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This paper offers a new reading of Q 2:58–59 by way of Muqātil ibn Sulaymān's Tafsīr and its use of the Hebrew Bible and Jewish or possibly Christian traditions. While the scholarly study of the Qurʾān in its late antique context has often been ambivalent toward medieval Arabic tafsīr, this paper uses the testimony of the tafsīr corpus on a single mysterious passage to reconstruct a plausible meaning in its original Qurʾānic milieu and shed light on the exegetical intimacies of Jews, Christians, and Muslims in the first Hijri centuries. Q 2:58–59 contain a puzzling pericope about God punishing the Israelites because they substituted one word, which God had commanded them to say, with another. The word God commanded them to say, ḥiṭṭa, does not represent any Arabic word that makes good sense in context. The word they substituted is never specified. Later Arabic exegetes were thus puzzled by the passage and proposed many different solutions. The paper closely analyzes Muqātil ibn Sulaymān's reading of the relevant passage in light of biblical intertexts and Jewish or Christian traditions, yielding an interpretation of this passage with reference to a perfidious pun on the words for "sin" and "grain" that works in Aramaic or possibly Hebrew, but not in Arabic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People need to benefit from the guidance of the Qur'an to succeed in their duties and worldly tests, avoid sin, and understand the Qur'an accurately to follow its divine instructions and restrictions. Since the time of the Companions until today, Islamic scholars have tried to understand the Qur'an better and have written tens of tafsir books to explain it accurately. The Qur'an's use of concise language and the inherent richness of Arabic can lead to nuanced understandings of specific words. One of them is the first sentence of Surah al-Najm and the word 'lamam' in this sentence. Some commentators understood "lamam" as a "sin committed before having faith." Others interpreted it as a minor sin, while some saw it as "words, actions, and behaviors other than fornication, such as touching lustfully." Still others interpreted it as a sin committed just once or twice but then repented and never committed again. If we consider the dictionary definition of "lamam" alongside other verses and hadiths, it can be understood as literally meaning "a minor sin." This sin is impossible to commit without Allah's protection and typically involves a transgression committed only once or twice, followed by sincere repentance and a commitment to avoid repeating it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dinbilimleri Journal is the property of Dinbilimleri Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dinbilimleri Journal is the property of Dinbilimleri Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dinbilimleri Journal is the property of Dinbilimleri Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mevzu is the property of Ali Sever and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mevzu is the property of Ali Sever and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Artikel ini mengkaji rasionalitas penafsiran A. Hassan (1887-1958) pada rubrik “Tafsir al-Hidayah” dalam majalah al-Fatwa edisi 1-20 (1931-1933). A. Hassan dikenal sebagai salah seorang tokoh pembaharu Islam di Indonesia. Ia merupakan guru utama organisasi Persatuan Islam (PERSIS). Melalui pendekatan analisis wacana kritis Fairclough, hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa penafsiran A. Hassan dalam rubrik “Tafsir al-Hidayah” tersebut termasuk ke dalam kategori tafsir rasional (bi al-ra’y). Hal ini terlihat dari kecenderungannya dalam mengutamakan makna ayat berdasarkan analisis kebahasaan dibanding riwayat. Ia juga sama sekali tidak menggunakan riwayat Israiliyat. Rasionalitas penafsiran A. Hassan tersebut tidak lepas dari interaksinya dengan karya Muslim pembaharu dari Mesir, seperti Muhammad ‘Abduh, melalui tafsir Juzʾ ʿAmmā. A. Hassan terlihat kadang hanya menduplikasi pemikiran ‘Abduh, tetapi kadang pula melampauinya dengan melakukan inovasi, modifikasi dan pengembangan penafsiran. Sebuah dinamika jejaring pembaharuan pemikiran Islam awal abad ke-20 antara Mesir dan Asia Tenggara.

In his autobiography the Moroccan Sufi Aḥmad Ibn ‘Ajība cites an incident in which his saintly grandmother gives a command to a snake and the reptile fulfils the lady’s order. Undoubtedly, the story demonstrates the special powers granted to the saintly woman, but is the snake she interacts with also special? Or do natural entities in general understand and know more than we ordinarily think? Whereas the Qur’ān repeatedly emphasises the “animated quality of nature,” portraying the conscious, knowing and even wise cosmos, the works of exegesis often interpret such verses metaphorically (majāz) as eloquent expressions of God’s power and universal submission to it. How to reconcile this widespread figurative understanding with the numerous Sufi accounts of the alive, knowing, and understanding cosmos (similar to the incident mentioned by Ibn ‘Ajība)? To answer this question and more broadly, to reflect upon the understudied issue of cosmic subjectivity in the Sufi works of tafsīr, this article looks into Ibn ‘Ajība’s Qur’ānic commentary al-Baḥr al-Madīd (The Immense Ocean), which masterfully blends exoteric and esoteric approaches to the scripture and which is aimed at general public (rather than the initiates on the Sufi path). Whereas the Sufi master himself clearly perceives everything in creation as an understanding subject, he also succeeds in seamlessly bringing together various interpretations (including purely metaphorical readings), recognising their validity and suitability for different audiences. The highest level, however, is to realise that the literal meaning of the Qur’ānic description of the cosmos accurately captures the aspects of reality hidden from senses: the spiritually enlightened actually “see” with the eye of baṣīra that the cosmos is alive, conscious, and knowledgeable, and that everything in it is ultimately a vessel manifesting Divine names.

This article explores the history of the Türkenbeute manuscripts in Halle. The decades following the Ottoman defeat at Vienna in 1683 witnessed an influx into Central-Europe of Qur'ans, prayer books, Qur'anic commentaries, and legal compendia that had been looted from battlefields and conquered cities. Many such items found their way to Halle, where they came to stock the libraries attached to the complex of schools and the orphanage founded in 1698 by the Pietist theologian, August Hermann Francke (1663–1727). Following a sketch of the manuscripts' provenance, the article summarises the factors that encouraged the study of the 'Oriental' languages at Halle in the early eighteenth century. It then documents the work of two Pietist students of Arabic, Christian Benedict Michaelis (1680–1764) and Johann Heinrich Callenberg (1694–1760), in order to show how the spoils of war could be put to use to further the aspirations of scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Social Sciences (IJSS) / Uluslararasi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of International Journal of Social Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ULUM Journal of Religious Inquiries is the property of ULUM Journal of Religious Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the elements that enrich the meaning of the verses of the Quran is the differences in recitation. Recitation differences are not all of the same type. Some of these simply consist of different pronunciations that affect the phonetic structure of the words. Some of them cause meaning changes beyond phonetic differences. In the literature, the first of these is characterized by the concept of usûl and the second by the concept of farshy. Translations are compiled in order to bring the meaning of the Qur'anic verses to large audiences. Translation writers especially appeal to the masses who cannot understand the Quran because they do not know Arabic, and aim to help these people understand the Quran. Translation studies have been gaining increasing momentum in the last century. It is a very important issue to pay attention to the diversity of meanings arising from the differences in recitation in the transcribed meanings. In this study, it was tried to examine how much attention was paid to the difference in recitation in certain meanings made in the last century. For the analysis, the translations of Ismail Hakki from Izmir, Hasan Basri Cantay, Omer Nasuhi Bilmen, Elmalili Hamdi Yazir, which can be considered as the early period, were preferred, and among the recent period translations, the translations of Suleyman Ates, the Presidency of Religious Affairs and Mustafa Okuyan were preferred. The aim of the study is to reveal to what extent the diversity of meanings resulting from recitation differences is reflected in the meanings. Comparative analysis method was used in the study. In the study, other translations were also examined when necessary and possible. At the end of the examination, it was generally seen that most of the translations did not include the diversity of meanings resulting from differences in recitation. For example, the fourth verse of the Surah al-Fatiha is generally given as "the owner of the day of judgement" in the translations, and the difference in recitation in the verse meaning كِ لِمَ (ruler, king) is not taken into consideration. The exception to this is Hasan Basri Cantay. By translating the said part into Turkish as "the owner and ruler of the day of religion", he reflected the meaning resulting from the difference in the relevant recitation. The one hundred and sixth verse of Surah al-Baqarah is mostly translated as "Whatever We abrogate or cause to be forgotten from a verse" and similar expressions. The diversity of meanings arising from the different recitation of the verse as هاَ َ سأَ نْنَ” ertele-di” is reflected in some meanings. In the translation prepared by the Presidency of Religious Affairs, one of them, the section in question is translated as "If we annul the provision of any verse or cause it to be forgotten (or postpone it)". Ismail Hakki from Izmir also reflected the difference in meaning with a similar expression. There