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The Turks achieved a decisive victory over the Greeks in 1922. Despite the remarkable triumph, the tactical lessons that should have been learned from this victory were mostly ignored. The Turks won the Greek-Turkish War using the new German breakthrough tactics that had been developed during the First World War and unsuccessfully put into use in the Spring Offensives of 1918. Despite their defeat, the Germans never abandoned this concept and further developed it during the interwar era; it eventually became known as Blitzkrieg during the Second World War. Since both German operations in the Second World War and Turkey's 1922 campaign were based on the same tactical fundamentals, the Great Offensive against Greece resembles the German operations two decades later, especially the Battle of France in 1940. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the end of the First World War in November 1918, the Allies were involved in a military campaign in the Ottoman lands, leading to a national resistance by Turks that would end in 1923. It is relevant to provide actual information on the outcomes of the Turkish War of Independence, since it was a longlived event that paved the way for further problems on the belligerents' economies. Using unique data for the value of the gold from 1919 to 1925 at the İstanbul bourse, our analysis complements the historical arguments as historians may find political risks difficult to quantify. We observe that in 1921 the Turkish victories created expectations on the part of traders that the war could end soon, as is manifested in exchange rate fluctuations. The Turkish economy would have experienced higher financial instability with the Allies' occupation and resistance in 1920, creating a lower chance to return the pre-war gold content of the belligerents' currencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this study is to analyse the construction of Turkish national identity as 'we' and 'they' in textbooks taught in the primary schools during the first years of the Republic of Turkey and the beginning of the 2000s in the context of narration of the Turkish War of Independence. The main material of the study consists of history and social studies textbooks. In this scope, four primary school history textbooks taught in the first years of the Republic of Turkey and four social studies textbooks taught at the primary school level at the beginning of the 2000s were selected. In selection of these textbooks care was taken to ensure that they were compliant with the curriculum in force at the time and that they were approved by the authorities responsible for education. Document analysis method was employed to gather subject data from the textbooks in question. The data gathered by this method were analysed using content analysis technique. The result of the analysis identified important and striking differences in the construction of Turkish national identity as 'we' and 'they' in the context of the Turkish War of Independence in textbooks from the two time periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The national resistance movement that emerged in Anatolia and Thrace immediately after the end of World War I and that was eventually successful in overturning the peace settlement imposed on the Ottoman Empire by the victorious Entente, has become such an important part of the history of the emergence of the Turkish nation state, that it is studied almost exclusively in that context: as republican prehistory. As a result almost no effort has been made to locate it within the major global developments of the era. This article tries to remedy this by analysing statements coming out of the resistance leadership over the years 1918-1921 to establish where it fits the ideological currents of the day. It concludes that four major inputs can be discerned: loyalty to the Ottoman monarchy and state; Muslim nationalism; Wilsonian self-determination, and Boslevik-inspired anti-imperialism. These influences were not mutually exclusive. Apart from being influenced by contemporary ideological currents, the National Movement was also an influencer: as a movement to preserve an existing state (and not to create or carve out a new one) it was also a pioneer of the revisionist movements of the interbellum that aimed to undo the Paris peace arrangements. Supplemental data for this article is available online at . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to analyse the Treaty of Sèvres (1920), its implications and legacy. Concluded a hundred years ago, this Treaty sought to partition what remained of the then Ottoman Empire. The Turkish war of independence ensured that this did not materialize and abrogated the SèvresTreaty. While this non-implemented treaty still resonates in Turkey, relatively little continues to be published in English language publications. This article seeks to fill this void by analysing the text, context and the legacy of this Treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The starting point of this study is the fact that every production system entails a specific spatial organization and changes its physical environment. This research is an attempt to understand the industrialization period of Turkey's Early Republican Period (1930's) and the spatial effects of the new production system. Right after the Turkish War of Independence, The Republican Government of Turkey had aimed to establish an independent country and started to carry out a modernization and contemporization project. This project had different dimensions appealing to the institutional, economical, social and civic aspects of Turkey. The economical dimension included the industrialization and economical independence of Turkey. Besides from its economical, political and social goals, the Republican Government had aimed to change the physical appearance of the country. The Government's first goal was to turn the country into the space of National Turkish Republic State from an empire's land. Secondly, the small towns or settlements of the country were supposed to become modern cities, the places of modernity, just like the modern cities of the industrial and developed countries of the world. That explains why the factories which were set up all around the country had played such a crucial role in the modernization period of Turkey at the beginning of the Republican era. They were not only economical achievements of the state; they also affected their physical and social environments and introduced the modern way of living particularly where they were set up. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Teşkilât-ı Esasiye Kānūnu of 1921 is an interesting snapshot of the state-building process of the Turkish State during the Millî Mücadele. In this transitional period, the Ankara Meclis puts in the Chart all the expectations for the new State, drawing a system strongly based on Parliamentarism. While denying the Imperial authority, it voluntarily defers the definition of the form of the State, paving the way to a new idea of sovereignty. The fundamental Chart constitutes the instrument the Meclis uses to inject new fundamental concepts in the Turkish legal system, while overcoming the concept of osmanlıcılık. A courageous attempt to introduce in Turkey some of the most advanced ideas of public law at that time, it represents the evolution and the end of the second Constitutional Era. This work aims to demonstrate how this Chart and the following reforms represent the base of much of what Turkey was for almost a century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the transformation of the political position of the Ottoman Armenian community by focusing on the community's reactions vis-à-vis a major turning point in modern Turkish history: the proclamation of