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Lack of materials about women and children poses the biggest obstacle to studying Cambodian women’s and family history. While the early-twentieth century French Protectorate period (1863-1953) yielded more historical materials about these populations, these have not been examined extensively. This paper attempts to bridge this gap by examining the behavior of Princess Malika after “Yukanthor Affair” political and inheritance episode. By analyzing her behavior after this affair, it aims to examine several issues related to family relationships, property rights, child rearing, and women’s legal and education rights (especially with regard to illegitimate children) in one branch of the Cambodian Royal family. Furthermore, this paper also examines Princess Malika’s opinions on the value of the Khmer civilization and its cultural traditions in comparison to the French civilization. Toward these ends, this study examined her documented correspondences with the Cambodian and French authorities. Thus, this paper’s analysis showed that, during the French Protectorate period, in some Cambodian Royal families, lineage, capabilities, and education played a major role in determining social status rather than gender.

Background: Testicular cancer is one of those cancers for which the prognosis has improved remarkably since the introduction of effective chemotherapy. Methods: Study subjects were 709 testicular cancer patients who were registered to the population-based Osaka Cancer Registry (OCR) as diagnosed between 1975 and 1992. The testicular cancer patients diagnosed/treated in the Osaka Medical Center for Cancer and Cardiovascular Diseases (OMCC) were also analyzed for comparison. Results: The 5-year relative survival was 75.2% for the total of 709 patients and 77.9% for those diagnosed during 1990–92. These figures were much lower than those for patients in the USA and in Europe. In contrast, the 5-year survival of the 113 patients diagnosed in the OMCC during 1975–93 was 91.5% and similar to those in the USA and in Europe. Conclusions: The present study suggests that there are problems in the speed and extent of diffusion of effective chemotherapy for testicular cancer in Osaka.

This paper sets out to investigate the transfer of the royal palace's location in the post-Angkor period, and will at the same time consider the change of character of the Longvek—Oudong dynasty.Since the French Protectorate era, a considerable number of studies have been made on Angkor period. However, little attention has been given to the post-Angkor period. Reasons were that it was deemed a “Dark-Age” and an iota of historical materials. As such, we attempted a research on the Longvek—Oudong region, about 30km north of Phnom-Penh. We had examined some aerial photographs, measured the royal palace's sites, made maps, picked up fragments of pottery, and lastly compiled information relating to the beginnings of villages and temples.There was a saying that in the post-Angkor period, the capial of Cambodia was transferred from Angkor to Basan (Kampong-Cham Province)—Phnom-Penh—Lonvek (Kampong-Chhnang Province)—Oudong (Kampong-Spu Province). The first capital, Basan, occupied a key point on the Mekong River. The third and the fourth, Lonvek and Oudong, were in close proximity. They held a strategic point on the west bank of the Tonle-Sap River. The second and the present capital, Phnom-Pemh is situated on the confluence of the Mekong River and the Tonle-Sap River. Based on the royal chronicle of Cambodia and some foreign sources, we knew that Basan and Longvek-Oudong were rivals.The following resulted from our research:1) From the central temple in the Fortress of Lonvek to the Sacred Mountain of Oudong, we found the ruins of shrines belonging to the Angkor period.2) There is a square site surrounded by walls which we had determined to be Lonvek, the capital in the 16th century.3) We found that the royal palace of Oudong in the 17th century was on the first height next to the west bank of the Tonle-Sap River.4) There are two remains known as Veang-Chas (old palace) and Khleang-Pram (five storehouses). The former was the second royal palace of king Ang-Duong and the latter was also his first palace, situated 4km west to the royal palace in the 17th century.Therefore, we concluded that:A) The capital Longvek—Oudong kept close relations with Pursat, south of the Tonle-Sap Lake.B) The transfer from Longvek to Oudong during the 17th century came from the development of Ponhea-Lu as a river port in the “Age of Commerce”.C) However, with the end of the “Age of Commerce” and the control of Saigon by the Vietnamese, this situation was changed. King Ang-Duong tried to build a new network which could connect Pursat and Kampot via Oudong. In doing so, he built his palace 4km inland.D) Under the French Protectorate, Phnom-Penh became the capital of Cambodia and the network which centered on Phnom-Penh and the Mekong River was completed for the first time.