is a different qiraat in the form of مِ ْ سلَّ ال in the two hundred and eighth verse of the Surah al-Baqara. This difference is reflected in the translations in three ways. The first approach preferred to reflect the meaning of submission resulting from the recitation of م ْ سلِِّ ال, the second approach preferred to reflect the meaning of peace arising from the recitation of مِ ْ سلَّ ال, and the third approach preferred to reflect both meanings in its meaning. For example, Süleyman Ateş translated the relevant section as "O believers, enter Islam (or peace) all together." At the end of the study, it was determined that Ismail Hakki from Izmir and Hasan Basri Cantay included relatively more differences in recitation. It has been observed that Mehmet Okuyan focuses on different interpretations of the relevant verse rather than the variety of meanings resulting from the difference in recitation. It has been observed that Suleyman Ates sometimes touches on the difference in recitation, sometimes in the section where the verse is explained. Similarly, it has been observed that Elmalili Hamdi Yazir sometimes includes the difference in meaning, which he does not include in the meaning, in the section where he interprets the verse. It has been observed that the difference in recitation is mostly not included in the translation prepared by the Presidency of Religious Affairs. The determined results have shown that not including the richness of meaning resulting from the difference in recitation is a deficiency in terms of translations, and this issue should be taken into consideration in the translations. In this context, it was thought that it would be very useful to compile a different explanatory translation that focuses especially on the differences in recitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Qur'ān, serving as a life guide for believers, demands actions that benefit humanity. Since its inception, humanity has sought good living conditions both individually and collectively. In societal life, the system providing these conditions is primarily the state and its administrators. In this context, the qualities, character, and administrative attitudes of leaders are significant. Societies living under positive conditions when these traits are virtuous, and negative conditions when they are not, have continuously sought a better system. Throughout history, this search has manifested in turning towards divine truths or, frequently, in deviating into falsehoods. During this process, Almighty Allah sent prophets and their scriptures, calling people to divine truths and showing the path to true happiness. It is known that political structures and state leaders are among the essential elements ensuring the happiness of people living in communities, solving problems, and keeping them united under common goals and ideals. As indicated in the Qur'ān, both prophets and individuals with exceptional qualities, who we define as "ideal" public servants, are mentioned, and messages are conveyed through their characteristics and actions. Therefore, it is crucial for societies to show sensitivity in selecting those who will perform public duties and to consider divine criteria. This article focuses on the typology of state leaders praised and condemned by the Qur'ān through words and concepts, aiming to illustrate the positive and negative outcomes societies may face based on their choices of leaders through some exemplary comparisons. Besides the Qur'ānic exegesis, this article also benefits from various scientific disciplines, distinguishing itself by its conceptual approach and interdisciplinary connections. The study aims to explain the qualities of an ideal state leader through Qur'ānic concepts and to highlight the serious responsibility of performing public or administrative duties. The article intends to convey that a true believer should not undertake public duties entrusted to them as a trust if they lack competence, and Muslim societies should not assign public duties to those who are not qualified for their future's sake. As stated in a hadith, when tasks are not entrusted to experts/authorities, in other words, when appointments to public duties are not made justly, societal disintegration occurs. In Islamic history, works on ideal governance and leaders began with books in the fields of Islamic philosophy and law, such as "al-Madina al-Fadila" and "al-Ahkam alSultaniyya," followed by numerous political and advisory works. This article conducts research on characters and concepts in the Qur'ān, identifying the criteria of ideal leaders through verses and exegesis related to eleven leaders with the characteristics of state leaders. Most of these leaders, possessing the morality and competence of an ideal administrator, are prophets or their followers. Among the mentioned leaders in the Qur'ān, the foremost is the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), who served as the head of state in Medina. Previous prophets include Joseph, Moses, Aaron, David, and Solomon; kings and queens include Saul, Dhul-Qarnayn, and the Queen of Sheba; and advisors include Asaf ibn Barkhiya, the advisor to Solomon, and the person described as the "believer who concealed his faith" in the Qur'ān, the advisor to Pharaoh, Harbil/Hezekiel. This study, determining the criteria of how a state leader should be based on Qur'ānic verses, aims to maintain thematic integrity by comparing the findings with negative leader personalities, identifying the ideal leader profile through exemplary state leader qualities and topics, showing how this is done conceptually, and highlighting the intended message. The personalities mentioned in the article, along with the above eleven state leaders praised by the Qur'ān's principles and methods of governance, include those whose governance styles are condemned: Nimrod, Pharaoh, Korah, Haman, Goliath, Walid ibn Mughira, Abu Lahab, Abu Jahl, and Abdullah ibn Ubayy ibn Salul. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Quran provides a lot of information in faith, social, cultural and economic fields, as well as information about previous ummahs. In addition, he also talked about ornate places, beautiful views, attractive clothes, delicious drinks and food that match human nature. For example, while Almighty Allah, on the one hand, emphasizes ornaments such as pearls and corals as blessings to people in this world, on the other hand, he informs people of the unique blessings he has prepared for believers in heaven, such as thin and thick silk green dresses, solid gold bracelets, displays woven with satin, easily accessible fruits, ruby and coral-like ornaments. He told us about spouses, flowing water sources, uninterrupted shadows, abundant fruit-bearing cherry and banana trees, comfortable seats, and comforting drinks. All these objects are inherent values that every individual likes and wants to achieve, no matter what faith group he or she belongs to. Although there are names of precious metals and stones such as gold, silver, pearl, ruby and coral in the Quran, the name of the zabarjad stone, which we used as the basis for our study, is not mentioned. Zabarjad is accepted as a strange narration in some hadith texts. Although this is the case, some of the early commentators included the zabarjad stone in their works. The zabarjad metaphor even took them to the point of conveying the narrations originating from Israiliyyat. Although there are stories and narrations taken from Jewish and Christian traditions, Israeliyyât took this name because there were many narrations transmitted from Jews. It has been observed that Israiliyyat entered the tafsir works mostly through individuals such as Abd Allah ibn Salam, Ka'b Al Ahbar, Wahb ibn Munabbih and Ibn Jurayj. It is possible to say that those who showed interest in their narrations were generally early commentators. Ibn Abbas, Abu Al-Aliya Al-Riyahi, Mujahid, Dahhaq, Suddi, Rabi ibn Enes, Muqatil, Tabari and Ibn Abu Hatim are some of them. Some commentators criticized the narrations originating from Israliyyat that they included in their works, while others recorded them as they were, without subjecting them to any criticism. For example, in some of the tafsir works written in the early period, the dwellings and mansions in heaven, the coffin/arcophagus inherited from the family of the prophets Moses and Aaron the Torah tablets carried by the prophet Moses, the magnificent throne of the Yemen queen Bilqis, the mountain of Qaf, and Shaddad in the Babylon region. It has been claimed that the columns in the palace, the pool of Kawthar, and the mounts ridden by believers who will meet Allah in the afterlife are made of zabarjad. For example, Rabi ibn Enes said that the Torah weighed seventy camels and that only Moses and Jesus, as well as Uzair and Joshua, could read it; Suddi narrated that Sakina was a golden bowl of water and that the hearts of the prophets were washed in it. In addition to these, Wahb ibn Munabbih states that Mount Qaf is a mountain that surrounds the entire earth, and Iyâs bin Muawiya's narrations that the sky rests on Mount Qaf in the form of a dome, that it gets its color from it, that the weight of the sky suppresses the mountain, and that the apocalypse will come when Mount Qaf is shaken, are recorded in some tafsir works. It cannot be said that the zabarjad stone is only included in the tafsir works. For example, Jalal Al-Din Al-Suyuti made the zabarjad stone talk in his work titled "Maqamat". Accordingly, he said that Gabriel's wings were decorated with lily of the valley, that the lily of the valley was the ring on the finger of the Prophet Muhammad, that the same ring fell from the finger of the third Caliph Osman bin Affan into the well, after that the cauldron of discord began to boil and peace and tranquility disappeared among Muslims. In this study, the narrations based on zabarjad existing in some tafsir works were analyzed and evaluated within the scope of scientific criteria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Prophet met the revelation for the first time in Hira with the revelation of the first five verses of Surah ‘Alaq. In this first experience, he shared his experiences with Khadija, and she gave him some explanations to calm him down. Then they went together to Waraqa b. Nawfal for consultation. After