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Tras el fin de la Guerra Fría, el reordenamiento del sistema internacional permitió el surgimiento de propuestas de gobernanza global más amplias que aquellas determinadas por Occidente. Es este contexto en China, el sistema Tianxia adquiere notoriedad como propuesta alternativa a las teorías no occidentales de relaciones internacionales y como un nuevo marco de gobernanza global. Este artículo tiene por objetivo analizar este sistema en función del desarrollo de la política exterior china, testeando su aplicabilidad conceptual en la relación entre China y América Latina a través de la cooperación interregional, entendido como un marco conceptual y teórico de las relaciones internacionales que permita avanzar en el diálogo y conocimiento mutuo. En el sistema Tianxia, América Latina se inserta a través de la Iniciativa de la Franja y la Ruta, cuya base es la reinterpretación contemporánea del orden de Tianxia: la concepción china de cómo debe ordenarse el mundo basado en un sistema tributario, el cual estableció un orden jerárquico internacional que llevó a muchos pueblos a la corte imperial china.

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Questions regarding the political significance of international relations (IR) and how scholarly practice relates to/constitutes a political practice appear newly resonant, but are longstanding concerns. This article utilizes the growing literature on temporality within international politics to analyze the political potential of these intellectual interventions and generate new ways of framing scholarly practice. We observe two trends within the field. First, IR as a discipline remains largely—although not exclusively—imagined as an English-language discipline generated by scholars in the Global North. Each area's political discourse is currently dominated by fears surrounding foundational political and institutional change due to the rise of racialized authoritarianism within these self-imagined democratic societies. Despite these purportedly dramatic developments, there has not been a similarly dramatic shift in the scholarly relationship with politics. Scholars continue to successfully intervene in their collective presents, but scholarship itself remains oriented toward enduring claims that accumulate knowledge and resist the possibility of "failure." This paper theorizes the temporality of critical intervention to better relate positively to the bodies that co-constitute our political present. Ultimately, this paper concludes by arguing for a reconsideration of contradiction and failure as frames for thinking scholarly practice in time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contributors to this forum all draw significantly from pragmatist philosophy and social theory for making sense of international politics. Collectively, we affirm the value of pragmatist work beyond metatheory and methodology, both politically and epistemically—that is, as both a moral project and an explanatory one. Indeed, we are especially united on the notion that pragmatism "bridges" the divide between these things, and several contributors focus their discussion on how. However, we differ in what exactly it means to offer a distinctly pragmatist explanation or a "substantive" pragmatist theory, as well as in how pragmatism allows us to navigate the analytical and ethical challenges of the field. Over ten years ago, an earlier forum in this journal helped establish that pragmatism had something to offer; with over a decade of scholarship and reflection since, we revisit and expand on the question of how to deliver on it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, water, as an essential component that allows the sustainability of life, acquired a relevant treatment in the political affairs of different human groups. The importance of water resources for societies is based on the multiplicity of fundamental aspects for life that motivate their approach in the public sphere. However, it should be noted that the way in which issues related to water resources have been approached from the public perspective has varied over time. In fact, the history of water is closely linked with the political, economic, social and cultural trajectory of the different societies and these processes obtained a direct correlation with the theoretical production in the International Relations discipline for the treatment of this issue. For this reason, through the article, the main conceptual contributions and theoretical debates that have arisen around water resources from the discipline of International Relations are systematized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the state of the art of critical studies in the discipline of International Relations in Spain. After having presented the main theoretical features and motivations, critical studies nature and challenges are tackled. Afterwards, some of the main themes and research agendas within critical studies in Spanish academy are exposed. Finally, the paper provides some challenges and potentialities that critical studies are currently facing in the discipline of IR as a whole as well as in Spain in particular.

La influencia de las ideas religiosas en la Teoría de Relaciones Internacionales ha sido un tema poco explorado por la deriva secularista y cientificista de la disciplina. Sin embargo, bajo el giro postsecular, varios teóricos han empezado a problematizar los efectos político-normativos del paradigma de la secularización y a releer críticamente los orígenes y desarrollos de la teoría de Relaciones Internacionales. En este marco, el artículo estudia la influencia de san Agustín en los orígenes de la escuela realista. Analiza cuándo y cómo la obra agustiniana llegó al realismo clásico, a través de una relectura de los conceptos de naturaleza humana, historia y orden, formulados por el Obispo de Hipona en clave dialéctica. Asimismo, el artículo demuestra la influencia de estos conceptos agustinianos en la formulación del realismo esperanzado de Reinhold Niebuhr, reconocido como el padre de los realistas en Relaciones Internacionales.

