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Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For voters, phenomena such as increasing feelings of nationalism, the transformation of the perception of foreign powers into a political tool by the government, and the pursuit of polarisation politics by making the opposition enemies, push the importance of the economic crisis towards the back of the list of concerns for the voters. The general elections that took place between 1980 and 2018 are examined and the economic voting behaviour is explored in this study, especially in terms of periodical developments in Turkish politics. It is obvious that the economic voting model was an important determinant on the Turkish voters in the elections until 2008. However, ideological factors, strong leadership analysis or other indicators have started to replace the economic voting model in Turkey with serious political changes after 2008. In this context, this study is aimed to make an important contribution by filling the gap in the literature on economic voting in Turkish politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Turkey's crisis-ridden years, from 1973 to 1980. As an under-explored era in English language scholarship, it makes a distinct contribution to the literature on pre-1980 coup Turkish politics. In doing so, it illustrates the implications for the democratic order arising from the two central political leaders of the era Süleyman Demirel and Bülent Ecevit's tussle for power across the decade. The study draws on fieldwork interviews and critical reading of Turkish and English sources to reveal new insights into the leaders' actions and decisions that trapped the country in a state of political paralysis, inflamed left-right violence, and politicized state institutions, ultimately dragging Turkey down one of its most turbulent periods. It illustrates how the leaders played crucial roles in shaping conditions that eventually resulted in the termination of multi-party politics with a military coup on 12 September 1980. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Anti-Zionism has been a salient component of rightwing and leftwing movements in Turkey. The Kurdistan Workers' Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, PKK) that took its cue from the Turkish Left has become a topic of discussion since its founding in 1978. Yet little effort has been devoted to analysing the political thought of the PKK's leader, Abdullah Öcalan. Using an interpretative-textual method, this article seeks to fill this lacuna by discussing the role of anti-Zionism in Öcalan's thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses political aspects of Muslim mysticism in the early modern period Ottoman Empire. Topics include the significance of Sufi dream interpretation, the interventions of Sufi shaykhs in Ottoman dynasty politics, and the role of Muslim reform movements in limiting Sufi political involvement.

This article intends to broaden our understanding of Turkish politics of the 1950s by focusing on the Freedom Party (1955–1958) (FP) founded by the former leading members of the Democrat Party (DP). Unlike earlier studies which mostly concentrate on the ideology and the leading political figures of the party, an attempt has been made to locate this experience in its historical context. After presenting a detailed account of the literature, we analyze the party by focusing on the power struggles of the internal factions inside the DP. By so doing, this study suggests that factionalism was a major cause of many noteworthy political developments of the era. Moreover, rather than strict ideological differences, we argue that this factionalism rested upon personal disputes and micropower struggles. Thus, the FP was born out of the DP not simply as a result of social discontent, but mainly of factionalism from within. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars exploring transitions to personalist rule focus on coercive power transfer to personalist rulers and argue that forming viable political coalitions, undermining power-sharing agreements, and mobilizing non-democratic institutions play a crucial role in transferring coercive power. However, no regime can rule by coercion alone, and transitions to personalist rule also involve making new frameworks of legitimacy. Exploring the connections between Turkey's recent transition to personalist rule and the drastic jump in the number of insult proceedings that accompanied the transition, this article finds that insult proceedings play a particular role in making new frameworks of legitimacy in transitions to personalist rule. We argue that insult proceedings work as a coercive method of punishment that curbs dissent while constructing a new framework of legitimacy based on the ruler's charisma. The study builds on an in-depth examination of insult cases filed during Erdoğan's presidency in Turkey and interviews with legal experts and suspects. It contributes to the understanding of the use of laws and legality in autocratization processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkiye's accession to the European Union has been considered one of the most debatable cases of European Union enlargement policies. Several complex external domestic issues have led to the complication of its accession to the European Union. Moreover, it brings forth geographic, cultural, and religious problems in the European continent and its organizational ability limits. Although Turkiye's accession to the European Union appears farther away, it is operationally incorporated into the European Union in various ways: collaboration through business transactions, foreign and security affairs, and energy affairs. Hence, it is significant to evaluate whether Turkiye's candidacy for the European Union is still plausible, seeing several hurdles the member countries create in integration into its formal membership. The present paper assesses the issues faced by Turkiye to get membership in the European Union. Moreover, it provides the prospects of Turkish ties with the