the first revelation, the revelation was interrupted for a while and the fetret period began. It has been a matter of curiosity what happened in this period, known as the first fetret in the history of the Qur’ān. It is seen that researchers generally focus on determining the duration of the period of fetret and before/after which suras it started; however, the question of what happened during this period is not emphasised and the content analyses of the narrations that shed light on the period are not made. So that according to the narration attributed to Sha‘bī (104/722), one of the qibār al-tābiīn, Isrāfil was appointed to accompany the Prophet for three years during the period of fetret, and he brought him the information he needed and the revelation defined as al-kelima wa al-shay’. According to the report of Zuhrī (124/742), who was one of the sığaru al-tābiīn, the Prophet was alone during the period of foeticide, and became anxious and suspicious because of what he experienced, and even attempted suicide from time to time. The mursal narrations from Sha‘bī and Zuhrī are the two main data in terms of understanding the period of the fetret; hence the discrepancy in meaning between the narrations is the main factor that makes it difficult to understand what happened during the first fetret period. In addition, these narrations trigger many follow-up questions in terms of understanding the history of the Qur’ān and identifying/categorising the types of revelation. The subject and scope of the study, in which the aforementioned issues are considered problematic, is the authenticity and meaning framework of Zuhrī and Sha‘bī’s anecdotes that provide information about the fetret period, through these narrations, the first fetret period is tried to be understood. The primary aim of the study is to clarify the disagreement between the narrations and the authenticity of Sha‘bī's narration. Contributing to the history of the Qur’ān, fetret al-wahy and the determination of the types of revelation is one of its main objectives. As a result of the research, it was seen that Zuhrī’s mursal narrations were criticised by the muhaddithis and that the mursal narration he narrated about the fetret period contained some health and reputation problems of authenticity. On the other hand, the fact that Sha‘bī’s mursal narrations are accepted by the muhaddiths and that the mursal narration he narrated about the period of the fetret is authentic and is found in many sources has revealed that this narration provides undeniable data about the period of the fetret. Thus, the dispute between the two narrations, which are the basic data for understanding the period of the fetret, has been clarified in favour of Sha‘bī. Based on this conclusion, the texts and senads of Sha‘bī’s narration were supported with tables to determine the structure of the narration, the information it contains and its subject framework. Since the data obtained provide information about the revelation revealed during the fetret period and the teaching of the Prophet during the fetret period, the information in question was evaluated by applying the method of comparative analysis of historical data. Thus, the authenticity of the narration was determined and the information that Prophet was not left alone during this period and that divine contacts continued through Isrāfil’s embassy was reached. Accordingly, Isrāfil accompanied him and brought him some information and prepared him for the difficulties of the prophetic period. On the other hand, it was understood that al-kelima [alwahy] wa al-shay’, which Isrāfil brought/disclosed, was also a type of revelation, but it was understood that it was a non-methluv type of revelation other than the revelation of the Qur’ān. After the completion of the aforementioned researches, the sources from which the narration of Sha‘bī was transmitted were included in order to point out its fame. In addition, in order to identify and determine the position of the revelation brought by Isrāfil, “types of revelation” are shown in a holistic table in Appendix-1. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Efforts to understand the Qur'an's messages correctly began with the first addressees. The first examples of tafsīr emerged with the questions that the Companions or non-Muslim addressees asked the Prophet from time to time, and this practice also set an example for the ummah. In addition, the Prophet's prayers and encouragements in the case of Ibn Abbas served as a source for tafsir activities. As Islam spread beyond the Arab geography, the need for tafsīr increased even more, and in parallel with this, the number and diversity of exegetical activities began to increase. Over time, tafsir works emerged in line with the needs of the addressees and specific to the periods. In addition to the differences in the works, another common disagreement among the scholars who endeavored in the field of tafsir was the meaning of the concepts of tafsir and ta'wil. This dispute, which has remained up to date to a certain extent until today, was partially separated by al-Māturīdī's definition and then carried one step further with Rāghib al-Isfahānī's classification, which is considered more systematic. However, it is not possible to say that both al-Māturīdī's definitions and al-Isfahānī's classification completely eliminated the aforementioned controversy. It will be seen that the aforementioned definitions and the examples given in this direction are far from clearly distinguishing between these two concepts, which is why the debates continue. Aside from the technical part of the issue, although there seems to be a general acceptance, there are also parts that are historically unclear. For example, al-Māturīdī's use of the word gīla in these definitions, which he put forward for the first time, and his referring to an earlier time and people has led to a dispute about the attribution of the aforementioned views to him, and this issue is also addressed in our study. Another issue is the belief that Rāghib al-Isfahānī was the first author to systematize the concepts of tafsīr and ta'wīl. Abū al-Ḥasan al-'Āmirī, who died in 381/992 AH, twenty years before al-Isfahānī, and who was also a philosopher, made the aforementioned classification before al-Isfahānī. The similarity between al-Isfahānī's and al-'Āmirī's classifications as a result of this classification and the comparisons we have made in detail in our study makes it necessary to reconsider this opinion formed over time. The fact that the parts of the two works other than the aforementioned subject have very different contents shows the privileges of both authors. One of the differences between the two authors is the language and style they use. Although they used the same or similar concepts from time to time, it is seen that al-'Āmirī's expressions are more philosophical in formation, while al-Isfahānī uses the terminology of Islamic sciences. However, in addition to the similarity in both classifications regarding the methodology of Qur'anic interpretation, the similarity in the words and phrases used from time to time reveals the interaction between the two authors/works. Accordingly, al-'Amīrī historically reveals the conceptual systematics of tafsīr and ta'wīl earlier than al-Isfahānī, and by including the types of tafsīr and ta'wīl, he prompts us to rethink this general acceptance. These results suggest a common content of the two works, but also suggest that there may have been a common source from which they drew. Although al-Māturīdī did not make a similar classification, his use of the word gīla can be seen as another evidence for the existence of a historically earlier source. It is certain that further studies in this direction will yield clearer results regarding both the stylistic distinctions of the concepts of tafsīr and ta'wīl and the contributions of the authors to the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muhammad b. Jarīr al-Tabarī (d. 310/923) was a scholar who lived in Baghdad during the Abbasid period in the third and fourth centuries, when Islamic sciences were systematised and a considerable literature was penned. He is famous for being a well-rounded scholar and author who was distinguished as a mufassir, faqih, and historian, as well as being proficient in qira'ah, hadith, Arabic language and grammar, poetry, ethics, and medicine. In the fourth century, when the geography of Islam stretched from Andalusia to Khorasan, and many scholars such as the mutakallim Ash'arī (d. 324/935), the linguist Zajjāj (d. 311/923), the faqih Tahāwī (d. 321/933) and al-Karhī (d. 340/952), the muhaddith al-Nasaī (d. 303/915), the historian al-Masūdī (d. 345/956), the mufassir Ibn Abī Hātim (d. 327/938), al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944) and al-Jassās (d. 370/981 who influenced and shaped Islamic thought, were produced, he is one of the names that left a similar impact. Traveling to many Islamic lands and going on scholarly journeys, al-Tabari finally settled in Baghdad, where he would reside until his death, and wrote his famous tafsir Jāmi' al-bayān. In addition to his extraordinary tafsīr, which is considered by some scholars to have not yet been surpassed, his extant Tārīhu al-umam wa'l-mulūk, al-Tabsīr, Sarīhu alsunna, Zayl al-muzayyal, some of which have reached today, al-Tahzīb al-āsār, and Ikhtilaf al-fuqaha, there are other works that have not been extant or have not yet been unearthed, such as Latīf al-qawl, Basīt al-qawl, Ādāb al-kazā, al-Hafīf, al-Rad and Adab al-nufūs, as well as other works mentioned in the sources. This article discusses his work Latīf al-qawl fī ahkāmi sharā i al-Islām, which covers the topics of the usul al-fiqh and some furu al-fıqh and which we do not have, and makes some remarks about its content. In Ikhtilāf alfuqaha, al-Tabarī discussed the Ijtihāds of jurists such as Abu Hanīfa (d. 150/767), Imam Shāfi'ī (d. 204/820), and Imam Mālik (d. 179/795) and the differences of opinion between them, and then wrote Latīf al-qawl, which consists of eighty-three chapters and is said to be around two thousand five hundred pages, and he summarized it in his work al-Hafīf. Latīf al-qawl is a very valuable work in which he explains his opinions on fiqh in a comprehensive manner and which is accepted as a basis by his followers. In