To compare one-year treatment outcomes of intravitreal injections of pegaptanib sodium and bevacizumab for myopic choroidal neovascularization (m-CNV).28 patients (28 eyes) with subfoveal m-CNV were assigned alternately to undergo intravitreal pegaptanib 0.3 mg (group P: n = 14) or bevacizumab 1.25 mg (group B: n = 14) between December 2009 and February 2010 and followed-up for one year. Both groups were evaluated every 6 weeks, and injections were repeated when exudate was observed in the macula. Visual acuity, retinal sensitivity within central 12 degrees, greatest linear dimension (GLD) and blood pressure were measured before treatment and at one year. Mann-Whitney U test was used for intergroup comparison, and the Wilcoxon test for comparing pre- and post-treatment data.No significant differences in mean log-MAR visual acuity and mean blood pressure at one year were observed between the two groups. Mean greatest lesion dimension was reduced significantly in both groups. Mean retinal sensitivity was improved significantly only in group B. The number of injections was significantly smaller in group B.Although changes in visual acuity at one year did not differ significantly between the two groups, bevacizumab improved mean retinal sensitivity with fewer injections than pegaptanib, suggesting that intravitreal bevacizumab may be more effective than pegaptanib for m-CNV.

To evaluate ophthalmologic outcomes 1 year after intravitreal pegaptanib sodium injection in patients with myopic choroidal neovascularization (CNV).We investigated 31 eyes of 30 patients who had been given intravitreal pegaptanib sodium (0.3 mg) injections for subfoveal or juxtafoveal myopic CNV at 6-week intervals from July through December 2009. We compared visual acuity, retinal sensitivity within the central 12 degrees and maximum lesion diameter, and quantified metamorphopsia using M-CHARTS (Inami Co., Tokyo) both before and after the intravitreal injections. The Wilcoxon test was applied to identify statistically significant differences.Mean logMAR visual acuity was 0.49 +/- 0.38 before and 0.47 +/- 0.35 after treatment (p = 0.56); the corresponding values for mean retinal sensitivity were 7.48 +/- 3.69 dB and 8.15 +/- 4.18 dB (p = 0.24). Mean maximum lesion diameter was significantly reduced from 1,217 microm to 1,041 microm after treatment (p = 0.0021). Mean metamorphopsia scores were significantly improved after treatment, i.e., 0.85 +/- 0.68 to 0.50 +/- 0.39 for vertical lines (p = 0.016); 0.81 +/- 0.74 to 0.47 +/- 0.41 for horizontal lines (p = 0.017). The average number of injections was 3.1. No patient experienced adverse events associated with treatment.Visual acuity and retinal sensitivity were maintained, while metamorphopsia was improved 1 year after intravitreal pegaptanib sodium injections for myopic CNV.