European Union. The report delves into the Turkish candidacy for the European Union. It also provides an introduction and the historical background of the relationship between Turkiye and the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to investigate two presidential terms in Türkiye in order to compare the place of security in the political discourse of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in particular, and in Turkish politics at this time in general. The mixed methodological approach has been taken in the article. The MAXQDA software program has been used to collect and analyse data from more than 850 of President Erdoğan's speeches. The key research questions are as follows: how important are the security issues in the political rhetoric of the President? Are there any differences in this regard between Erdoğan's first and second presidency? Did the state of emergency and introduction of the presidential system make any difference in this regard? What are the reasons for the place of security, as identified in the analysis, in Turkish political discourse and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Scholarship on the varieties of capitalism in emerging economies underlines the critical role states play in the political economy of development. This research suggests that "state capitalism" or "state-permeated capitalism" is the most common economic development model among large emerging economies. One of the distinguishing features of these emerging economies is that informal state–business ties are the backbone of their development models. However, more needs to be known about the type, nature and evolution of state–business relations that guide emerging economic development trajectories and their implications for varieties of capitalism within state- permeated market economies. This article situates Turkey within the state capitalism debate by examining the historical legacy of "mutually dependent" state–business ties that have characterised the Turkish political economy and how these ties took a different form under the domination of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) since 2002. Related, the article investigates the emergence and evolution of two ideologically distant business groups MÜSİAD and TÜSİAD in the context of changing political economy dynamics, their relations with political authorities and the conflicting positions they have taken for vital economic policies and political reforms during the AKP rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Turkey, the number of women in the Grand National Assembly has drastically increased from 24 in 2002 to 104 as of the June election of 2018. To date, the explanations for this rise and women's emergence and placement on candidate lists have been inadequate. This study examines these dynamics more closely to attend to the strategic decision-making by the AKP's central party leadership. Using an original dataset, I analyse placement patterns for AKP women candidates across the country from November 2002 to June 2018. The results show that the consequences of dominant party status along with other strategic considerations have allowed the AKP to field women candidates in ways that parties preceding them could not. Their strategic placement of women as candidates is shown to have facilitated substantive gains but also highlights important limitations to the advancement of women's access to national political power in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventional literature on the role of middle powers emphasises the importance of soft power, niche diplomacy and coalition building. This article explores a case of unusual middle power activism with a focus on recent Turkish foreign policy behaviour. It demonstrates how the interaction of domestic politics and external dynamics produced an unusual degree of foreign policy activism, going well beyond conventional middle power behaviour, with the government increasingly employing coercive diplomacy and militaristic methods. We demonstrate that unusual middle power activism in a shifting international order yielded 'populist dividends' to the ruling elite in the short run but led to a 'triple governance crisis' in the economy, politics and foreign policy, with each element feeding into the others in a path-dependent fashion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study makes an important contribution to the literature on labor incorporation in developing areas based on existing historiography and archival material from Turkey. Specifically, we argue that the political incorporation of labor during the early period of state building is strongly influenced by elite preferences over who constitutes the nation. In doing so, we address a neglected dimension by putting the emphasis on ethnoreligious politics: the founders of modern Turkey pushed for a homogenizing program that prioritized Muslim-Turks over other minority groups, eventually paving the way to the state-led incorporation of labor. This is different from the experience of most Latin American countries that the existing literature draws on. Our findings make an important contribution to theoretical debates by highlighting the subtle link between nation-building and the pathways of labor incorporation in developing contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the relationship between Alevis and the Turkish and German states. It does so by examining the Turkish Alevi Opening (2009–2010) and the German Islam Conference (2006–present), two unprecedented official platforms aimed at improving Alevis' political participation. The study asks why such state-sponsored initiatives came into existence in Turkey and Germany, and why the German Islam Conference has proven more successful from the perspective of Alevis. It argues that even though the diffusion of EU norms and pressure from transnational advocacy networks have increased awareness regarding the Alevi issue, domestic factors have been more salient in the emergence and outcome of these initiatives