Search

The film industry remains a male-dominated sector, particularly in managerial, creative, and technical positions. In this context, we explore the work of female directors in Spanish cinema concerning ETA terrorism (1977-2023) to observe and assess the contribution of women in a doubly masculine environment: film direction and terrorist violence. Within the framework of the so-called “battle of the narrative” and film and gender studies, and based on a qualitative methodology involving textual analysis of feature films and the study of existing literature, we trace the presence and voice of female directors. We investigate who they are, their number, and their contribution to cinema concerning ETA and Spanish cinema in general. We examine the stories, genres, and themes they choose and the perspectives from which they approach them. We consider both the form and contextual issues related to the production and reception of their works. The results show that female directors are a minority in films about terrorism in Euskadi. We conclude that their work can be seen as a disruption in an adverse environment. They prefer genres such as drama or documentary, focus on a human perspective, several depict real or based-on-true-events stories featuring strong, free female protagonists, and several works approach the stories of victims. They feature characters, predominantly female, who defy stereotypes. Overall, they contribute to the memory of past events with a critical view of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does terrorism contribute to the growth of the shadow economy? While extensive literature has delved into the causes and consequences of terrorism, little has been studied on its impact on the shadow economy. Employing data on terrorism and the shadow economies of 116 countries from 1990 to 2017, we demonstrate that terrorism results in an increase in the size of the shadow economy and that the effect is larger in autocracies. We argue that the economic and social impacts of terrorism create environments that reinforce both exit and exclusion factors through the erosion of institutional trust and social capital, ultimately incentivizing or compelling actors to seek alternative methods of economic activities. Furthermore, a lack of free and horizontal information-sharing venues to address public fear and repressive counterterrorism measures in autocracies further hamper the economic pursuits of individuals, businesses, and foreign investors, facilitating their engagement in informal economic activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reseña del libro: Fernández Soldevilla, Gaizka y DE PABLO, Santiago, Las raíces de un cáncer. Historia y memoria de la primera ETA (1959-1973). Madrid, Tecnos, 2024, 412pp. ISBN: 978-84-30990-02-3.

Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The former commander of the Royal Air Force Air Marshal Greg Bagwell(6) and scholar Jade McGlynn(7) both raise a concern that Russian Federation is using air bombing as a tactic to terrorise the civilian population(8). Ukrainian authorities are currently investigating over 122 000 suspected war crimes including attacks on civilian objects(9). The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary, or Arbitrary Executions Morris Tidball-Binz after concluding a visit to Ukraine on the 31st of May 2024 acknowledged the importance of prosecuting of war crimes (10). However, the Special Rapporteur did not explicitly mention the issue of whether the Russian troops were potentially using air bombings to terrorise the civilians. This article will discuss whether civil society organisations, international organisations and state authorities can use artificial intelligence technology to help them to evaluate whether the armed forces used air bombings to terrorise the civilian population. It will use Ukraine as a case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The First Line of the Bogotá Metro project presents citizen security challenges for justice officers and policy makers, guaranteeing governance and governability through the theory of environmental design. Establishing possible social, environmental, human security risks and criminological phenomena through anticipation, allows evaluating policies on security and defense issues (years 2018 to 2022) and the global peace index, determining the level of agreement among police officers based on the theory of evidence-based policing. Hybrid correlational methodology establishes that risk management and comprehensive citizen security, coexistence, and justice plans need to be reevaluated in the face of criminological phenomena such as terrorism. The global peace index indicates instability and political panic, violent demonstrations as the variables that will affect general functioning. In addition to strengthening the technical preparation of police officers, policies aimed at solving criminal problems and environmental criminology. In conclusion, the probability of a terrorist act occurring is high, requiring an evaluation of the vulnerability in specific sites, the response to possible interruptions and the synergy of the institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo es una propuesta analítica y didáctica sobre cómo afrontar el estudio de la memoria y la historia del terrorismo en las aulas de Historia. Para ello, se parte de una propuesta didáctica basada en los estudios culturales con una finalidad: que el alumnado disponga de instrumentos de aprendizaje próximos a la cultura juvenil. El objetivo de este acercamiento es conocer la memoria del terrorismo de ETA y grupos afines a través de las letras de los grupos de la escena rock alternativa y/o contestataria, próxima a las tesis de la extrema izquierda y/o del nacionalismo vasco radical, y, por consiguiente, enseñar al alumnado a utilizar las herramientas del historiador para combatir mitos y complejizar su conocimiento sobre la materia.

