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This article analyzes the presentation of the theme of pleonexia (the desire to always have more) by Thrasymachus, a character in Plato’s Republic. It explores his description of the kratos (predominance) as he observes it in real cities and the normative conclusion he seems to draw from this diagnosis: having more (pleon ekhein) is the path to prosperity. From the point of view of his characterization, we will also note the competitive attitudes that Thrasymachus demonstrates in the dialogue with Socrates, making it seem that persuasion would be a dispute in which persuading is equivalent to winning, while being persuaded is equivalent to losing; but learning by mutual cooperation does not seem to be an option for him. The article is divided into three parts: I) Thrasymachus’ eristic treatment of persuasion, II) the presentation of the theme of the psycho-political motive through the use of the word kratos, III) Thrasymachus’, Glaucon’s and Socrates’ thematization of pleonexia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo estudia la recepción y la interpretación de Maquiavelo en el mundo atlántico de habla hispana (España e Hispanoamérica) entre 1914 y 1950, focalizándose en las consideraciones que desplegaron acerca del pensamiento del autor florentino destacados profesores argentinos y españoles de Derecho Político y de Filosofía del Derecho, entre ellos: Mariano de Vedia y Mitre, Faustino Legón, Tomás Casares, Adolfo Posada, Luis Legaz y Lacambra y Francisco Javier Conde. A través de este análisis, el artículo aborda dos problemas: la recepción académica y universitaria de Maquiavelo, y las características del pensamiento político liberal y antiliberal durante el período seleccionado.

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Actualmente, Robert Schuett, antiguo funcionario de carrera (2011-2022), es profesor no residente en materia de relaciones internacionales en la Academia Diplomática de Viena, miembro visitante en el Departamento de Ciencias Políticas de la Universidad de Salzburgo, así como miembro honorario de la Facultad de Gobernanza y Asuntos Internacionales (School of Goverment and International Affairs) en la Universidad de Durham, Inglaterra. Robert Schuett obtuvo el grado de maestro, por investigación, en 2005 y el título de doctor en 2009, ambos en Ciencias Políticas (Politics) por la Facultad de Gobernanza y Asuntos Internacionales de la Universidad de Durham; el director de su tesis doctoral fue John C. Williams (Universidad de Durham) y sus evaluadores externos fueron Chris J. Brown (Escuela de Economía de Londres) y Richard Little (Universidad de Bristol). En 2007 realizó una estancia de investigación doctoral en la Universidad de LUISS en Roma y, en 2010, fue becario posdoctoral en el Departamento de Psicología de la Universidad de California en San Diego, Estados Unidos de América. Actualmente, vive y trabaja en Viena. Las principales áreas de interés de Robert Schuett son la filosofía política, relaciones internacionales y la metodología política; se encuentra interesado particularmente en la aproximación clásica hacia la teoría política y jurídica, economía y sociedad, ética y justicia. El profesor Robert Schuett ha escrito y editado numerosas obras; entre las que se encuentran El realismo político de Hans Kelsen (Hans Kelsen’s Political Realism) (2021), Un compañero de Edimburgo hacia el realismo político (The Edinburgh Companion to Political Realism) (2018), El concepto de Estado en las relaciones internacionales: Filosofía, soberanía, cosmopolitismo (The Concept of the State in International Relations: Philosophy, Sovereignty, Cosmpolitanism) (2015), y Realismo político, Freud y la naturaleza humana en las relaciones internacionales: la resurrección del hombre realista (Political Realism, Freud, and Human Nature in International Relations: The Resurrection of the Realism Man) (2010).