Post-Angkor est la periode qui suit l'abandon d'Angkor au XVe siecle et qui va jusqu'a la colonisation du Cambodge par les Francais en 1863. Quand on etudie l'histoire du Cambodge, il y a un probleme de continuite entre la periode angkorienne et post-angkorienne. D. P. Chandler disait que le Cambodge a beaucoup change entre le XIIIe et le XVIe siecle. Effectivement, on peut observer des changements dans les domaines suivants: emplacement de la capitale, caractere des documents historiques, religion etc. De plus, le XIVe siecle meme signifie un grand tournant dans l'histoire de l'Asie du Sud-Est.Les historiens ont ignore pendant longtemps cette periode de “Dark Ages”, puis dans les annees 1970, ceux qui commencaient a etudier l'histoire post-angkorienne se concentraient seulement sur l'eclaircissement des circonstances de l'independance du Cambodge par rapport au Siam et au Vietnam. D'autres problemes, tels que les institutions politiques n'etaient pas etudies, et aujourd'hui encore, nous connaissons peu l'Etat postangkorien.Les inscriptions modernes sont les seuls documents historiques ecrits dans la periode post-angkorienne. Nous avons aussi les codes post-angkoriens dates du XVIIe siecle, que nous pouvons eventuellement utiliser comme documents historiques a titre de comparaison avec les inscriptions modernes. Dans ces documents, il y a beaucoup de noms khmers avec les titres khmers. Or dans les oeuvres de Sahai et H. G. Quaritch Wales, les titres angkoriens et ceux du Siam ont ete classes, et, nous pouvons les comparer avec les titres post-angkoriens. Ainsi, dans notre article, nous avons examine ces titres et les avons compares avec ceux d'Angkor.En premier lieu, les relations commandees par les titres post-angkoriens ont ete explicitees. Par leur titre, les Cambodgiens post-angkoriens peuvent se classer en 3 categories, (1) les hauts dignitaires de 10-6 haupean, (2) les bas dignitaires de 5-1 haupean, (3) les gens du peuple (femmes et esclaves compris). I1 peut y avoir des liens de parente entre les gens des categories (1) et (3), ou (2) et (3), mais nous n'avons pas pu trouver de relation entre les gens des categories (1) et (2). I1 y a une grande separation sociale entre les hauts dignitaires et les bas dignitaires.Par comparaison avec les titres angkoriens, ceux de post-Angkor n'ont aucun point commun. Du point de vue des titres, l'Etat post-angkorien ne continue pas celui d'Angkor, cependant les titres post-angkoriens ressemblent a ceux d'Ayuthya. Dans cette periode les communications sont frequentes entre le Cambodge et Ayuthya. On peut dire que le Cambodge post-angkorien et Ayuthya forment une meme region ce qui favorise des titres communs. Mais nous ne pouvons pas encore determiner dans lequel des deux royaumes ils ont ete crees par manque de documents pour toute la periode du XIVe au XVIe siecle.

Cutaneous malignant melanoma occurs much less frequently among non-white populationsthan among white populations. Little is known of the descriptive epidemiology of melanomaamong Japanese. We investigated time trends of incidence of invasive cutaneous malignantmelanoma using data from the Osaka Cancer Registry (Japan) among 321 men and 313 womendiagnosed between 1964-95. Average, annual, age-standardized incidence rates per 1, 000, 000population were 2.45 (95% confidence interval (CI): 2.17-2.72) for men and 2.04 (95% Cl : 1.81-2.28) for women. The age-standardized rate ratio among men from 1964-71 as a reference wasalmost constant during the study period, whereas that among women increased up to 1.8 fold(95% CI : 1.25-2.56) in 1980-87 and seems to have reached a plateau recently. Among men, theratio for head and neck lesions decreased to 0.5 fold (95% Cl : 0.26-0.99) in 1988-95. Amongwomen, the ratio for lesions of the extremities steeply increased up to 4.7 fold (95% CI : 2.68-8.35) in 1980-87 from the reference period of 1964-71, whereas a slight increase for trunk lesionsand no increase for head and neck lesions were noted during the same period. Possibleexplanations for the subsite-specific time trends are discussed.J Epidemiol, 1999 ; 9 : S129-S135.

This study was conducted to examine the incidence rates and cumulative risks of second primary cancers in Osaka and to compare the observed number of second primary cancers with the expected number calculated using cancer incidence rates among Osaka residents. Study subjects were all reported cases aged 0–79 who were first diagnosed as having a first primary cancer between 1966–86. Incidence of second primary cancer among the study subjects was examined through to the end of 1989. The total number of study subjects was 217,307. During the follow-up period (mean duration: 3.7 years), second primary cancers developed in 5,071 patients (2.3%). Incidence of synchronous (interval