Background & Objectives: Terror catastrophizing, defined as an ongoing fear of future terrorist attacks, is associated with a higher incidence of anxiety disorders, among other psychological impacts. However, previous studies examining terror catastrophizing’s relationship to other mental health disorders are limited. The current study sought to determine if patients diagnosed with anxiety and depression would experience increased terror catastrophizing. Additionally, this study aimed to investigate whether parental terror catastrophizing increases children’s internalizing symptoms.Design & Methods: Individuals were randomly drawn from the Danish Civil Registration System and invited to complete a series of questionnaires to measure terror catastrophizing tendency, lifetime parental trauma, and children’s internalizing symptoms. In total, n = 4,175 invitees completed the survey of which 933 reported on a child between 6 and 18 years. Responses were analyzed using a generalized linear regression model.Results: Participants diagnosed with anxiety alone or comorbid with depression were more likely to experience symptoms of terror catastrophizing than undiagnosed participants (β = 0.10, p

This essay aims to trace the history of the social-revolutionary and Islamist group of the Anti-Imperialist Cells (AIZ), which emerged at the beginning of 1990s in Germany. In the first instance, we are going to situate historically the emergence of a new wave of political violence by analysing the interaction of the Red Army Faction (RAF) with the West German state. In the second part of the essay, we focus on analysing properly the emergence of the AIZ, their ties with the RAF and why they had adopted the Islamism as ideological nucleus for anticipating new non-capitalist social relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Violencia, negociación y resolución de conflicto son conceptos usados en investigaciones sobre estos temas en las últimas décadas. Se refieren a ellos como parte de un proceso en constante transformación, de tal dimensión que podemos hablar de la violencia como mecanismo de resolución del conflicto (Meneses Reyes, 2020). Por ello en su análisis historiográfico es necesario entender los contextos como categoría de análisis (Montoya y Muñoz, 2018). Esta ponencia pretende analizar cómo la violencia representada en el autosacrificio revela un contexto que produjo la resolución del conflicto. El objeto de estudio es la fuerza especial kamikazes, durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, que se debió a una combinación de distintos factores, incluyendo la creciente desesperación de Japón ante las derrotas militares y la presión de mantener su posición. La falta de recursos y la creencia en el honor y el deber, contribuyó a la aceptación de tácticas suicidas como una forma de resistencia extrema para la salvación de su gran imperio.

A presente proposta procura analisar a trajetória de António de Spínola após o seu regresso ao país em 1976. Figura aglutinadora da extrema-direita portuguesa, o antigo Presidente da República chefiou o Movimento Democrático de Libertação de Portugal e esteve ligado à onda de violência bombista que se alastrou nos anos 1975 e 1976. No entanto, após o seu regresso sem julgamento em agosto de 1976, Spínola foi reabilitado: reintegrado no Exército em 1978, nomeado Marechal em 1981 e Chanceler das Ordens Militares em 1987. Em 1984, Spínola presidiu a Comissão das Comemorações do 10º Aniversário do 25 de Abril, tornando-se assim o símbolo oficial da Revolução dos Cravos. A reabilitação da figura de António de Spínola pela democracia portuguesa exemplifica a invisibilização das violências de extrema-direita. Procurar-se-á questionar a memória atual do processo revolucionário e os silêncios que nela subsistem, com recurso a arquivos e a imprensa da época.

Este artículo trata de demostrar que la situación de inseguridad en el golfo de Guinea constituye un problema de importancia para la seguridad de la Unión Europea, y más concretamente para la seguridad de España. En este sentido, se defiende que la forma en la que la Unión se ha aproximado a este problema de seguridad, no ha sido ni es el adecuado ya que, a pesar de reconocer la situación de inseguridad en esta región, no se han aplicado los mismos parámetros a la hora de evaluar la necesidad de implementar una operación militar en el Cuerno de África y en el golfo de Guinea. El resultado ha sido el mantenimiento de la operación “Atalanta” en una zona sin ataques piratas desde 2019 hasta finales del 2023, y la ausencia de una misión similar en el golfo de Guinea.