The article discusses the transformations of technology in the last two decades, especially those related to privacy, based on the digital rights perspective. It debates how the concept of privacy is grounded on the distinction between public and private, a spatial metaphor no longer applicable in the face of the ubiquity of information and communication technologies. Hence, there is a premise stating the personal is increasingly more political nowadays, due to the phenomenon of surveillance capitalism. To anchor the theoretical debate in an empirically informed discussion, the work analyzes discourses about digital rights used in the main sessions of the Internet Governance Forum. The goal is to map the main Forum controversies about digital rights and their relation with contemporary democracies. Using a combined methodology based on both quantitative and qualitative data from the main sessions of the event, the analysis starts from a survey of the recurrence keywords related to the research; privacy, rights, surveillance, and freedom. From these results, a qualitative analysis of the discourses mobilized in these activities is conducted. The outcomes of the empirical analysis are then discussed from examples of technology regulation in the United States and the European Union. Among the main conclusions of the work, the emphasis lies on the need for transparency and accountability of the artificial intelligence algorithms. Related Articles: Glen, Carol M. 2021. "Norm Entrepreneurship in Global Cybersecurity." Politics & Policy 49(5): 1121–45. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12430. Robles, Pedro, and Daniel J. Mallinson. 2023. "Catching Up with AI: Pushing Toward a Cohesive Governance Framework." Politics & Policy 51(3): 355–72. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12529. Zeng, Jinghan, Tim Stevens, and Yaru Chen. 2017. "China's Solution to Global Cyber Governance: Unpacking the Domestic Discourse of 'Internet Sovereignty.'" Politics & Policy 45(3): 432–64. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12202. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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La cuestión intercultural del mundo contemporáneo está ligada a la crítica del proyecto moderno de conocimiento y dominio de la naturaleza en cuanto único modo de comprensión de los seres humanos y su entorno. Este predominio casi exclusivo de la ciencia y de la tecnología en el siglo XIX supone un modelo empírico-naturalista y positivista. La metodología se apoya en un análisis hermenéutico de las memorias y los informes científicos de dos expediciones europeas al sur austral de América, a partir de las cuales se critican los tópicos esenciales de una estrecha visión de la ciencia unificada. Los principales resultados de este proyecto asumen la distinción entre las ciencias naturales y las sociales, debatida a partir de la fenomenología y la hermenéutica. Esta crítica permite clarificar la matriz empírico-racionalista que está definida por la expansión de la idea del mundo natural, tal como la determinó la ciencia europea del siglo XIX, la cual degrada y deslegitima los saberes de los mundos y de los pueblos del mar que habitan los confines de la Tierra del Fuego. Se concluye que reexaminar esta noción de ciencia es una cuestión apremiante para la revisión intercultural de las ideas de mundo y de un planeta sustentable.

La Cuarta Ola del feminismo nace en el siglo XXI caracterizada por ser un movimiento de masas, interseccional, intergeneracional, ciberactivo y con dificultades para establecer su propia agenda. Surge sobre una teoría política construida en los últimos años del siglo XX, cuando la teoría feminista fue interpelada internamente por la alianza entre un sector del feminismo y las ideas posmodernas. El resultado es un discurso profundo, complejo y lleno de matices que, sin embargo, aparece en narrativas mediáticas vacías de contenido. En este artículo se propone la transferencia de conocimiento feminista frente a la traducción de la teoría feminista por los medios de comunicación y las redes sociales en frivolidad, “guerra cultural” e incluso discurso de odio.

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Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Il saggio discute sotto vari aspetti il volume curato da Anne Huijbers, Emperors and imperial discourse in Italy, c. 1300-1500, ponendo l’accento fra l’altro sulla novità del taglio epistemologico del libro rispetto alla storiografia italiana, spesso refrattaria alla storia delle idee; sono posti al centro della discussione i temi del discorso politico e della spazialità.

En el presente texto se retoman las reflexiones de un joven Antonio Gramsci en torno a la revolución soviética y otras experiencias consejistas entre 1917 y 1920, al calor de las grandes jornadas de protagonismos populares de la inmediata posguerra. En las mismas, se destaca la aguda mirada en torno a distintas problemáticas, principalmente en relación a las relaciones de la revolución con las temporalidades históricas y los sujetos de la emancipación. Elaboraciones que constituyen elementos indispensables para el pensamiento crítico —de entreguerras, pero también del actual— y en las que empiezan a delinearse algunos de los conceptos centrales que el político e intelectual italiano desarrollará finalmente en prisión.