this book, al-Tabari explained and elaborated on his fatwas as the founder of the sect and his own preferences in usul al-fiqh. "I have two books from which no faqih can be without: al-Ihtilaf and al-Latīf." He said so, emphasizing the importance he attached to these two works. Considering the fact that his tafsir of around three thousand manuscript leafs is now published in twenty-odd volumes, it is understood that Latīf of two thousand five hundred leafs, which has not reached to the present day, is also a work of twenty volumes. This article aims to contribute to the understanding of al-Tabarī's identity as a faqīh by presenting the work to the scholars and to trace how his knowledge in the field of fiqh is affected by his tafsīr. Latīf al-qawl is mentioned in almost all of the sources that offer information about his biography and works, but there is limited information about its features and content. In this context, the most detailed information about the features of the work can be found in Hamawī's (d. 626/1229) Mu'jam al-udabā. Information on the issues it covers can be seen in alTabari's references to Latīf al-kawl in al-Jāmi' al-bayān. It was found that he referred to this work in more than twenty places, as he said, "Since we have explained this issue in Latīf al-kawl, we do not need to repeat it here." The author's references in his other works were also examined and then the information given by different authors about the content of Latīf al-qawl was compiled and evaluated. In this study, a special heading was opened for the topics of nāsih, mensūh; 'āmm, ḥāss; ijmā; qiyās; the obligation of statements of command and knowledge; and the related examples and tafsīr of the verses were examined, thus examining how al-Tabarī put into practice the method he followed and adopted in the usul al-fiqh and the method he adopted in the tafsīr of the ahkām verses. Since there is no research on Latīf al-qawl, it is hoped that the present work will contribute to the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The epistemological and theological framework constructed by the sect in the historical process offers its members a certain perception of religion and the world. This perception affects all of their intellectual and social activities. Tafsīr is one of the scholarly activities in which sectarian affiliation is effective. However, the activity of tafsīr often emerges as a product of the social framework and the mufassir's position within it. The phenomenon of sect is one of the most dominant factors at this point. Because it serves as an important framework that shapes Muslims' interpretation of verses and their perception of the Qur'an. The members of the sects resort to justifying their views on many issues with the Qur'an, even if they often do not carry a religious content and are essentially the product of sociopolitical rivalry. In this context the verses can be reconstructed by the members of the sect in a way that justifies the goals of the sect and can be subjected to different interpretations from other on the axis of the sect's understanding of religion. Tafsīr, theology (kalam) and fiqh books are filled with dozens of interpretations of verses and hadiths in this context. The same verse and hadith can be presented to members of different sects with very different interpretations. The structure of the Qur'anic language, which is suitable for justifying some beliefs in line with sectarian affiliation, has made the work of sectarians easier. However, in our opinion, the main problem in this matter is the determining effect of sectarian affiliation rather than the structure of the verses that can be understood differently. This article has tried to concretise the abstract issues mentioned above through the different interpretations of some verses associated with raj'a directly or indirectly. In this context, Imamite and Sunnite scholars were chosen as examples, and it was analysed how the same verse could be subjected to different interpretations by them due to the influence of sectarian affiliation. Ayyāshī, Abū al-Hasan al-Qummī, Abū Ja'far al-Tūsī, Abū 'Ali al-Tabersī, Shaykh Sadūq and Shaykh al-Mufīd are the Imamite scholars whose interpretations about raj'a are focused on. From Ahl al-Sunnah, the interpretations of Abū Mansūr al-Maturīdī and Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī have been analyzed. The fact that the number of Sunnī scholars who criticize the Imāmiyya with verses on the issue of raj'a is very small has led us to focus more on the interpretations of these two scholars. However, we have also tried to identify the interpretations of the few other scholars who have expressed an opinion on this issue and to present a more holistic picture. It has been observed that both the Imāmī and Sunnī scholars have resorted to various means to provide Qur'ānic evidence for their beliefs in the rec'a, such as "associating some verses with other verses that support their views, establishing an absolute uniformity between the past and the present through hadiths of questionable authenticity, conducting linguistic, contextual, and historical analyses within the framework of presuppositions, and expanding or narrowing the meanings of verses through subjective inferences." The most common evidence used by both Sunnī and Imāmī scholars to legitimize their sectarian views on the raj'a with the Qur'ān is exegesis of the Qur'ān with the Qur'ān. However, the scholars of both sects made serious methodological mistakes such as not paying attention to the internal unity of the verses, taking only a part of the verse, not looking at the siyāq and sibāq of the verses, ignoring other related verses, and sometimes linking verses to each other even though they are not related to the same subject. Similar problems were observed in the method of interpreting the verse with hadith. They used hadiths of doubtful authenticity as evidence and detached the hadith from its verbal and historical context. Both the Imāmī and Sunnī scholars have seen no harm in going beyond the literal meaning of the verse from time to time in order to justify themselves on the issue of raj'a. In other words, when the meaning of the verse contradicted the views advocated by a sect, the scholars of both sects put the views of their sects at the center and tried to adapt the verse to their own systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is stated in classical Islamic literature that Muslims, who were subjected to pressure and violence in expressing and living their beliefs in the early periods of the prophethood, migrated to Abyssinia with the permission or order of the prophet Muḥammad and stayed there for a while. Following the migration in question, it is reported that the Quraysh polytheists sent a delegation to Najāshī (Aṣḥama) (d. 9/630) to bring back the Muslims in Abyssinia and that the Qur'ān was recited by the Muslims in his presence. The reports include the reasons for the emergence of the idea of migration to Abyssinia, the stages of migration, some events that took place in Abyssinia, the returns that took place from time to time, the encounters of some Meccans and Muslims in the presence of Najāshī and the discussions between them, the prophet Muḥammad's sending of ambassador to convey various messages, Muslims' return to Medina etc. Reports on the subject are based on more than one source but vary in terms of content and chronology. So much so that these reports, which cannot be reconciled with each other, lead researchers to different interpretations, thinking that they contain contradictions. As a matter of fact, based on these reports that the Surah Maryam was recited in the presence of Najāshī, it was pointed out that it was revealed just before the migration to Abyssinia and that the surah was revealed to prepare the Muslims for this compulsory journey. Every information and reports about the revelation process of the Qur'ān is of great importance in terms of Basic Islamic Sciences and especially Tafsīr and History of the Qur'ān. The scientific value of the determination or conclusion reached using these reports and field-related resources is closely related to the research method used. These reports about the nuzūl period are evaluated and interpreted by each discipline of Basic Islamic Sciences within the framework of their own principles. There are also sources applied by each discipline. This situation causes the inability to evaluate different reports and data from different sources together in examining any subject, preventing seeing the whole picture and negatively affecting reaching comprehensive and more accurate conclusions. On the other hand, when examining an event, instead of making determinations based on a single report, it is important to consider all the reports that can be accessed on the subject, together with their sanads, without limiting the source, in determining historical facts. In this article, the Integrative Approach method, which is proposed as an alternative method and aims to reach objective judgments based on the connection between the elements in the reports with the common use of classical Islamic literature, has been used. This method, which is recommended for the purpose of identifying hadiths, aims to create authentic texts about the Prophet by applying all rational and transmitted data. This method considers the limitation of sources unnecessary and accepts all works in the religious, historical, geographical and cultural fields as the sources of information. In addition, it aims to examine the reports collected from these sources and their sanads by associating them with similar reports. In this context, reports about the verses recited in the presence of Najāshī were examined, and reports compiled from sources from various fields were tried to be relatable to each other. In the study, in addition to the reports and sanads related to the subject, similar reports were also examined in relation to each other. It was attempted to make determinations based on the expressions of action, time and objects in the reports analyzed. As a result of these determinations, although there are various differences in expression, it was confirmed that the reports in question are different expressions of the same event, and that the Surah Maryam was recited by Ca'far (d. 8/629) in the presence