Tras el 11 de Septiembre los analistas pusieron el acento en los cambios sustanciales que atravesaron las democracias occidentales, ya sea en el campo de las relaciones internacionales como la forma de comprender al “otro”, al extranjero. Diversos estudios han analizado de forma convincente cómo la teoría precautoria minó por dentro las instituciones democráticas al punto de legalizar o normalizar la tortura. Este miedo al otro ejemplificó un nuevo tiempo que marca la muerte de la hospitalidad en las democracias occidentales. El COVID-19, lejos de resolver esta situación, ha reafirmado una lógica de exclusión acrecentando la instrumentalización del miedo por parte de la disciplina biopolítica. En este sentido, el presente ensayo se orienta a debatir las semejanzas entre el 9/11 y la pandemia de COVID-19 que ha azotado al mundo desde 2019, como así también sus consecuencias actuales.

Fundamentalism is mainly of religious kind. In this essay, the religious feeling is considered an analytical subject-matter as a compromise between conscious and unconscious desires. It is treated as a transitional mental content curbing freedom of personal thought and agency. Through a brief historical survey, it is shown how fundamentalism does not equate with Islam, rather it is a 'overall psychological reaction' related to both authoritarian and dependent personality traits. The upholded thesis is that fundamentalism generates when a belief is radicalized and substitutes for a narcissistically wounded identity. This latter is especially unstable in people migrated in different religious and cultural environment due to the cultural, symbolic and identity eradication. The second and third generation seems to be those more affected. An individual Ego Ideal is superimposed to society; it becomes the justificatory for terroristic actions in which the freezing and Self-damaging experience is made resonate into others. Fundamentalism is a fusion desire with the supreme which the aim of healing the wounded identity; it is expressed through deathnarcissism which, in turns, leads to the complete stillness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article analyzes the construction of a key foundation of the movement (or ideology) known as "Trumpism" (or "Trumpist"), which is linked to the United States' drug policy and its relationship with Mexico. Firstly, it describes the origins of an anti-narcotics and border security strategy proposed by former President Donald Trump in 2017 and amplified by sympathetic politicians and supporters who consider a possible military intervention in Mexico as an electoral strategy in 2024. This analysis highlights the elements of misinformation and propaganda of the Trumpist strategy and revisits the use of psychological operations--outlined from the perspective of the U.S. Army manuals and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)--as a tool for persuasion and electoral marketing. The text serves as an analytical framework to explain part of the political discourse of Trumpism within the context of the 2024 elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Framed in the news media as an unparalleled and unprecedented crime of terrorism in Portugal, a young Portuguese man was arrested in 2022 in possession of machetes, crossbows, daggers, gas canisters, and a written plan detailing the alleged attack on the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Lisbon. This article seeks to map the social dynamics that occurred in the first month of the circulation of journalistic content about this event on the social network Facebook, one of the most widely used digital platforms in Portugal when it comes to journalistic consumption and interaction. It assumes that digital environments perform a central and omnipresent role in the social dynamics of individuals, whose use starts with a dialogue with personal and individual contexts as well as social ones. Focusing on the participatory spaces of Portugal's leading press on Facebook, this exploratory study is based on qualitative content analysis of comments (n = 1969) directed at journalistic texts (n = 28) from Diário de Notícias, Público, Observador, and Jornal de Notícias, from 10 February to 11 March 2022. The results show that user interventions are not evenly distributed and can be used for various purposes, with random commenting and incivility being among the most frequent dynamics. However, the coding highlighted the various questions about news coverage and whether there was a suspected terrorist attack. Also noteworthy were several public expressions of liking or disliking the approach to the case in the context of terrorism or not, which allow us to read that the online social dynamics of this case do not immediately centralize the character as a terrorist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two decades after the adoption of Resolutions 1368 and 1373 (2001), there still is no consensus on whether these resolutions recognise the alleged right of self-defence against terrorist groups. Considering the time that has elapsed, we use a traditional legal methodology to determine this question. Specifically, we examine the climate of exceptionality produced by 9/11, the content of the resolutions themselves, and the international practice in relation to them to elucidate the question. We conclude that while the context of exceptionality conditioned the lack of international reproach for the unlawful reaction, the content of the resolutions and the international practice surrounding them do not recognise