Laws are a unique type of primary data: they structure our everyday interactions and are publicly available to all people. How can we assess the law's effect when multiple overlapping and cross‐referencing statutes constrain and incentivize behavior simultaneously? I present a principled method for aggregating the legal rules coded in multiple laws into a single legal institution to help us understand and better characterize complex, interconnected, and sometimes contradictory bundles of legal rules. The method utilizes Institutional Grammar (IG), which scholars have used to code legal language into comparable institutional statements. The method is amenable to any legal topic and is especially appropriate when multiple statutes simultaneously comprise the legal institution in a single jurisdiction. To illustrate, I draw on the laws regulating civil society organizations (CS0s), which offer a valuable and substantively important prism to study legal texts as the cause of social phenomena or the outcome of a political process. I discuss my proposed method in three parts: first, why using IG enhances a coding instrument's validity; second, how an IG‐based instrument allows researchers to scale up coded values of separate laws into a jurisdiction‐level value; finally, I compare techniques for estimating descriptive measures of a jurisdiction's legal institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the education industry, Chat GPT is predicted to change the way of teaching and learning. Adapting to Chat GPT will be a challenge for teaching, but it can also be an opportunity for universities to improve the education and teaching of political theory subjects. The article analyzes and clarifies the basic content of transforming political theory education methods under the impact of ChatGPT in Vietnam today. The results show that political theory education plays an important role in ideological orientation and personality formation for future generations in the context of innovation and development. With the development of technology, ChatGPT can be considered as an educational virtual assistant by helping learners quickly look up lessons and learning materials related to the topic of learning political theory subjects. In addition, the article has also pointed out and analyzed issues that need specific concern about changing teaching methods of political theory subjects before the impact of ChatGPT, related to: on the part of lecturers; change the way it is tested and evaluated; towards students. The limitation of this study is that it has not shown and analyzed solutions to improve the transformation of educational methods of political theory subjects before the impact of ChatGPT in Vietnam today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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La teoría política crítica concibe el gobierno de las sociedades contemporáneas como un proceso de asignación de fines colectivos realizado a través de tres modos de coordinación: el autogobierno sistémico propio del mercado capitalista, la jerarquía consumada en el poder burocrático-administrativo del Estado y las redes dialógicas asimétricas que dan cuenta de la interacción entre las distintas expresiones del asociativismo inherente a la sociedad civil. En líneas generales, este punto de vista coincide con el de la llamada teoría de la gobernanza. Sin embargo, mientras para esta tales modalidades deben balancearse entre sí -metagobernanza- de tal forma que la jerarquía y el diálogo sean funcionales a la autopoiesis mercantil, para la teoría política crítica, por contra, el diálogo, apoyado en un Estado desjerarquizado, debe imperar sobre el sistema del mercado.

¿Es la política social una actividad estatal y categoría de la interpretación histórica? Jerónimo Molina-Caro examina de manera analítica, teórica y fenomenológica los principales tópicos referentes a la política social y su incidencia en el Estado, la acción social. Además, muestra con un proyecto sociohistórico, dialéctico, heurístico, hipotético-conceptual que subyace en el hecho de profundizar en generalidades significados, las interpretaciones y funcionalidades de la teoría política social. En suma, el texto es una referencia interdisciplinar y aplicada que cultiva la investigación de la política social.

En este ensayo se exponen las tensiones y articulaciones en torno a los conceptos de gobernanza y gobernabilidad, y los desafíos que estas constituyen para la construcción de políticas públicas, la gestión de las demandas sociales, los intereses corporativos y el riesgo de «captura» del Estado. La tesis sostenida en el texto afirma la necesidad de superar esta falsa dicotomía conceptual para evitar abordajes sesgados sobre las construcciones políticas regionales y los diagnósticos sobre la «calidad democrática» de los países. En este marco, se efectúa una revisión del estado del arte, recuperando los principales contrapuntos que presentan estas propuestas y se ofrece una comparación de ambas perspectivas a partir de la cual se formula una postura crítica de cada uno de estos abordajes, especialmente, cuando alguno de ellos busca ser interpuesto por sobre el otro en el modo de definir la relación entre el Estado y los diferentes actores no estatales.