El presente trabajo pretende comprender el proceso de estratificación material de las jerarquías internacionales a través de la dinámica de socialización, que interrelaciona las estructuras políticas y económicas de diferenciación en las relaciones interestatales. El estudio del nexo entre la política y la economía no es novedoso en las Relaciones Internacionales. Sin embargo, la literatura teórica de la disciplina carece de una comprensión de las estructuras políticas y económicas de modo independiente, sin reducir unas a las otras. Para completar esta laguna, este artículo reinterpreta el realismo estructural a la luz del reciente debate sobre la concepción sociológica de las estructuras como subsistemas de diferenciación entre actores de un determinado sistema social. El marco conceptual de la teoría de la diferenciación estructural es utilizado como lenguaje para entender y caracterizar la socialización configurada entre estructuras asimétricas, tales como las de naturaleza política y económica. Así, se discuten los nexos que emergen de las transacciones sociales internacionales de naturaleza política y económica considerando su papel en la constitución del sistema de estados contemporáneo y sus efectos estructurantes sobre el sistema internacional.

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

International relations scholars have struggled to adequately link domestic and international levels in theoretical models and causal analyses of foreign policy, despite widespread acknowledgment of the need to do so. This study elaborates on this challenge by assessing the utility of several policy process frameworks that have so far been underutilized in foreign policy analysis. The assumptions of one particularly fruitful method, the Two-Level Game, will be compared with those of three policy process frameworks: the Advocacy Coalition Framework, the Multiple Streams Framework, and Punctuated Equilibrium Theory. When analyzing three specific concepts (the question of rationality, the dynamics of agenda setting, and the strategic action of relevant actors), it is apparent that the assumptions of the policy process frameworks largely clash with those of the Two-Level Game, raising the potential for their augmentation of the field of foreign policy analysis despite their relative underuse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Policy & Complex Systems is the property of Policy Studies Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The India–Pakistan conflict, one of the oldest unresolved interstate conflicts in the world, began in 1947 and has shown no signs of abating. Both realist and constructivist interpretations have offered several differing explanations as to the roots and persistence of this conflict. The article argues that a realist‐constructivist approach as suggested by Samuel Barkin provides a new and better angle for explaining the genesis, evolution, and persistence of the India–Pakistan conflict, in addition to allowing prediction of future developments. Importantly, realist‐constructivism combines several different analytical dimensions: It looks at the way in which power structures affect patterns of normative change in international relations and, conversely, the way in which a particular set of norms affects power structures. Both these dimensions have been overlooked as variables that can explain why it will be difficult to come up with lasting solutions for the India–Pakistan conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El auge de las teorías de relaciones internacionales en el marco de los estudios antiguos se puede constatar en la publicación del trabajo de Burton Friendship and Empire. Roman Diplomacy and Imperialism in the Middle Republic (353-146 BC). De él destacamos sus principales tesis y comentamos algunos problemas que presenta en el tratamiento de las fuentes clásicas y las críticas al modelo Realista.

Las teorías de las relaciones internacionales no son neutras ni imparciales, dado que están vinculadas a intereses, valores y patrones de conducta de las sociedades en las que se elaboran y descartan los de otras sociedades. Las teorías que sirven al primer mundo no son necesariamente convenientes para los países emergentes. El artículo propone substituir las teorías por los conceptos aplicados al estudio de las relaciones internacionales. Los conceptos exponen el acervo nacional y regional sobre el que se asientan. La experiencia brasileña corresponde al campo de observación de esta investigación. El conjunto de conceptos elaborados sugiere otros estudios de caso. El nuevo abordaje de las relaciones internacionales busca proveer una explicación, orientar proyectos de investigación y formar la inteligencia de los dirigentes.