such right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the role of Hezbollah as a proxy actor in the Iranian hybrid warfare and its implications for the security in Latin America, based on relevant historical background. First the tie between Iran and Hezbollah is explained from its origins in the Lebanese Civil War, so then the presence of this organization in Latin America is addressed. Although this region is not an area of armed operations for Hezbollah, it is seen as a key scenario for its funding, expansion, and strategic projection. There has been a presence in the triple border between Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay since long ago, which has influenced in terrorist attacks against Jewish and Israeli targets. Now the triple border between Colombia, Panama and Venezuela has gained strategic importance due to the association and criminal cooperation with several local armed structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the strategic significance of security in critical water infrastructure, an essential resource for human life. Focusing on Spain, it explores the security system of this infrastructure and the existing legislation against threats to critical infrastructures, particularly drinking water supply. The study describes potential types of attacks, the preparedness of passive and active security systems against these threats, and the legislative developments to penalize them. Despite the increasing importance of this issue, as water infrastructure can be a target for terrorism with unimaginable impacts on life, health, economy, and society, the paper concludes that there are gaps in the classification and definition of sanctions against such attacks in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict in the Gaza Strip produced new scenes of horrors that shocked international public opinion during the month of October 2023 and beyond. Palestinians' right to land continues to be denied and violently repressed by the Israeli state, which, in turn, has responded to terrorist and violent attacks by Hamas. This, in turn, has been represented as the personification of Palestinians in the search to delegitimize their agendas before the world. The objective of this article is to analyze the identification between Hamas, terrorism and the left carried out by evangelical parliamentarians in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an analytical and didactic proposal on how to deal with the study of the memory and history of terrorism in history classrooms. For this purpose, it is based on a didactic proposal based on cultural studies with a purpose: that students have learning tools close to youth culture. The aim of this approach is to learn about the memory of eta terrorism and related groups through the lyrics of the alternative and/or protest rock scene groups, close to the thesis of extreme left and/or radical Basque nationalism, and, therefore, to teach students to use the tools of the historian to combat myths and complexify their knowledge on the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Levels of prolonged grief symptoms (PGS) and post-traumatic stress symptoms (PTSS) can be high, many years following bereavement after terror, but knowledge concerning somatic health is scarce. Terrorism is a serious public health challenge, and increased knowledge about long-term somatic symptoms and insomnia is essential for establishing follow-up interventions after terrorism bereavement. Objective: To study the prevalence of somatic symptoms and insomnia and their association with PGS, PTSS, and functional impairment among terrorism-bereaved parents and siblings. Methods: A cross-sectional quantitative study included 122 bereaved individuals from the Utøya terror attack in Norway in 2011. The sample comprised 88 parents and 34 siblings aged 19 years and above (Mage = 49.7 years, SDage = 13.8 years, 59.8% females). The participants completed questionnaires 8 years after the attack assessing somatic symptoms (Children’s Somatic Symptoms Inventory) and insomnia (Bergen Insomnia Scale) along with measures of PGS (Inventory of Complicated Grief), PTSS (Impact of Event Scale–Revised), and functional impairment (Work and Social Adjustment Scale). Results: Fatigue was the most frequently reported somatic symptom (88% of females and 65% of males). Females reported statistically significantly more somatic symptoms than males. In total, 68% of the bereaved individuals scored above the cut-off for insomnia. There were no statistically significant gender differences for insomnia. Female gender, intrusion, and arousal were associated with somatic symptoms. Intrusion and somatic symptoms were associated with insomnia. Somatic symptoms, avoidance, and hyperarousal were associated with functional impairment. Conclusion: Many bereaved parents and siblings report somatic symptoms and insomnia eight years after the terror attack. Somatic symptoms are associated with functional impairment. Long-term follow-up and support after traumatic bereavement should focus on somatic symptoms and insomnia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The objective of this study is to establish the determinants of the number of terrorist attacks in a territory over time. Methodology: Elements of both the theory of the attack claims and the recurrence of attacks are incorporated, to obtain a deeper analytical spectrum. Secondly, a negative binomial stochastic model with panel data is implemented, characterized by being dynamic to avoid endogeneity problems. The