in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Turkey has been using the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA) to gain soft power and increase its influence in the Balkans, Caucasia, and Central Asia. As Turkey's focus is on countries that were once part of the Ottoman Empire, many have characterized this attempt as Neo-Ottomanism. Especially problematic is the fact that, over the years, TİKA has funded the restoration of numerous Ottoman monuments in these regions. Using Serbia as an example, this article explores whether such projects are proof of Turkey having a 'Neo-Ottoman agenda' of reviving Ottoman culture and exerting influence over former Ottoman territories, or just a way of Turkey gaining soft power through foreign aid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From Syria's independence to the eve of the civil war in 2011, Kurds in Syria were subjected to state ethno-exclusion, economic and socio-political marginalization, impacting on their freedom and profoundly altering the demography of their region. The majority became stateless and sank into severe poverty, having to work illegally on their own land and participate in informal cross-border trade for their basic needs. This article examines this cross-border trade and its impact on interaction between Kurds in Syria and those in Turkey, arguing that it has not only been a socio-economic resource for marginalized Syrian Kurds but that these interactions have contributed to a broader social process of Kurdish political mobilization, which resulted in socio-political trajectories that became evident just before Syria's civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the early morning of September 6, 2019, two rap videos expressing frustrations with Turkey's socio-political condition coincidentally dropped together and quickly went viral. Although one was more overtly political, both videos crystalized the rage, grief, and hopelessness many had been feeling under the 17-year rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). The dual release catalyzed a groundswell of online mobilization at a particularly tumultuous moment – one at which mass protest in the form of organized street demonstrations was effectively off the table. As this article argues, however, pushback against the AKP was alive and well in alternative spaces. From rap collaborations challenging corruption and rising rates of femicide to social media users repurposing familiar memes of TV shows with witty political critique, pop culture-themed acts of resistance signalled to others in Turkey's fractious opposition that they were not alone. This articles addresses an interdisciplinary body of literature that examines the AKP's deployment of entertainment media to extend its soft power abroad and cultivate a conservative society at home, but turns it around to explore how various opposition actors strike back by taking pop culture into their own hands as a tool of expression, mobilization, and subversion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using both quantitative and qualitative research techniques, we investigate the effect of leaders' style and personality on foreign policy. The study examines six Turkish leaders, Süleyman Demirel, Bülent Ecevit, Necmettin Erbakan, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Abdullah Gül, and Turgut Özal, and 18 foreign policy cases to answer the following questions: do Turkish leaders differ from each other in terms of their personality traits and styles?; how did their styles affect their foreign policy choices?; and how did they react to various domestic and international constraints they encountered in cases of foreign policy? Our findings suggest that: (a) in terms of their personality traits, Turkish leaders do not collectively fit in one category; (b) there are some stark differences among our six leaders, although some leaders are more similar to each other than others in terms of their personality traits and styles; (c) these differences were observable in the foreign policy decisions they made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With four successful and three failed coups in less than 60 years, the Turkish military is one of the most interventionist armed forces in the global south. Despite this record, few scholars have analyzed systematically how the military's political role changed over time. To address this gap, this article examines the evolution of civil–military relations (CMR) in Turkey throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Based on a historical analysis, this article offers a revisionist account for the extant Turkish scholarship and also contributes to the broader literature on CMR. It argues that the military's guardian status was not clearly defined and that the officer corps differed strongly on major political issues throughout the Cold War. This article also demonstrates that the officer corps was divided into opposite ideological factions and political agendas and enjoyed varying levels of political influence due to frequent purges and conjectural changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study how individual political preferences changed in response to the influx of over 3.5 million Syrian refugees to Turkey during 2012–2016. Using a difference-in-differences research design, we compare the political outcomes in geographic areas with high versus low intensities of refugee presence before and after the beginning of the Syrian Civil War. To address the endogeneity of refugees' location choices, we adopt an instrumental variables approach that relies on (1) historical dispersion of Arabic speakers in Turkish provinces and (2) driving distances between Turkish and Syrian residential areas to predict the flows of refugees across Turkish provinces during the study period. We find strong polarization in attitudes towards refugees between the supporters and opponents of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). However, regression analyses of monthly survey data suggest that the massive inflow of refugees induced only a modest net drop in