El artículo discute dos enfoques utilizados en el estudio de las relaciones internacionales de los actores locales en América Latina, el liberal institucionalista y el de Política Verde (PV). Usualmente, la literatura en el tema analiza su participación en la arena internacional desde las escuelas tradicionales de las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII), como la liberal institucionalista, que pone al Estado en el centro del análisis y, por consecuencia ofrece una concepción centralizada del poder en las RRII. Esto ha impedido profundizar en el tema y entender de una manera más integral la acción internacional de los actores locales, es decir, como protagonistas y no actores pasivos. Por otro lado, enfoques alternativos, como es el caso de la teoría verde, incluye en el análisis la descentralización del poder y la desterritorialización de las RRII. De esta manera el enfoque de PV contribuye con nuevas perspectivas en viejos debates en la disciplina sobre soberanía y poder en el sistema internacional. Contrastando la escuela liberal institucionalista, con la llamada Política Verde, el articulo pretende así mostrar limitantes de las escuelas clásicas y empujar a futuras discusiones que contribuyan a ampliar nuestro conocimiento sobre las relaciones internacionales de actores locales.

Este artículo desafía la validez y utilidad del concepto de régimen en cinco apartados diferentes. Estos llevan a otros dos ámbitos secundarios (en el sentido de indirectos), pero no menos importantes, para expresar las dudas sobre si deben fomentarse más trabajos de este tipo. Los cinco apartados (o “dragones” de los que cuidarse) son: primero, que el estudio de los regímenes es en gran parte una moda pasajera, uno de esos giros en las costumbres no muy difíciles de explicar como una reacción temporal ante acontecimientos del mundo real, pero que en sí mismo tiene poco que aportar a largo plazo al conocimiento. Segundo, es un concepto vago e impreciso. Tercero, es tendencioso y peligroso como unos dados trucados. Cuarto, distorsiona al enfatizar lo estático e infravalorar el elemento dinámico de cambio en la política mundial. Y quinto, es reduccionista, anclado en un paradigma estatocéntrico que limita la visión de una realidad más amplia.

Si Maquiavelo articuló su estándar de dualidad moral - diferenciando entre la moralidad individual y la moralidad de las naciones - sobre la base de la doctrina de la razón de estado, Niebuhr acepta este dualismo ético pero fundamentándolo en un modelo ético social – de influencia cristiana. En El hombre moral y la sociedad inmoral (1931), el teólogo y pensador político realista Reinhold Niebuhr, insiste en que el ser y el deber ser en el comportamiento de las naciones está condicionado por las debilidades individuales de los seres humanos que, además, se potencian en la esfera social. Por lo tanto, frente a la ética individualista que subyace al liberalismo – convencida de que la libertad del individuo es la vía para alcanzar el progreso, bienes y la justicia – apela al necesario reconocimiento de la dimensión sistémica de las injusticias y, con ello, a la urgente necesidad de responsabilidad colectiva y creatividad social para alcanzar un orden de justicia no ideal sino susceptible de ser humanamente realizado. En el conjunto de la sociedad sólo cabe una justicia que equivale a un orden moral relativo, precario y en mutación constante.

Siempre habrá dos historias que contar de las relaciones internacionales. Una que explique estructuras y procesos, y otra que comprenda las acciones de los individuos y de los agregados sociales. Pero siempre ha sido la primera de estas historias la que ha dominado la disciplina, olvidando los significados que las relaciones internacionales tienen para los Estados y para otros actores de la política mundial.

Este artículo revisa las posturas de Kenneth Waltz y RobertKeohane sobre las consecuencias de los atentados terroristasdel 11-s en Nueva York y la intervención militar estadounidenseen Irak desde 2003. En la primera parte se estudia el análisisneorrealista de Waltz, y la fuerte crítica que hace a la respuestade la administración Bush. Posteriormente, se encuentra el análisisneoinstitucionalista que hace Keohane de los fenómenosestudiados, criticando la falta a la normatividad einstitucionalismo internacionales por parte de Washington. Finalmente,algunas conclusiones sobre estas interpretaciones.

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since 9/11, with few exceptions, the theorists of International Relations started to include religion into their explanations of international politics, which is an interesting challenge for a discipline built on modern and secular foundations such as the state, sovereignty, national identity or instrumental rationality. Therefore, the main purpose of this article is to explain the causes why religion has been until now a "silence" in the discipline. Following this explanation the article analyzes in depth whether the inclusion of religion in the explanations of International Relations beyond the primordialist and instrumentalist approaches needs a "reformist" or "revolutionary" change in the theoretical apparatus of the discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política is the property of Instituto de Ciencia Politica (Universidad de la Republica de Uruguay) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)