information used comes from the Global Terrorism Database, Big Allied and Dangerous, Political Terror Scale, and World Bank databases. Results: The initial results obtained indicate that the probability of terrorist attacks increases when there is a history of armed assault, a high educational level, suicide attacks, and attacks on civilians, while it decreases with high female labor participation and low corruption rates. Alternatively, the research found sufficient empirical evidence to affirm that the attack claims help to explain the phenomenon of the number of attacks by including civilian targets, the number of fatalities, armed assaults, and suicides. Conclusions: If variables from the number of attack theories are incorporated, such as female labor participation, variation in GDP per capita, education expenditures, and the corruption index, the results are significantly more robust. This broadens the argumentative spectrum and enhances the explanatory capacity of the variables amongst themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new Brazilian legal framework on terrorism is not an isolated fact in relation to other Latin American countries, which under the influence of U.S. guidelines, have sanctioned laws against terrorism. In this sense, this paper aims to identify the impact of the discourse on the concept of terrorism and the anti-terrorism law after the September 11 attack. It explores the expansion of criminal law and the consequences on criminal policy. It presents the scenario of the creation of anti-terror legislation in Latin America, and specifically, the Brazilian Legislation, Law No. 13.260/16, from international pressure. Finally, it explores elements of critical discourse analysis, articulating it with decolonial thought. In order to answer the formulated questions, the bibliographical research was used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Internacional CONSINTER de Direito is the property of JURUA EDITORIAL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Aposta is the property of Aposta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Enfoques: Ciencia Política y Administración Pública is the property of Universidad Central de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Vínculos de Historia is the property of Vinculos de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Saber, Ciencia y Libertas is the property of Saber, Ciencia y Libertad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Index.Comunicación is the property of Index.comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Policy & Internet is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: Previous studies have reviewed the evidence on the increase in alcohol consumption after a terrorist attack. However, an increase does not necessarily imply the presence of an alcohol use disorder. Objectives: To conduct a systematic and meta-analytic review of the literature on the prevalence of increased alcohol consumption and alcohol use disorders in adult exposed to terrorism. Methods: A search of PsycINFO, MEDLINE and PTSDpubs identified 29 studies published up to March 2023 in which 38 adult samples totaling 282,753 persons exposed to terrorism were assessed. Using inverse variance heterogeneity models, pooled prevalence rates of increased alcohol use and alcohol use disorders were calculated. Results: 6% (95% CI [2.9, 9.5]) of the adults exposed to a terrorist attack increased their alcohol consumption. The prevalence of increased alcohol use varied depending on the degree of exposure (p =.006, R2 =.18) and the procedure for measuring increases (p =.043, R2 =.37). The prevalence of alcohol use disorders in adults exposed to a terrorist attack was 5.5% (95% CI [3.7, 7.5]), a rate that was not higher than that obtained in the general population and varied depending on the type of alcohol disorder (p =.015, R2 =.30). Conclusions: A relevant number of adults exposed to terrorist attacks will subsequently increase their alcohol consumption, but this increase is not associated with an increase in the prevalence of alcohol use disorders. Effects of terrorism on people's health are potentially widespread, but concerns of excessive alcohol use after terrorist attacks may be unwarranted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este trabajo busca comprender cómo la operación que finalizó con la vida de Osama Bin Laden, creador de la red terrorista al-Qaeda, puede ser entendida a partir de las razones utilizadas por Hannah Arendt en su obra “Eichmann en Jerusalén” para abordar las problemáticas ligadas al secuestro de Adolf Eichmann en Argentina en 1960, efectuado por el servicio secreto israelí. Sosteniendo que esta operación era legítima debido a que el país sudamericano probablemente nunca habría accedido a su extraditación, la autora también señala que su ejecución fue un castigo justo debido a que Eichmann era un hostis humani generis, es decir, un enemigo de la humanidad. Las similitudes entre ambos casos aquí abordados permiten realizar este tipo de comparación teórica. El 2 de mayo de 2011 un grupo de fuerzas especiales estadounidenses ejecuta a Bin Laden en un complejo residencial en Pakistán. Esta operación encubierta tuvo lugar en el marco de una gran tensión y desconfianza entre ambas naciones, al igual que las que existieran entre Israel y Argentina en 1960. Los nexos entre ambas situaciones permiten en consecuencia indagar sobre cómo Hannah Arendt podría haber entendido lo acontecido en 2011 a la luz de su parecer sobre lo sucedido cincuenta años antes.