support for the AKP. Refugee inflows did not have a significant impact on election outcomes during the study period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores economic and political issues influencing relations between Russia and Turkey. Topics discussed include the revival of trade relations between the two nations following the industrialization of the Soviet Union under the administration of then Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin, the economic assistance extended by the Soviet government to Turkey, the way both nations pursued technological and industrial innovations, brief details about Soviet-Turkish relations from the First World War to the Cold War, and a comparison of the economic growth policies of Russian President Vladimir Putin and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Literature on Turkey's post-2011 authoritarian turn – especially after the eruption of the 2013 nationwide Gezi Protests – adopts modern concepts such as 'dictatorship', 'authoritarianism', 'totalitarianism', 'one-party government', 'party-state fusion', and even 'fascism' mainly in order to pin down the nature of the Justice and Development Party (AKP, Turkish acronym) or depict the current character of Turkey's regime. Through engaging the pre-modern concept of neopatrimonialism, which is derived from Max Weber's concept of patrimonialism, this paper argues that Turkey's encounter with authoritarianism is deeply associated with the proliferation of neopatrimonial domination, into which the legacy of patronage politics, fracture of security power, and the metastasis of crony capitalism have been conflated. This article argues that neopatrimonial features have always, to a degree, marked state-society relations in Turkey. Furthermore, this article suggests neopatrimonial characteristics started to dominate Turkey's modern legal structure under the AKP, which led to a state crisis culminating in the 2016 attempted coup. However, despite the fact that neopatrimonialism cannot be argued as a pathological deviation from modern-legal domination, this paper concludes that tension exists between the crony capitalism-based economic model of neopatrimonalism and Turkey's decades-long market-based capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents ethnographic insights into the everyday lives of people who circulate conspiratorial narratives through an ethnographic study of ultranationalist men in contemporary Turkey. Drawing on the findings of this research, the author suggests that conspiratorial discourses should be examined not solely in terms of their (anti‐)truth qualities but as social practices through which masculine subjectivities and socialities are engendered. The author then explores how the circulation of conspiratorial narratives forges agency and political subjectivity for the men involved, while also inducing sociopolitical effects such as vigilantism and paramilitary violence. This article contends that through the circulation of conspiratorial narratives and everyday engagements with vigilantism and extralegal violence, the men reconfigure sovereignty and the way that the state operates in contemporary Turkey. The findings of this research suggest that the focus should be moved away from the epistemological shortcomings of conspiratorial narratives or strategies to debunk them – such as fact‐checking – which presume that exposure of 'the truth' would lead to the dissolution of 'untruthful' conspiracies. Rather, the author suggests that researchers attend to the particular forms conspiracies take in concrete situations, how they mould political subjectivities and social groups and reconfigure the ways that the state operates alongside the law in other similar settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the effects of populist discourse on leadership and state behavior at the international level. From 2002 to 2013, Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) gradually consolidated its power, largely by deploying populist discourses and actions. However, after the party faced a number of challenges, including the Gezi protests, corruption allegations, and a failed coup, its populist rhetoric did not only begin to weaken but also seems to have created a problem of path dependency, which limited the decision-making capability at the hands of its leadership. By comparing the 2001–2002 and 2018–2019 economic crises based on the most-likely case research design, we assert that the AKP's discursive turn into anti-Western and anti-establishment politics pushed the party into a corner, making it less likely to collaborate with international organizations, such as the IMF and even private consulting companies despite the country's high inflation rates and currency depreciation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the trajectories of conflicting narratives that describe religion-state relations in Turkey. It explores the main tenets of the secular-religious polarization perspective (SRPP) that has been dominant until recently. It argues that while the SRPP is losing its hegemony in the field of academia, it has enduring power in the political field. The paper also contributes to the literature by discussing the ways in which the SRPP has been instrumentalized for political purposes in both domestic and international contexts by hegemonic political powers, including the ruling party, the AKP, in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nâzım Hikmet is perhaps Turkey's best-known literary figure from the twentieth century, due at least in part to his dramatic life story and flight from Turkey to the Soviet Union in 1951. During the course of the ten years which followed, Nâzım's common-law wife Münevver Andaç sent him more than 750 letters, only a handful of which have ever been cited in biographical works relating to Nâzım's life. Drawing upon over 400 letters housed in Moscow's restricted RGALI archive – to which no Nâzım Hikmet biographer has previously gained access – and another 100 located at the Aziz Nesin Vakfı outside Istanbul, this article