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This paper examines the critical shift in geographical knowledge production under the increasingly authoritarian political regime in Turkey, particularly in the aftermath of the unsuccessful 2016 coup attempt. In this context, semi-structured interviews were conducted with sixteen young geographers who experienced the authoritarian shift in the political regime during their graduate studies. The narratives of the interviewees indicate that the young geographers have undergone a critical transformation with two significant aspects: firstly, they reject the traditional style of geographical knowledge production and instead embrace approaches integrated with social theory, drawing from the extensive portfolio of contemporary geography. Secondly, they approach socio-spatial phenomena in a libertarian and critical manner, distinct from the lenses of the authoritarian system. However, due to their legitimate concerns, they often refrain from presenting such research on academic platforms. In this regard, under an authoritarian regime, the critical transformation consists of two dimensions: the arena where geographical products are shared, and the underground, where geographical 'black boxes' are held and kept hidden from public view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Illiberal governance is on the rise across the globe. At the same time, China and Russia are expanding their investment and political presence in many countries. Most studies link these two trends—the rise of domestic illiberalism and China's and Russia's growing geopolitical influence—often assuming that both Beijing and Moscow are responsible for the spread of autocratic values across the globe. Instead, we find that China and Russia are leveraging existing illiberal trends to expand their global reach. In this article, we analyze media coverage between 2015 and 2022 in Hungary, Türkiye, and Kyrgyzstan of these countries' respective bilateral relations with China and Russia, and we show that countries pursue their own interests by collaborating with China and Russia, often framing external engagement as a positive political and economic development. Our analysis shows that China's foreign messaging is consolidated around a set of ideals, while Russian engagement is mostly driven by anti‐Western sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of REMIE - Multidisciplinary Journal of Educational Research is the property of Hipatia Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This piece offers an introduction to US foreign policy toward the Iraqi Kurds since the First World War by dividing that policy into seven discernible stages—from Wilson's Fourteen Points to the actions of the Trump administration. In doing so, I query whether the existence of US foreign policy toward the Kurds has been more active and supportive during Democratic Party administrations or Republican Party administrations. Are there any clear indications as to which party has been better for the Iraqi Kurds? Or is US foreign policy toward the Iraqi Kurds unequivocally dependent on regional dynamics and US interests, not on which political party is governing or the values they espouse? The central argument is that American policy toward the Iraqi Kurds has mostly been dependent on changing regional dynamics, particularly on the changing nature of the United States relationships with Iraq, Turkey, Iran, and Syria, and this does not seem to be affected strongly by which US party holds the presidency. Perhaps counter‐intuitively, there is no evidence to suggest the Democrats have been better for the Iraqi Kurds than the Republicans. While some of the most significant setbacks for the Kurds occurred during Republican administrations, their two most essential political achievements were also during Republican administrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of SHILAP Revista de Lepidopterologia is the property of Sociedad Hispano-Luso-Americana de Lepidopterologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper investigates possible sociopolitical reconciliatory mechanisms to garner support for peacemaking in conflict-torn societies. Building on the Kurdish question in Turkey, associated with a four-decade-long armed conflict that has spilled over into neighboring Syria and Iraq, we identify policies and framing that can attract support for a political solution to the conflict. We highlight the need for a sociopolitical reconciliatory approach that addresses both the hopes of the warring minority and the fears of the majority. The results from an original nationwide survey indicate that minority demands can initially be addressed through a 'soft settlement,' lying between individual and collective rights. Our results point to the need to relax the concept of negotiated settlement, which has become the most frequent approach to ending internal armed conflicts in the post-Cold War era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the sources of Turkish, Iranian, and Saudi soft power in the Middle East through the utilization of Joseph Nye's soft power concept. The study is based on three claims. The first claim argues that there exists an increasing discrepancy between espoused values and actual practices in Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia at home, which may undermine their soft power. The second claim contends that cognizant of the fact that the Palestinian cause is a major concern for most of the Middle Eastern people, all of the three states pursue an active foreign policy to alleviate the plight of the Palestinians. Finally, the last claim upholds that Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia have been benefitting, albeit to varying extents, from high culture products such as education and popular culture products such as mass entertainment and tourism to appeal to the public in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analyses de Population & Avenir is the property of Population & Avenir and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Knowledge of the insect microbiota remains largely unexplored. The intestinal microbiome of Marchalina hellenica (Gennadius, 1883) (Hemiptera, Margarodidae) was determined in the current study. This species is the main source of pine honey production. A pool of 100 samples were selected, representing the distribution of M. hellenica in the province of Mugla, Turkey. API Staph tests were used to assess Gram-positive bacteria, while API 20NE and API 20E tests were used to assess Gram-negative bacteria. As a result, 33 Gram-negative and 15 Gram-positive isolates were obtained from samples collected from 44 different locations. Among Gram-positive, 14 out of 15 belonged to Staphylococcus spp. Among Gram-negative, 22 out of 33 belonged to Aeromonas spp. This is the first study intended to determine the intestinal microbiome of M. hellenica. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of refugee humanitarianism is commonly studied in terms of critical junctures. One such historical moment is the creation of a 'safe zone' for Iraqi Kurdish refugees above the 36th parallel of Northern Iraq through the 1991 United Nations (UN) mission known as 'Operation Provide Comfort.' The UN intervention is widely accepted as a critical juncture because it marked the beginning of international humanitarianism's extra-territorial phase. 