Este artículo analiza la importancia estratégica de la seguridad en la infraestructura crítica del agua, como recurso fundamental para la vida humana. En particular, explora el sistema de seguridad de esta infraestructura en España, así como la legislación existente frente a las amenazas a las infraestructuras críticas, en particular la del abastecimiento de agua potable. Se describen los tipos de ataques que pueden presentarse, la preparación de los sistemas de seguridad pasiva y activa ante estos y el desarrollo legislativo para sancionarlos. Pese a ser un tema cada vez más crucial, debido a que esta infraestructura puede ser un objetivo terrorista con impactos incalculables sobre la vida, la salud, la economía y la sociedad, se concluye que hay vacíos en la tipificación y definición de sanciones contra este tipo de ataques en España.

El artículo aborda el impacto de la violencia política en determinadas culturas políticas de izquierda que fueron protagonistas de la Transición: el socialismo, el comunismo y la izquierda radical. El objetivo es ahondar en la trascendencia de este fenómeno en el proceso de cambio político, su carácter de centralidad y sus mecanismos de operatividad, tanto a nivel simbólico y mnemónico, como a partir de las manifestaciones concretas producidas en dicho periodo –terrorismos, violencias policiales, golpismo–. El carácter performático de la violencia, que moduló discursos, estrategias y prácticas políticas de los sujetos analizados, condicionó, en consecuencia, el desarrollo mismo del proceso de democratización y se convirtió en un actor político de considerable importancia que ha calibrarse con mayor precisión a la hora de analizar y explicar la Transición.

Este artículo pone en discusión la eventual relación que existiría entre el terrorismo y el nihilismo, idea que varios académicos han sostenido durante las últimas décadas. La hipótesis que se intentará demostrar establece que los grupos terroristas más activos del último tiempo están en la vereda contraria a los postulados de Nietzsche: si el nihilismo es la negación y el sinsentido de todas las cosas existentes, los terroristas actúan en base a motivaciones claras y con sentido fundamental. Se postula que esta forma de violencia es el medio racional por el cual ciertos grupos pretenden alcanzar sus propios objetivos. Para comprobar este supuesto, se abordarán tres tipos de terrorismos: el islamista, el ideológico-secular y el narcoterrorismo.

Ser director de comunicación es muchas veces una profesión de riesgo, de alto riesgo, sobre todo si se desempeña en zonas de conflicto. Nuestra mente se hace cargo del peligro que corren reporteros afanados en mostrarnos la zona cero de un área donde no cesan las hostilidades entre bandos enemigos. Lo que nuestra retina no percibe es la persona, el cargo, que ha hecho posible rodar dicha escena o facilitar una entrevista controvertida. Casi siempre es el director de comunicación, jefe de prensa o dircom de una institución, de un líder, o de una formación política la que lo favorece poniendo también, en esos ambientes, en riesgo su vida. En la España de los últimos cincuenta años el terrorismo de la banda ETA sacudió a representantes de numerosas instituciones y estamentos del país. La necesaria labor informativa para cubrir sus atrocidades consecuencias no se detuvo gracias a la estrecha colaboración entre informadores y directores de comunicación. Sobre estos últimos, grandes olvidados, se pone la lupa en este ensayo pues durante esos años de plomo tuvieron vigilada su libertad de expresión, el espacio público reducido y menguado el ejercicio periodístico. Fueron además fuente reconocida para contrastar informaciones y contribuir a un periodismo alejado de las fake news y por tanto de la desafección que hoy padece la profesión respecto al conjunto de la población.