Este artículo hace una revisión integrativa que analiza la producción científica sobre la construcción de paz territorial en Colombia. Mediante los descriptores «construcción de paz» y «paz territorial» se accedió a las bases de datos Dialnet y Ebsco y se seleccionaron 84 textos publicados entre 2015 y 2021. Las tendencias conceptuales sobre la paz territorial se sintetizaron en tres premisas: i) para comprender la paz territorial prevalecen las perspectivas teóricas, liberal y crítica, aunque en Colombia toma fuerza la perspectiva decolonial; ii) conceptualizar la paz territorial implica entender las prácticas y discursos que actores institucionales y de base comunitaria despliegan en la cotidianidad a favor de su construcción; y iii) la paz territorial es una expresión compuesta que requiere comprender las nociones de paz y territorio. La paz también es un proceso político y dinámico que se articula a planes de vida digna, busca que los territorios recuperen las funciones colectivas perdidas a causa de la guerra, para lo cual resulta oportuno la intersección y movilización por parte de las comunidades de su imaginación moral y geográfica.

Este artículo presenta un estado del arte de las críticas realizadas desde la izquierda a la política de la identidad, entendida como el conjunto de posiciones políticas y reflexiones académicas que interpelan los principios, valores y puesta en práctica de la ciudadanía universal de las democracias liberales. A partir de un paradigma hermenéutico, de una revisión documental y de en un ejercicio exegético se identifican y agrupan las críticas según su objeto en cuatro líneas: i) primacía del reconocimiento y la «autenticidad» como un desplazamiento de la clase; ii) primacía del reconocimiento como desplazamiento de la redistribución; iii) primacía del reconocimiento como reificación de las identidades; iv) carácter ideológico de la identidad. Se concluye que en la izquierda se encuentran múltiples y disímiles posturas frente a la política de la identidad que responden al desafío de no renunciar a su proyecto universalista y, al tiempo, evitar caer en una abstracción de las diferencias concretas y particulares de los grupos oprimidos al interior del sistema.

¿Qué es peor que tener que sobrevivir a un apocalipsis zombi? Hacerlo y que aún así la sociedad te margine si suspendes Selectividad. Así al menos lo temen los chicos de Estamos muertos, serie surcoreana estrenada en Netflix. En este artículo reflexionamos a partir de las tesis del realismo capitalista de Mark Fisher distintos conflictos sociales que la serie nos transmite y que suelen exacerbarse en el género zombi. Con ellos nos permitimos también una reflexión sobre si este género pertenece a lo distópico y qué situación actual tiene la distopía en pleno siglo XXI. La serie nos permitirá reflexionar sobre la extraña situación de la distopía mainstream que no parece acusar la gran cantidad de transformaciones políticas de los últimos años y que parece atrapada en la primera década del siglo. What's worse than having to survive a zombie apocalypse? Doing so and still being ostracised by society if you fail the university entrance exams. At least that's what the guys in All of us are Dead, a South Korean series released on Netflix, fear. In this article, based on Mark Fisher's thesis of capitalist realism, we reflect on different social conflicts that the series transmits to us and which are usually exacerbated in the zombie genre. Through them we also reflect on whether this genre belongs to the dystopian and what is the current situation of dystopia in the 21st century. The series will allow us to reflect on the strange situation of mainstream dystopia, which does not seem to be affected by the many political transformations of the last few years and which seems to be trapped in the first decade of the century.