of Najāshī in an environment where Meccans and Christian clergy were present. It was understood that this recitation incident was an answer after some discussions between the parties. However, this recitation was not, as is generally accepted, immediately after the migration, which took place in the Mecca period in the 5th year of the prophethood, but about 12 years after the aforementioned date, at the beginning of the 7th year of the migration to Medina, it has been concluded that the letter sent by the prophet Muhammad to Najāshī happened around the same time he received it. Again, it has been reached that the Surah Maryam was revealed in Medina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author of the book, Hüseyin Zamur, who deals with the issue of isrāʾīliyyāt in the Shīʿīte tafsīr tradition, made an evaluation specifically about the first seven centuries. In the first chapter, he draws a general picture of the reasons for Isrāʾīliyyāt's transition to Islamic sources, then tries to portray how the issue is seen from the Shīʿa perspective. In the second part, the author evaluates the isrāʾīlī narrations about the prophets and their tribes that were reflected in the Shīʿīte commentaries written in the first seven centuries, while in the third and last chapter, he touches upon the isrāʾīlī narrations regarding various issues, especially creation. This book review first evaluates Zamur’s book and then problematizes the following points: the work does not question the beginning of the criticism of isrāʾīliyyāt in the Shīʿīte tafsīr tradition, it does not fully distinguish between the Shīʿīte/Akhbārī school and the Uṣūli school influenced by Mu‘tazila, and therefore it does not explain the importance of Mu‘tazilī tradition in the background of the criticism of isrāʾīliyyāt in Shīʿa. It is criticized on some procedural and substantive points, such as overlooking the influence of tazili, and lastly, comparing Shīʿīte tafsīrs with the Ahl al-Sunnah in terms of isrāʾīliyyāt, and generally comparing them with later tafsīrs rather than Sunnī works of the same period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mehmet Kılıçarslan, in his book Müşkilu'l-Kur'ân -I-Lafız ve İ´râb Kaynaklı İşkâl, goes to the roots of the questions about the meaning arising from the linguistic structure of the Qur'ān and reveals their solutions. He also evaluates the status of the translations within the framework of these questions. Kılıçarslan's main goal is to show tafsīr researchers and general tafsir readers the issues they should pay attention to against the possible problems they may encounter in understanding the Qur'ān. In doing so, the author underlines the fact that the Qur'ān is Arabic, uses the possibilities of the language, and was revealed in a specific context, and argues that the problems experienced are largely due to the overlooking of these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Lessons in the Presence of Sultan of Ottomans in the Ottoman Empire were exegesis classes held during Ramadan under the sultan's chairmanship within the framework of a specific plan and program. These lectures were held during the reign of Mustafa III in m. 1759 and continued until the abolition of the caliphate. In the Islamic scholarly tradition, Huzur Lectures are similar to scholarly gatherings such as muhākemāt, muhādarāt and majālīs. Leading scholars of the period took part in these lectures as mukarrir (lecturer) and interlocutor (discussant). The sultans attended these meetings as listeners, discussants and administrators. The main subject of the lectures was the verses of the Qur'an. After the takrir, the discussion committee asked questions to the mukarrir and made evaluations with the question-and-answer method. The Lessons in the Presence of Sultan of Ottomans are a subject of the science of tafsir in terms of interpretation and discussion of Qur'anic verses. However, the Lessons in the Presence of Sultan of Ottomans have been the subject of disciplines other than tafsir such as history, literature and religious education. Research in the literature has been conducted in the context of Mardin's Huzur Dersleri. However, it has been determined that Mardin's work does not indicate the changes made in the takrir committee with information such as the fact that some mukarrirs could not perform their lectures due to health, death and other reasons. For this reason, in addition to Mardin's work, Huzur Lectures should be analyzed more comprehensively by taking into account the Mashihat-ı Islamiye Sicill-i Ahvâl books, State Archives, invitations to lectures, newspapers and magazines of the period and other documents. In this study, by examining these sources, the data on how many verses the muqarrirs recited during which sultan's reign were investigated in a multidimensional way, and the information that seemed to be in dispute was eliminated. The Lessons in the Presence of Sultan of Ottomans, where the verse(s) recited could not be identified, were not taken into consideration. In this study, a chronology of the Lessons in the Presence of Sultan of Ottomans were created by examining how many verses were recited in which sultan's reign and by whom. The Lessons in the Presence of Sultan of Ottomans, which continued in the presence of a total of ten sultans and one caliph in a historical period spanning nearly two centuries, were subjected to changes in procedures and rules over time. The transition to the Mushaf classified is one of these changes. In this context, by analyzing the documents of Gümülcineli Ahmed Āsım Efendi, who served in the Lessons in the Presence of Sultan of Ottomans for 41 years, we have made predictions about which verses may have been taught in some lessons and by whom. Our research criticizes a few issues related to the relevant field around the following questions: Could the Lessons in the Presence of Sultan of Ottomans be considered as a different interpretation work in the context of the Qur'anic verses in its performance? Did the mukarrir (reporter) masters put the verses independent of each other on the agenda in the recitation of the lessons? Is it possible to talk about a integrated tafsir activity in these lessons, which were held from 1200 Hijri onwards, in which various scholars were supposed to exegete the verses in order according to the order of the Mushaf? To answer these questions, the tradition in question should be examined in detail, and it should be determined what kind of method the mukarrirs (reporters) followed in the selection of the subject verse. Also, it has been observed that many researchers working on this subject are content to cite Mardin's Huzur Dersleri as a source. However, this situation gives rise to other problems. It has been determined that a great deal of information in Mardin's work needs to be criticized. Thus, by not being satisfied with the information here, Directorate of State Archives, meshihat archives, it is thought that the course invitations, newspapers and magazines of the period, and other documents should be investigated in a multifaceted way. In this process, the verses presented and the information related to them were analyzed and the disputed data was analyzed. On the other hand, there is no period-person-based analysis of the verses read either. Through the information that meets this triple criterion, it is foreseen that an important step can be taken to examine Huzur Lectures as the subject of the science of tafsir and to determine which other disciplines they can be the subject of. Based on the results of this research, the information obtained from the sources is examined by making a chronological classification of the verse(s) subject to the lessons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lifespan can be defined as the entirety of time spent by an individual in the scene of existence. Birth, life, death and the encompassing concept of lifespan are constantly occupying the human thought world and real life. Throughout history, humanity has tried to stay away from the fact of death as an event that ends his existence on earth. For each individual human being, death cannot be completely denied, but neither is it a fact that can easily be surrendered. Therefore, throughout human history, mankind has essentially desired immortality. In the face of the impossibility of immortality and the inevitability of death, humanity has desired at least to live as long as possible on Earth. Although it is not within one's control to choose whether one's life will be long or short, the desire for a long life is almost present in every individual. In this context, the phenomenon of longevity has emerged as an issue that has preoccupied the human mind throughout history. As is known, Allah has conveyed His revelation to people, taking into account individual and societal matters that concern them, while considering their social, cultural, historical knowledge and accumulations. In this regard, certain topics related to life, lifespan, and death have found their place directly and indirectly in the Qur’an. Both directly referring to human lifespan and containing expressions regarding the possibility of longevity, the desire for long life in humans, and the value of life, there are verses in the Qur’an. As far as we could determine, there is no study in our literature that deals with the concept of life or long life from the perspective of the Qur’an alone. Therefore, the subject of this study has been determined as the phenomenon of longevity from the perspective of the Qur’an. The aim of the study is to fill a gap in the field by presenting the phenomenon of longevity as comprehensively and complementarily as possible from the perspective offered by the Qur’an. While some verses of the Qur’an are directly related to longevity, others indirectly address the topic. In this context, primarily, the verses containing the concept of longevity were identified within the scope of this study. When these verses are classified, it is seen that the Qur’an touches upon the desire for long life in humans, the possibility of long life for humans, and the value of longevity for humans. Therefore, after briefly explaining the concepts of life and longevity, the issue of the desire for long life in humans is examined. It can be understood from the verses that the desire