constitutes the first time that any of these letters have been analyzed in a systematic manner. The letters, combined with other archival and published materials, are employed in this article as a means of gaining insights into Nâzım's Soviet years, a notoriously understudied period of his life, as well as Münevver's life in Istanbul and their shared relationship across the Iron Curtain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hybrid political systems, which are neither rigorously liberal nor authoritarian, create ambiguous political environments for protests and social movements. We argue in this study that the power-resistance dynamics become more sophisticated within the ambiguous context of hybrid systems, such as the one in Turkey, where democratic channels are not totally suspended, but significantly weakened. Examining an episode of contention between an anti-mining movement and the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) government on the issue of gold mining in Artvin, a city in the Northeastern Black Sea region, we demonstrate that in the electoral authoritarian context of Turkey the anti-mining movement gained a political role and significance well beyond its original specific aims, transforming into a conflict between those discontented with the authoritarian features of the existing system and the incumbents of that very system. Our study implies that social movements in hybrid political systems may turn into broader struggles not only because they open up political avenues for various groups to express their resentment with the prevailing undemocratic system, but also because the hegemonic forces attempt to consolidate the existing regime by mobilizing a popular support for the repression of these mobilizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting out from the argument that the political experience of women diverges at different levels of politics, this article aims to provide an understanding of the challenges faced by female mayors in local politics in Turkey. Nation-wide empirical data was gathered through in-depth interviews with 34 female mayors who were elected to office for the 2004–2009 and 2009–2014 terms. The framework analysis of the data reveals that the challenges in question stem from the cultural factors that reinforce the gendered local politics in Turkey. These barriers are embodied in the male-dominance of political seats, the hegemony of masculine discourse over political language, and the burden of traditional gendered roles on female mayors. The presence and authority of female mayors has come to be seen as a threat to existing political interests, with political language serving to devalue women, and to subordinate their demands to the agendas set by the male-dominated elite. The gendered responsibilities in the home have come to be associated with the political achievements of female mayors in Turkey, bolstering the gender bias in local politics, and thus preventing the elimination of distributive injustice and political inequality in democratic practice in Turkey regarding women's identity and interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author explores the challenges facing medical anthropologists in Turkey in their quest to conduct ethnographic research in official clinical settings. Topics discussed include the issue of political and ethical aspects of ethnographic research, strict regulations for social research in official settings, and the conflict between ethical responsibility and the political charge of authoritarianism.

The article is made up of two distinct parts. The first part surveys the discourses and tropes of intellectuality of the Turkish old-right. The second part specifically discusses the crisis of the conservative intelligentsia as the Islamist takeover of Turkish government in 2002 did not result in conservative intellectuals dominating the intellectual realm. Continuing to remain marginalized and their promises unfulfilled, they have refurbished the old right's tropes of intellectualism and reiterate the tropes of usurpation of the intellectual realm, while claiming to represent the genuine intelligentsia of the organic nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the findings of fieldwork conducted in the spring of 2017 with the supporters of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Istanbul and the supporters of the National Front (FN) in Toulon and other French cities, this article aims to compare the ways in which both groups highlight nativist, anti-multiculturalist and Eurosceptic positionalities. Having a republican and laicist legacy, both states have similar paths in terms of state-building processes. There is also another similarity in both countries regarding the ways in which both right-wing populist parties have capitalized on socio-economic and nostalgic deprivations of various societal groups who are exposed to the detrimental effects of global flows. The main premise of the article is that both parties contribute to the rise of civilizationist rhetoric by culturalizing what is social, economic and political in origin. It will be argued that it is not only social-economic deprivation that make some people attracted to populist rhetoric, but also nostalgic deprivation, which prompts them to try to find remedies to cure the feeling of loss resulting from the disappearance of established notions of nation, identity, culture and heritage in the age of globalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) have been the main discussion topic in the political arena over the last decade in Turkey, with a focus on curtailing military supervision over political life. This article investigates the evolution of civil–military relations (CMR) in Turkey. Thus, the aim of this study is to explore the factors and dynamics that have led to the development and realignment of CMR in Turkey. The focus will be on how military tutelage in Turkey has been ended, what factors have caused this and finally whether Turkish CMR have been normalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]