'Operation Provide Comfort' brought a paradigm shift in the management of displaced populations by means of introducing "preventive protection" as a novel approach combining protection with control as the idea is to keep refugees in their own countries and offer them help without the need to cross an international border. The standard narrative underlines Western historical priority by attributing the preventive protection to a single source of ideas and processes stemming from the West. Drawing on postcolonial research, this paper argues for recognizing the agency of the non-West in the formulation and execution of the safe haven concept as a historical milestone. More specifically, it demonstrates the pioneering role that Turkey played through international debates and diplomatic action, which culminated into the new episode of refugee humanitarianism. The findings also invite us to revisit current explanations of the evolution of international humanitarian norms by showing the entanglement of refugee protection on the one hand, and domestic and regional questions of ethnicity and counter-insurgency on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to investigate the association between the media and the public network agendas concerning Syrian refugees in Türkiye, as an exemplar of a polarized media system within the context of a competitive authoritarian regime to gain insight into the cognitive effects of media in such a context internationally. Large-scale media and nationally representative mind-mapping survey data analysis show that the media's network agenda is only significantly transferred to the pro-government individuals, while no significant effect was found on pro-opposition individuals from any media outlet regardless of their political stances. Implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On February 24, 2022, Russia launched a special military operation in eastern Ukraine. Several countries and international organizations reacted with messages of condemnation. In this article, was defined as an object of study the official communications of NATO and Turkey during the first three weeks after the beginning of the war on February 23, 2022, starting from the initial question: were there differences in the communication of NATO and Turkey on the invasion of Ukraine and, if so, what factors might have motivated these differences? Content analysis was carried out on 26 press-releases from the Secretary General of NATO and 31 press-releases from the Turkish Government issued between February 24 and March 17, 2022. Significant differences were detected in the use of the most relevant keywords in the results. Turkey's insufficiently critical and assertive language allowed it to maintain the double game, benefiting, on the one hand, from its proximity to Moscow, without neglecting, on the other hand, its position in NATO. On the other hand, NATO displayed its communication in such a way as to underline that this threat to Europe's security shows that the reinforcement of a strong and cohesive defensive alliance continues to be a central aspect of the national defence policies of its member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Education, Technology & Society (BRAJETS) / Cadernos de Educação Tecnologia e Sociedade (CETS) is the property of Brazilian Journal of Education, Technology & Society - BRAJETS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For decades researchers have explored the link between the Big Five personality traits and job performance, conducting studies across various contexts and sectors. The study seeks to test the link between the Big Five dimensions of personality and job performance in Türkiye, for which an integration of 38 studies involving 18,021 participants was performed. By using psychometric meta-analysis, the study compares and evaluates the similarities and differences among the Türkiye studies and the broader literature on this topic. Additionally, this study is among the first to address the moderating effect of evaluators and sectors on the relationship between Big Five personality traits and job performance dimensions. The findings suggest that there are differences between the Turkish studies and the existing literature, which could be explained by cultural differences and social norms specific to collectivist countries like Türkiye. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ethnologie Française is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Saúde e Sociedade is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Faculdade de Saude Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Academic and policy debates on alliances are yet to incorporate insights from foreign policy analysis (FPA) literature. Generally, bilateral relations between allies are either analyzed with insights from traditional IR theories (such as realism) or with policy-oriented work that does not engage any scholarly literature (focusing on only the day-to-day issues of international politics). I argue that FPA theories that make linkages between scholarly work and policy-oriented questions in an evidence-based and analytical fashion are capable of accounting for the most significant policy questions of modern international politics. This article analyzes US–Turkey relations in, arguably, their worst decade, with a role theoretic outlook. I claim that despite being close political and military allies since the 1940s, US–Turkey bilateral relations are witnessing their worst decade since the Arab uprisings in the MENA, due mostly to ideational factors that shape foreign policy. The conflictual relations originate from a change in US and Turkish foreign policy-makers' role conceptualizations vis-à-vis their countries' roles in the MENA region after the Arab uprisings and the role conflict this has caused with one another. Misaligned interests during the Arab uprisings, especially after 2014 in the Syrian civil war, have exacerbated the bilateral ties further. Drawing insights from elite interviews conducted in Turkey (2014–2016), Washington DC, and Ankara (2018–2020), I explain the sources of conflict in US–Turkey relations with a role theory perspective and offer policy prescriptions in conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumo Apesar do crescente interesse pela dimensão da religiosidade na área da saúde, muçulmanos têm sido negligenciados pelo campo psi. Por um lado, profissionais pouco conhecem essa religião e seus seguidores; por outro, a população muçulmana cresce tanto pelas reversões quanto por imigração/refúgio, e adentra nas clínicas psicológicas. Para suprir tal descompasso, este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar pontos de atenção a serem considerados quando se trata da saúde mental de mulheres muçulmanas e das especificidades do cuidado direcionado a elas. Para tanto, tomou-se como disparador a série turca 8 em Istambul, que expõe os meandros de um atendimento psicológico a uma mulher muçulmana que usa hijab, o véu islâmico. A análise do corpus fez emergir três eixos reflexivos, que apontam: (1) a necessidade de psicoeducação da comunidade muçulmana diante das tensões e dos estigmas cristalizados; (2) o etnocentrismo e a islamofobia como obstáculos ao processo psicoterapêutico; e (3) a importância da escuta sensível para uma prática psicológica aberta à diversidade cultural-religiosa. Este estudo, em confluência com pesquisas etnográficas conduzidas em campo islâmico brasileiro, permite destacar possibilidades, desafios e aspectos éticos da relação entre religião e cuidado em saúde mental.