for longevity in humans is inherent in human nature, provided that it does not exceed the limits. However, desiring a longevity is condemned with the purpose of denying life after death and the accountability that will take place, as exemplified by the Jews. Whether life is short or long is in the hands of Allah. The Qur’anic verses confirm that it is possible for human life to exceed the generally accepted average human lifespan. In fact, a human living longer than an average period is a reality. However, what the verses emphasize in this regard is that Allah determines the lifespan, and the lifespan of every individual is recorded by Allah at the very beginning. Additionally, the verses indicate that if a person is granted a very long life, this situation will result in a reversal in terms of the individual's creation. Therefore, since it is possible for a person to become ignorant of what they know, in the Islamic world, a longevity is described as a state that should not be desired. Finally, it should be noted that whether life is short or long does not add value to life on its own. According to the Qur’an, the factors that give value to life are faith and righteous deeds. In this regard, a long life adorned with faith and righteous deeds, lived until the last breath, is highly valuable in the sight of Allah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Qur'an is an unparalleled treasure as a linguistic and literary source. One of its literary aspects is the concepts within the Qur'an. Understanding the Qur'an necessitates accurately comprehending the words and expressions used in the verses. This requires identifying the root meaning of these words and the meanings they have acquired over time. This study examines and evaluates the important concept of “zīnat” (ornament/adornment), which adds richness to the Qur'an. The aim of this research is to identify the lexical meanings of the term "zīnat," the meanings it conveys, and its usage in the verses. To access the sources for this study, a review of printed materials was conducted. As the study focuses on the examination of the concept of zīnat in the Qur'an, the lexical meanings of this term were identified first. The primary focus of the study is the analysis of the term “zīnat” and other words used in similar meanings. After identifying the concept, its usage forms in the Qur'an were included. Considering the scope of the study, words related to zīnat in the Qur'an were included. However, not every concept with a semantic relationship to zīnat was included. Therefore, some words with similar meanings that do not appear in the Qur'an were not included in this research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Holy Quran was written down when the Prophet (pbuh) died but it was not made into a Mushaf. One reason for this is that the process of revelation was not completed. It is said that another reason of this is the phenomenon of abrogation. In this context, in the last arza before the death of the Prophet (pbuh), the content of the Quran took its final form and the abrogated verses (as an expression) remained outside the text of the Quran. This arrangement in the last arza was taken as basis when the Quran was compiled and turned into a Mushaf during the reign of Abu Bakr. In this regard, some narrations about abrogated verses are included in hadith books. It is mentioned that rajm verse, breastfeeding verse, and some parts of Surah al-Ahzâb and al-Bayyina were abrogated. Therefore, narrations about abrogated verses (as an expression) and their evaluation are important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, with the aim of examining and explaining the Qur'an, universe and human together and revealing the method of interpreting these three truths, Çankırı Karatekin University Faculty of Islamic Sciences, Department of Tafsir, Dr. Lecturer. The book of the PhD study that was completed and defended by Dr. Yahya Arslan in 2022 and then was published in 2023 under the title "Qur'an-Unıverse-Human The Methodology of Understanding and Interpreting the Three Books" will be evaluated. The main reason why this study was chosen for criticism is that the book has a face that is very much oriented towards current issues in terms of its topics. In fact, as far as I have researched before we start to evaluate this book, there is no study on this issue evaluates the Qur'an, the universe and the human being together and deals with the relationship between these three truths in detail. The book consists of four chapters in total, including an introduction. In the introduction part, the subject and the importance of the research, its scope and sources are stated, and then the concepts of the Qur'an, the universe and the human being and the relationship between these concepts are explained in general terms. The first part of the book is titled "The Book of the Cosmos" and the second part is called "The Book of Man". In these two chapters, the universe and human beings are analyzed in the light of the Qur'anic narrative and the interpretations of the commentators through their characteristics and some events that took place in them. In the conclusion, after a general evaluation, the necessity of reading, understanding and interpreting the three books together is pointed out with the data and suggestions obtained. It is concluded that it is possible to understand and interpret the Qur'an, the universe and the human books together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Medinan period of revelation, the formation and evolution process of the first Islamic society was completed. In this process, it is necessary to draw attention to the concepts of the Qur'an, which are recognized only in the Medinan Surahs, influence Islamic society from different manners and the field of meaning built by these concepts. In this study, five concepts that are effective in the field of belief, worship and law will be examined in terms of gaining Islamic identity to believers. The concept of "al-Yaumu'l-Ahir" (The Last Day) in terms of belief was emphasized in the Medinan period of the revelation as an emphasis on the need for the principles of belief to be effective in shaping one's life. In the field of worship, the concept of qard al-hasan was only mentioned in the Medinan surahs. "Qard al-hasan" is described as the debt given to Allah in the Qur'an. This definition has been the target of the criticism of the People of the Book. Another concept that will be emphasized in the article is the "Hududullah" that pointed out to remain within the limits determined by Allah in legal issues. The concept of "Jahiliyya", which expresses the understanding of life outside the boundaries drawn by Islam, is another expression studied in this paper. In the Qur'an, the previous thought structure and lifestyle, which is not based on monotheism, is described as "Jahiliyya" and the Islamic character, the world of mind and life are brought to the fore. Thus, the person is expected to be determined in both the belief and the world of faith, to stay away from the mistakes and to remain in Islamic religion by realizing the mistakes he has made. Moreover, one of the concepts that are mentioned only in Medinan surahs is the concept of sin (جناح), which is in the form of a sin to Turkish. Finally, the word jibt is mentioned in a single verse, describing everything that is worshiped other than Allah. In this article, the impact of revelation on Islamic society during the Medinan period will be examined through the six concepts mentioned above. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the revelation of the Holy Qur'an a number of allegations regarding the name al-Rahmân have been made. Some of these allegations are asserting the fact that the name al-Rahmân has a foreign origin, that it was not mentioned in the Jahiliyyah period, that it belongs only to a certain period, that it is used as a proper name, that it is not mentioned in relation to the creatures, that it is always mentioned alone, that it is only mentioned in matters related to the Ahl al-Bayt, that some Judeo-Christian concepts and otherworldly matters are mentioned with this It is better to shorten this sentence. Based on all these, it has been tried to prove that the Qur'ân is not a divine book and that it was written by humans. This study aims to identify and respond to the allegations of the polytheists living in the Meccan period and some scholars who conducted research on the Qur'ân around the name al-Rahmân. First of all, the etymological structure of the name al-Rahmân was examined, the meanings given to this name by the commentators were determined, and the depth of meaning of this attribute was tried to be revealed in the Qur'ânic verses in which the name al-Rahmân is mentioned. Afterwards, the allegations about the name rahmân and the verses in which this name exists were tried to be answered within the integrity of the Qur'ân, by revealing the data and methods of the science of tafsîr, and by referring to the works of the scholars who were interested in this subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to identify the primary objectives of the narratives found in extensive passages of the Qur'an. These narratives primarily serve to guide and enlighten individuals. Moreover, they demonstrate that Islam and its principles are not new phenomena but rather a continuation of the teachings of previous prophets. The narratives aim to recount historical events, and to take a consideration for present and future generations. These narratives also provide a brief history of the ongoing struggle between belief and disbelief, and emphasize the consistent nature of human behavior in this struggle through different ages. By emphasizing the existence, unity, and omnipotence of Allah, these narratives provide evidence that Muhammad, who conveyed them through revelation without prior knowledge of past prophets and communities, is indeed the Messenger of Allah. This study aims to explain the main purposes of these Qur'anic narratives, which are dispersed throughout various works, and to explore why narratives are so prevalent in the Qur'an. The Qur'an functions as the primary source for this study, supplemented by narrative materials from classical tafsir and sirah sources, as well as modern literature. The main objectives