El presente artículo explora las transformaciones producidas en la narrativa de la Al-Qaeda en el Magreb Islámico y su adaptación a la aparición en la escena yihadista global de Estado Islámico y la declaración del restablecimiento del Califato. A través de la compilación, la codificación sistematizada y la explotación de un corpus monolingüe especializado, representativo, equilibrado y diacrónico de todas las publicaciones propagandísticas relevantes de AQMI entre 2004 y 2017, esta investigación pone de manifiesto los cambios producidos en la narrativa de la organización magrebí y la adaptación de su discurso a la aparición de competencia en la contienda actual abierta por el liderazgo de la yihad global.

El terrorismo aqueja a la sociedad global por la violencia y daños que provoca en las poblaciones, así como a la estabilidad de los gobiernos. A partir del siglo XXI, grupos e individuos de extrema derecha optaron por la vía violenta y la actividad terrorista como estrategia de operación, de ahí que el objetivo de este artículo fue el análisis del terrorismo en su forma actual, con especial énfasis en su relación con los movimientos de extrema derecha surgidos en los Estados Unidos de América y Europa. Con base en la literatura especializada y de los datos cuantitativos se llegó a la conclusión de que los hechos terroristas han disminuido en general, sin embargo, los incidentes violentos por parte de la extrema derecha radicalizada van en aumento de manera consistente.

Este artículo es un análisis de la huella que ha dejado ETA en La Rioja durante la Transición y la democracia. Cubre un espacio historiográfico prácticamente vacío, el concerniente al estudio del terrorismo endógeno desde una perspectiva territorial. El estudio de una comunidad limítrofe con Euskadi y Navarra, como es La Rioja, permite poner de relieve el impacto del terrorismo sobre sus límites espaciales, a la par que sirve para discutir la posición subsidiaria que esta región ha ocupado a la hora de explicar la historia de ETA. Para demostrar esta hipótesis se examinan en perspectiva una selección de atentados que cometió la organización terrorista en La Rioja y contra personas naturales o afincadas aquí por motivos laborales y personales, haciendo hincapié en sus diferentes tipologías. Así, gracias a fuentes de archivo y prensa, se concluye que los atentados de ETA en el territorio fueron ensayos de ataque que sus comandos exportaron después a otros puntos de la geografía española.

Este artículo se propone analizar e identificar las razones políticas, sociales y securitarias que contribuyeron al vacío de poder en el cual se sumió Irak en los años que le siguieron al fenómeno de la Primavera Árabe, los cuales desempeñaron un papel crucial en el arrebato de territorios por parte del grupo yihadista Estado Islámico en Irak (EII). El período temporal seleccionado (2011-2017) inicia con las protestas en Irak que surgieron en el contexto de los levantamientos conocidos como la Primavera Árabe en la región de Medio Oriente y Norte de África, mientras que el punto culminante se encuentra en diciembre de 2017, cuando Irak anunció su triunfo y la recuperación de las áreas que habían sido capturadas y ocupadas años antes por el grupo yihadista. Para el cumplimiento de tal objetivo se realiza una recopilación y sistematización bibliográfica entre las que se destacan documentos oficiales. Asimismo, se emplean artículos de revistas científicas, libros o capítulos de estos, trabajos expuestos en congresos, reportes de centros de investigación, además de notas y artículos periodísticos de medios de comunicación iraquíes, regionales e internacionales.

Este artículo estudia los efectos de las acciones de los gobiernos contra la insurgencia y las organizaciones violentas extremistas. Se argumenta que ciertas políticas estatales y acciones de las fuerzas del orden pueden tener efectos contraproducentes. En concreto, se explora la relación “acción-reacción” entre el aumento de tropas extranjeras en Afganistán y el aumento del número de bajas de esta fuerza como resultado de la reacción adversa y contestataria en las organizaciones violentas extremistas yihadistas. Los resultados corroboran y amplían otras investigaciones que apuntan a que, en determinados conflictos asimétricos modernos, cuantos más militares se despliegan en el terreno, mayor el número de bajas que se producen. El estudio sugiere la necesidad de que los responsables de tomar decisiones en los conflictos se pregunten sobre el número óptimo de personas en el terreno y elijan líneas de acción que equilibren los objetivos planteados con el riesgo de bajas en las tropas.