yellow peril" rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military Strategy is the process of matching the resources provided to military power according to the threat. Threat is about the future rather than the present and involves an assessment based on the predictions. In a sense, it is perception. When perception is far from reality, it leads to unnecessary waste of resources or, conversely, to increased risks for countries. This study aims to explain the impact of threat perception on military strategy during the Cold War period through the case of Türkiye. The findings obtained through document analysis are supported by interviews with retired military officers specialized in military strategy. According to the main argument of the article, Türkiye’s threat perception during the Cold War was determined by the United States (US) and Türkiye’s defence design was based on this threat created by the US. Questioning the dimensions and accuracy of the threat revealed that the threat was overestimated. One of the reasons why the US overestimated the Soviet threat was its need to appropriate its resources by distributing the need for conventional power among its allies, and another reason was its desire to keep the Alliance under control. However, countries like Türkiye had to spend more strategic resources on military power than necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Missing cooperation between farmers and nature conservationists is an obstacle to conflictive social-ecological transformation processes of agro-systems in Germany. Conflict psychology research shows that agonistic conflict frames play a crucial role in the parties' response to and perception of conflicts. However, the role of conflict frames regarding farmers' response to conservation conflicts in Germany, which are a recurrent expression of social-ecological transformation, is yet unclear. To address this knowledge gap, we investigate whether farmers have different agonistic conflict frames and whether these are related to their perceptions of specific conflicts. To answer these questions, we developed a cluster analysis of farmers' attitudes towards conflicts over river restoration in order to find indications for different conflict frames. We used data from a telephone survey from 2021 that was conducted with 300 farmers on the topic of river restoration conflicts. We captured conflict frames using four categories: rejection of others' attitudes, perceived threat, perceived integrated potential, and delegitimization. In the second and third steps, we looked for differences between the groups with regard to the perception of concrete conflict and economic factors. The results of this explorative study show that it is possible to distinguish six agonistic conflict frames within the four categories. Moreover, the six groups show differences in how they perceive a concrete river restoration conflict. In five out of six groups, the perceived threat is indicated as high. The findings show that farmers have different perspectives on the conflict, indicating possible differences in needs and differences regarding the openness to communicative strategies. The groups differ in their concrete conflict perception, and only weak characterization with regard to the economic situation could be found. This knowledge can help policymakers and practitioners find practical and communicative strategies that constructively address farmers' different conflict frames. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anorexia nervosa (AN) is a psychiatric disorder with a tenuous longitudinal course marked by a high risk of relapse. Previous studies suggest that aberrant threat perception and reward processing operate in many with AN, and may produce obstacles to treatment engagement; therefore, these could potentially represent predictors for longitudinal clinical outcomes. In this study, anxiety and reward symptoms, behaviors, and neural circuit connectivity were measured in intensively treated AN-restrictive subtype patients (n = 33) and healthy controls (n = 31). Participants underwent an fMRI experiment using a monetary reward task in combination with either overlapping individually tailored anxiety-provoking words or neutral words. Behavioral/psychometric measures consisted of reaction times on the monetary reward task and self-ratings on anxiety symptoms at study entry. We tested multimodal, multivariate models based on neural, behavioral, and psychometric measures of reward and anxiety to predict physiological (Body Mass Index; BMI) and psychological (eating disorder symptom severity) longitudinal outcomes in AN over six months. Our results indicated that higher anxiety symptom psychometric scores significantly predicted BMI reductions at follow-up. Untreated anxiety after intensive treatment could put individuals with AN at heightened risk for weight loss. This represents a potentially modifiable risk factor that could be targeted more aggressively to help reduce the chance of future clinical worsening. • Robust multimodal prediction models have the potential to identify patients susceptible to future clinical worsening. • We found that heightened anxiety in adolescents with anorexia nervosa predicted lower BMI longitudinally. • Residual anxiety after intensive treatment may be a modifiable risk factor that could be specifically targeted in treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Limited research exists on the mental health (MH) of grocery store workers (GSWs), who have been on the frontlines throughout the COVID-19 pandemic. A disaster MH conceptual model incorporating demographics, disaster exposure and threat (COVID-19 fear and workplace threat perception), perceived stress, and social support (lack of from family and friends) was utilized to predict MH outcomes (anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress symptoms; PTSS) of GSWs. GSWs (n = 842) were recruited through a regional union in California. The participants were diverse (62.1% female) and were 18-69 years of age (M = 41.5, SD = 13.9). They completed an online survey regarding COVID-19 fear, workplace threat perception, perceived stress, lack of social support, and workplace needs/recommendations for support. Three hierarchical linear regression models were run assessing each MH outcome. Thematic analysis coding and an inductive approach were utilized for analyzing open-ended responses of workplace needs/recommendations. Females and younger GSWs (ages 18-29 years old) on average, reported higher MH symptoms than males and older age groups, respectively. COVID-19 fear and perceived stress were significant predictors of anxiety, while COVID-19 fear, workplace threat perception, and perceived stress significantly predicted depression and PTSS, explaining almost half of the variance for each model. Social support and demographics were not predictive of MH outcomes. Almost half of GSWs (40%) requested increased safety protections in the workplace. Feelings of fear of COVID-19, threat in the workplace, and overall perceived stress are predictive of GSWs' MH outcomes. Increasing feelings of safety in the workplace and reducing stress may lessen MH symptoms.