of the Qur'anic narratives are presented in bullet points for clarity. The study reveals that, these narratives serve various other purposes in addition to its offering of advice and lessons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the intricate nature of the science of tafsir. It discusses the function of tafsir within the framework of identifying the principles of tafsir methodology and tafsir narrations. The book’s contribution to the science of tafsir is emphasized by underlining that it aims to provide essential details for understanding and addressing the subject and comparing classical and modern understandings of tafsir. In addition, the scientific value of tafsir and its relationship with other Islamic sciences is examined. The work primarily focuses on identifying and analyzing the discussions regarding the nature of tafsir within Islamic thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the features of Arabic grammar that must be taken into account in Qur'anic interpretation is related to the purpose for which third person singular pronouns are used. The general opinion is that these pronouns should in all cases be preceded by a noun that is compatible with it in number and gender. However, it is overlooked here that third person singular pronouns are also used as "demonstrative pronouns" in the Qur'an. A similar problem exists in the interpretation of the two "هو" pronouns used in the expression "ِ وَإنِْ مِن أهَْل ٱلْكِتَابِ إ ليَؤُمْنَِن بِه قبَْلَ موَتْهِ "mentioned in the verse (Nisā 4/159). In this study, using qualitative research method, examples of the interpretation of the verse (Nisā 4/159) in tafsir and Turkish Qur'an translations were analysed. The general tendency in the commentaries and translations is that the first pronoun here should be interpreted as the personal pronoun of ʿĪsā and the second pronoun should be interpreted as the personal pronoun of each member of the People of the Book or ʿĪsā. In this context, the relevant part of the verse is usually interpreted as follows: "There is no one from among the People of the Book who will not believe in him (ʿĪsā) before his death." (Nisā 4/159) In the analysis, it was concluded that the interpretation of the first, third-person singular pronoun in the verse Nisā 4/159 as a demonstrative pronoun referring to the belief that 'ʿĪsā was killed by crucifixion' and the second pronoun as a personal pronoun referring to each of the Jews is the most compatible with the context of the verse. Accordingly, the verse does not foretell that the members of the People of the People of the Book will believe in the Prophet ʿĪsā immediately before their deaths, but that they will persistently maintain the belief that the Prophet ʿĪsā was crucified and killed until their deaths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the Qur'an's address to the Ahl al-kitab, especially the Jews, at the end of the Meccan period, which corresponds to the pre-Hijrah period. Although the Prophet's and Muslims' intense confrontation corresponds to the Medinan period, it is known that the Ahl al-kitab were addressed directly or indirectly from the early years of the Prophethood. In addition, by the end of the Meccan period, the communication between Arabs and Jews and their common attitude against revelation was a matter that the Qur'an took into consideration. The intervention of the revelation in this situation was to remind the Jews that their religion and prophets came from the same source as the Muslims and that they should be on the side of the Muslims, not the polytheist Arabs. In this direction, one of the messages given to the Ahl al-kitab groups through the Jews was to remind them of the oppositional attitudes of their ancestors towards the prophets sent to them and to prevent them from falling into similar mistakes. When the relevant verses are evaluated, it is understood that the interlocutors of the period were made aware of the post-Hijrah period in various ways, and especially the Muslims were informed to get along well with the believers of the Ahl al-kitab groups by taking into account the same common features. In this study, we will examine the verses that correspond to the pre-Hijrah period that we have previously identified and evaluate the messages given about the post-Hijrah period in the case of the Jews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the first temple of the earth, the house of Allah on earth, the qibla of the Islam, the Kaʿba draws attention in terms of being the oldest temple of the geography where the verses of the Qurʾān were revealed, and the foundations of the Islam were shaped. In this context, it is essential to investigate the position of the Kaʿba in the pre-Islamic period, its place in the Arab society and the symbolic meanings of the figures and paintings in its sacred area. When the Kaʿba is examined in the light of the data in the narrations, the idols of people from 360 different tribes and religions in the haram area (sacred boundary area), the statue of Hubal, who has common features with the deity Baal and is considered one of the most important gods of Mecca, the figures of prophet Abraham, who is depicted drawing the fortune arrows of Hubal, and the relatively small statue of Ishmael, the ancestor of the Arabs, standing next to him, a pair of horns believed to belong to the ram that Abraham sacrificed in place of Ishmael, and depictions of many prophets, including Mary and Jesus, trees and angels. It is known through narrations that the Kaʿba remained in this state until the conquest of Mecca by the Prophet Muhammad and his companions. However, information on the dates when these images and figures began to be placed is controversial. The lack of written sources about the pre-Islamic period in Arabia and the lack of archaeological data due to geographical conditions are generally the main problems of Qurʾānic history studies. For this reason, the interpretations to be made on the limited amount of information obtained should be evaluated in terms of providing ideas for future studies. The fact that the information about the Kaʿba from the preIslamic period has disappeared has made it necessary for us to investigate the subject mostly within the framework of narrations. Since we do not have visuals of the materials inside the Kaʿba, in-text visuals were created with artificial intelligence (AI) based on the descriptive and illustrative expressions in the narrations to give the reader an idea and help him visualize the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the accurate means of conveying the message of the Qurʾān to pe ople is to examine the way in which a concept in the Qurʾān is dealt with in the whole verses. In this context, Arabic poetry is used to determine the pre-Qurʾānic meaning of the concept and to reveal the new meaning it acquired with the revelation of the Qurʾān. The couplets in Jāhiliyya poetry in which the concept occurs are analyzed semantically to determine its meaning. The root 'q-d-r' appears in the Qurʾān mostly in relation to the attributes and actions of Allah. In the present study, 18 verses in which the concept is used in addition to these verses have been analysed, and firstly, it has been determined examples from Arabic dictionaries and Arabic poetry that the word has root meanings such as limit, amount, measure, value, strength; and when used with the “alā” preposition (harf al-jarr), limited spending, narrowing of sustenance, ability to afford, and seizing. Then, the usage of the root in the Qurʾān verses was discussed and it was determined that it has various meanings in accordance with its root meaning such as limit, amount, strength, limited means of livelihood, seizing and punishing, measuring and deciding about something, fate and quantity. Moreover, in some verses express that it is expressed that it is very wrong for people to be deceived by the blessings and ornaments of the world and to think that they have power, and the disappointment of those who possess these things when they lose them unexpectedly when they do not act in accordance with Allah's commands. The hopelessness and helplessness that come with this disappointment also causes damage to a person's personality. It is emphasised that in the face of natural disasters such as earthquakes, floods and storms that people are exposed to from time to time material means, technical equipment, physical tools and equipment are useless and that people should live their lives being aware of their helplessness in the face of the power of Allah, the absolute ruler of the universe, and that they should feel dependent on Allah in every respect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muhammad Ibn Abū Bakr al-Rāzī tafsīr (d. 666/1268); in his two works, “Tafsīru Surat alAn’ām” and “Gharīb al-Qur’ān,” examined the variations in qira’at. This study focuses on the relationship between qira’at and tafsīr in “Gharīb al-Qur’ān.” This article has two aims. The first one is to analyze al-Rāzī’s contributions to the relationship between qira’at and tafsīr, he is a versatile scholar with his works in qira’at and tafsīr along with in various fields. The second one is to examine the reflection of the differences of the farshī qira’at in strange (gharīb) and obscure (mushkīl) words on the tafsīr of this work, which was written in the Gharīb al-Qur’ān order. Al-Rāzī employed a unique method in “Gharīb al-Qur’ān” that was not used in any previous or subsequent works on the sciences of the Qur’ān, semantic meanings of the Qur’ān, qira’at and tafsīr. The method followed in this article is as follows. Priority was given to al-Rāzī’s tafsīrs. Research articles in the academic literature on the relationship between qira’at and tafsīr in the Gharīb al-Qur’ān style works of Ahl al-Ma’ānī scholars were scanned. In addition to the sources and methodology of al-Rāzī’s work analyzing the relationship between qira’at and tafsīr, the study includes the concepts corresponding to the imams and scholars of qira’at, and the mutawatir, mashhur, and shāz qira’ats, which include the al-Rāzī’s qira’at preferences. In the last sections of the study, the differences in the qira’at of the strange words in some verses are analyzed in terms of their reflection on tafsīr. The differences of qira’atsreflected in tafsīr have provided a richness of