Along with fundamental rights such as liberty and property, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen in 1789 also envisions a right to resist oppression. Irrespective of one's place on the political spectrum, resistance has been employed as an alternative both to submission and to revolt. After briefly sketching a historical and theoretical account of resistance I propose two parallel sets of criteria to further characterize good resistance. I submit that the first set is normative (I call it emancipatory) and the second set is critical (meaning it can be empirically assessed). I further break this typology down as follows: (1) Resistance is emancipatory when it is (a) nonviolent, (b) progressive, and (c) civil; and (2) it is critical when it seeks to (a) change policies and practices that are unjust, and (b) empower citizens to enjoy their full rights. I show the usefulness of this scheme by applying it to the political situation in Iran and by evincing these criteria in three instances of resistance there. Thus, in this context, I argue, resistance is a preferable alternative to both revolution and reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Este artículo presenta un análisis crítico de la relación entre la lucha feminista, la esfera pública y el capitalismo a la luz del concepto de bloqueos de la experiencia desarrollado por los autores Alexander Kluge y Oskar Negt vinculados a la Escuela de Frankfurt. Para ello se reconstruyen tres momentos de la lucha feminista: la redistribución, la representación, el reconocimiento y, finalmente, se realiza un esbozo materialista sobre los bloqueos distintivos de la experiencia de la mujer en relación con la esfera pública burguesa. Así, desde un enfoque hermenéutico-crítico de la teoría política y social el objetivo es resaltar la necesidad de ampliar el marco conceptual en el que se encuentra la lucha feminista contemporánea con relación a la esfera pública, rescatando presupuestos clásicos de una comprensión económico-política del conflicto social. Como resultado se concluye la necesidad de hacer inteligible la relación de la praxis y la teoría a la luz de presupuestos marxistas, de tal manera que la originalidad del presente artículo consiste en realizar un esbozo materialista de las contradicciones objetivas y subjetivas de la experiencia de las mujeres, comprendiendo su condición de sujeto emancipatorio en términos negativos.

Se o interesse precípuo da teoria crítica é por uma sociedade mais livre de suas formas de dominação, caberia fazermos a seguinte pergunta: quem são os grupos oprimidos em nosso tempo? Embora não haja resposta uníssona, Fraser e Benhabib vêm acusando a tradição da teoria crítica de preservar uma cegueira em relação ao gênero. Fraser formulou uma concepção de teoria crítica pensada a partir da conciliação entre feminismo e pós-modernismo. Em suma, trata-se de uma teoria política filosoficamente pragmática e normativamente esmorecida. Os esforços teóricos empreendidos por Benhabib vão no sentido de sanar os déficits de gênero da teoria crítica, reafirmando a importância e o lugar a ser assumido pela filosofia política quando se fala da emancipação feminina em uma sociedade democrática. O objetivo deste trabalho é explorar tais diferenças e similitudes teóricas, bem como as suas consequências para uma teoria feminista ou para uma teoria crítica, duas ideias que aparecem fundidas nas obras das autoras.

No atual século, com a ascensão chinesa e a sua crescente participação na economia e no sistema político mundial, há o desenvolvimento de uma influente perspectiva chinesa das relações internacionais. Nas últimas quatro décadas, movimentos da intelectualidade chinesa promoveram o surgimento de visões próprias, nacionais, do sistema mundial. Este artigo destaca três vertentes da filosofia política chinesa para o sistema internacional: o Tudo Sob o Céu (Tianxia), a dialética Zhongyong e o Realismo Moral como elementos teóricos formuladores de uma perspectiva de sistema mundial com características chinesas. O objetivo, portanto, é analisar, a partir do seu processo histórico de ascensão, como estas correntes de pensamento para uma ordem internacional são resultado da formação social e do Estado chinês, e como estas diferenciam-se das tradições da filosofia política ocidental e suas bases epistemológicas. Estas vertentes se projetam em termos de ideias e instituições para uma perspectiva chinesa de ordem internacional no século XXI.

This is a theoretical paper in the field of democratic theory. It reviews the discussions on one of the elements proposed to measure the quality of democracies: government responsiveness to citizens' preferences. It analyses theoretical discussions on democracy, quality of democracy and in particular the debate on whether responsiveness is useful to measure quality, what challenges it implies and what are its conceptual and empirical limits. It concludes with a research agenda on this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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