interpretation in terms of reflecting the spirit of the centuries before the revelation of the Qur’an and living in the spirit of the centuries during and after the revelation of the Qur’an. Qur’ān with the richness of interpretation provided by the differences in qira’at offered a road map from its ancient past to its boundless future, in universal perspective in time and space. As a result, this work demonstrates that without addressing the farshī qira’at differences in “Gharīb al-Qur’ān”-style tafsīrs, the explanation of gharīb, mushkīl, and difficult words, the interpretation of verses most simply and tafsīr of Qur’an would remain incomplete. In this context, it is important to bring the relationship between qira’at and tafsīrin al-Rāzī’s Gharīb al-Qur’ān to the academic literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mutakallimun proceduralists based the issues they dealt with regarding the method of fiqh on their understanding of language and kalam; for this reason, kalami and language considerations were significantly emphasized in the works of the Mutakallimun proceduralists. The command-willpower relationship is one of the topics discussed in the fiqh sources, based on the kalami understanding of the sects and revealing the mental codes of the sects. In general, Mu'tazili usul scholars argued that the command requires the willpower of the one who commands; on the other hand, other usul scholars, who constitute the majority, argued that the command does not require the willpower of the one who commands. This study clarifies Qadi Abd al-Jabbar's (d. 415/1025) view that command requires and discusses the place and justification of this issue within the Mu'tazili paradigm. Then, on the basis of his views on the relationship between command and willpower, Qadi Abd al-Jabbir's approach to the issues related to the evidence of absolute command is revealed. The effect of the Mu'tazilites' distinctive views of taklif, God's justice, and the understanding of husun-kubuh on the justification of these issues was revealed. This study aims to determine the place of the issue of God's justice, which is a theological principle, in the justification of the procedural issues discussed within the framework of the relationship between the command and the will and the evidence of the command. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The science of Wujuh-nazāir is a sub-branch of the science of tafsir or orientation, which is dealt with within the ulum al-Qur'an in the methodology of tafsir, which predates the emergence of the Islamic sciences, which are the earliest examples of exegesis of the Qur'an with the Qur'an, and which examines the different meanings that the words of the Qur'an acquire wherever they are mentioned. At this point in history, various definitions of the science of wujuh-nazāir have been made. However, these definitions do not fully reflect the intentions of the early authors, and they have removed the related concepts from their content, especially with the recent understanding of wujuh-naza'ir, the naza'ir dimension of the subject taking on a very different meaning. In our opinion, the terms are defined differently from how they are used in the "wujuh-nazāir" literature because their definitions were not clearly defined in the early works written in this field. In this study of the science of wujūh-nazāir, which was considered necessary by scholars for the sake of understanding and interpretation of the Qur'an and in which works were written from the early periods, the definitions were analyzed and evaluated. An attempt was made to formulate the definition of the science in order to reveal the intentions of the founder and first author of this science, Muqatil ibn Sulayman (d. 150/767) and the scholars who followed in his footsteps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Quranic verses on rulings are termed verses of ahkam, and the tafsirs that specifically examine these verses are typically referred to as Ahkam al-Qur'an. This study compares the Akam al-Qur'an of Abu Ja'far al-Tahavi, who lived in the late 3rd century AH and early 4th century AH, with the Ahkam al-Qur'an of Abu Bakr al-Razi al-Jassas, who lived in the 4th century AH. Both were scholars following the teachings of the Hanafi school. The comparison in this study is limited to the general methods used by the mufassirs in their respective boks. It is preceded by a brief account of their lives and circumstances, which are likely to have influenced the approaches they adopted in their works. The comparison is organized under two main headings, addressing the mufassirs' use of riwayah (reports) and ra'y (opinions). The section on riwayah examines the mufassirs' explanations of the Qur'an based on other parts of the Qur'an, the sunnah, the sayings of the Prophet's (saw) companions and immediate successors, and naskh (abrogation). On the other hand, the section on ra'y uses examples to reveal the methodology of hadith and the methodology of fiqh in the two tafsirs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When academic research in any branch of science reaches a certain number in terms of quantity, analyzes are made on these studies. Thanks to these analyses, it is visible with a panoramic view in which direction field research is expanding and in which direction the trend of scientific interest is moving. In this respect, such analyzes also provide some suggestions to the younger generation of researchers. One of the most emphasized names in Turkish academia is Said Nursi. It is seen that many academics, especially in various departments of theology faculties, have written articles specifically about Nursi. Apparently, intellectual interest in Nursi and his works will continue at a certain level. This study aims to conduct a descriptive analysis of these academic articles. Articles written about Nursi; authors, number of authors, year and journal published, subjects, etc. It was analyzed according to the parameters. As a method, quantitative data of 210 articles obtained from the scanning of Isam and Dergipark databases with certain keywords were interpreted. In this regard, a mixed method was applied in the research. As a result, it was observed that articles on Nursi peaked in terms of quantity in 2016 and 2017, there was only one researcher with a large number of articles specializing in Nursi, the authors adopted a descriptive method far from being critical about Nursi, very few articles were published in theology faculty journals compared to the total number of publications and most importantly, the publications were quite clearly concentrated in a few journals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Qur'an al-Karim, which has been preserved with the utmost care since the beginning of Islam, has been preserved not only in the minds but also in written form in mushafs. For this purpose, while the verses were written on various materials by the scribes of revelation during the Prophet's period, the verses written on the existing material were turned into a book during the reign of the first caliph, Hazrat Abu Bakr, and this book was named as mushaf. By the time of Hazrat Uthman, serious debates arose as a result of the fact that Muslims who came together from different regions on the occasion of the conquest movements realised that some Qur'anic words were read differently. In order to put an end to these debates, which could raise doubts about the authenticity of the Qur'an, copies of the Qur'an were reproduced under the leadership of Caliph 'Uthman, and these copies were sent to the leading Islamic cities of the period with a teacher. The recitation forms of the Companions, which were approved by the Prophet, spread in that region over time and formed the basis for the formation of schools of qiraat. The reading forms belonging to the schools that emerged in the cities of Medina, Mecca, Basra, Damascus and Kufa have continued to exist for centuries through the science of qiraat. The science of qiraat, which deals with the ways of reading the words of the Qur'an, fulfils the duty of preserving the differences approved by the Prophet and transferring them to the next generations. In the fulfilment of this task, the works written on the field play a leading role in addition to the ongoing Qiraat teachings. It is possible to mention some effects of these differences in Qur'anic words on Islamic sciences. This is because qiraat differences can be utilised in sciences such as jurisprudence and theology, especially in tafsir. Within the scope of these sciences, the differences in the words of the Qur'an have been used to make sense ofthe verses and to form the basis for some judgements. In this study, which includes the determination of sahih and shaz qiraat differences and the effect of these differences on interpellation, the last ten suras (between Fil-Nas) in the order of the mushaf, which are among the qisar al-mufassal suras are examined. In this study, it is tried to determine the differences in the authentic qiraat as well as the shadh qiraats to the extent permitted by the sources. For this purpose, the study first gives brief information about the sürah under separate headings for each sürah, and then points out the words with differences in the verses. Whether the differences have an effect on the meaning or not is tried to be determined by considering the sources of tafsir and arabic grammar. All the identified differences are presented in the form of a table at the end of the study. As a result of this research, it has been observed that almost all of the sürahs and verses examined have differences in terms of both ferş al-hurüf and usul within the framework of sahih qiraat. It is also observed in the study that there are also some shaz qiraat disputes that have a form quite different from the existing form of the verses in terms of wording. Although it is seen that the differences under both titles, sahih and shaz, can cause a change in meaning in some places, it has been observed that they perform the function of enriching the meaning rather than changing it completely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Journal of Islamic Civilization Studies / İslam Medeniyeti Araştırmaları Dergisi (IMAD) is the property of Islam Medeniyeti Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)