the Republic of Turkey. The article demonstrates how and why the Ottoman Armenian community reacted as it did when the status of the state as a Republic was proclaimed by the Grand National Assembly in October 1923. The major argument the article puts forward is that following the results of the Turkish-Armenian War in the Caucasus, the Greco-Turkish War in Western Anatolia, and the retreat of the French from the Cilicia region, the majority of the Ottoman Armenian community which remained within the borders of 'New Turkey' shifted its political position to accommodate the policies of the ruling power in order to protect their physical and cultural existence during this period of political turmoil. Benefiting from primary sources, including Ottoman Armenian and Ottoman Turkish newspapers, archival documents, and parliamentary minutes, this article focuses on the position of Ottoman Armenians following the proclamation of the Republic of Turkey, and thus contributes to the historiography on the Armistice period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The short-lived Allied occupation of Istanbul produced a distinctive blend of legal innovation and revival, creating new mixed courts, reanimating the contested capitulations, and pressuring the Ottoman government to abandon wartime legislation in favour of new laws conducive to European interests. Such measures were intended to serve a military regime notable as much for its disregard for legal procedure when it suited the interests of the occupying Allies as its insistence on protecting the legal privileges of its own subjects. The article shows how the resulting tensions between Britain and the Istanbul and Ankara governments over law and its enforcement furthered the rift between Britain and Turkey until the eventual abandonment of extraterritoriality during the Lausanne conference in 1923. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the First World War, British officials had difficulty understanding the elusive forces behind the Anatolian resistance movement. They anxiously assumed that Kemalists were being controlled by the Unionist leaders in exile and that they were part of an international conspiracy. In this confusion, the fugitive Unionist leaders received disproportionate attention and credit in British intelligence reports, with critical consequences for their political sense-making and decision-making. I argue that the preconception of 'Young Turks' in general as well as assumptions about Unionist leaders' alleged and actual activities after 1918 were crucial for British officialdom's policies towards the Anatolian resistance movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of revolutions is at the forefront of the growing field of International Historical Sociology. As International Historical Sociology scholars have sought to uncover the spatio-temporally changing character of international relations, they have come a long way in overcoming ‘unilinear’ and ‘internalist’ conceptions of revolutionary modern transformation. In this article, I re-evaluate the extent to which the International Historical Sociology of ‘bourgeois revolutions’ has succeeded in remedying unilinear conceptions of the transition to modernity. I argue that ‘consequentialist’ approaches to the study of bourgeois revolutions tend to obscure the radically heterogeneous character of revolutionary transformations, both within and outside Western Europe. Drawing on Political Marxism and Robbie Shilliam’s discussion of Jacobinism, I first provide a non-consequentialist reading of the revolutions of modernity within Western Europe, and then utilize this reinterpretation to provide a new interpretation of the Turkish Revolution (1923–1945). My aim is to demonstrate that a non-consequentialist conception of ‘bourgeois revolutions’ will enable us to historicize and theorize more accurately the co-constitution of international relations and revolutionary processes, hence providing a stronger foundation for the International Historical Sociology of modern revolutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Turkey, the period after the establishment of the Republic saw archeological representations play an active role in defining the ancient past and producing new disciplinary knowledge. Visual practices emerged as important sites for the formation of a new conception of the ancient past in the larger context of the political and cultural discourse over the modernization of the country. Based on museum guidebooks, official publications, and archival documents, this paper focuses on the İzmir region after the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923 and explores how the ancient past was perceived and displayed in relation to the historical and cultural transformations that occurred in Turkey after the Greco-Turkish War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In today's changing and evolving educational system, the role of teacher is just as an "orchestra conductor". The teacher who planned the learning-teaching process should be able to recite the history of the revolution by using different teaching methods and materials while planning this process, and be able to recover from the single-level narrative and provide the environments where the acquired skills and behaviors can be achieved. In this process, one of the things that will motivate students' learning process and so will be able to save the History of Revolution course from its bad situation is these letters. The purpose of this research is to reveal the opinions of middle school students about the use of letters in the 8th Grade Turkish Republic History of Revolution and Kemalism. The study group using the mixed methodology is composed of 75 students who are studying in the METU Geliştirme Vakfı Middle School 8th Grade in the province of Ankara in the academic year of 2015-2016. A questionnaire consisting of openended questions and a standardized open-ended interview were used as data collection tools in the study. Quantitative data collected in the study were analyzed by descriptive statistics and qualitative data were analyzed by content analysis. As a resultof the research, it was found out that the use of "letters" in the 8th grade Turkish Republic History of Revolution and Kemalism course positively affected the attitude towards the class and made the lesson more enjoyable and fun. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the organization of the memory of Asia Minor in Greece during the interwar period. The disastrous Greek defeat in the Greek-Turkish War (1919-1922) and the subsequent Treaty of Lausanne together constitute a major turning point in the history of Modern Greece. Not only did these events end Greece's irredentist dream, but they also led to the uprooting of 1.5 million Greek Orthodox people from Asia Minor and their resettlement in Greece. Despite its importance, the trauma that the exodus inflicted on refugees and non-refugees alike was not treated at the time as a subject in its own right; rather, it was subsumed within competing nationalist narratives that were directly related to the ongoing political conflicts that beset interwar Greece. Refugee associations negotiated the memory of Asia Minor for the purpose of achieving the integration of refugees into mainstream society without ever directly addressing the burden of the trauma itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text presented here is the testimonial of a Transylvanian Romanian woman, Ayşe Anişoara, who found herself in Turkey with her husband, Sabri Ìsmail, the uncle of the author's father, in the service of Mustafa Kemal during theTurkish war of independence. Sabri went first to Ankara in 1920 and then to Russia to mediate the shipment of Russian weapons to Anatolia between late 1920 and 1922. The present study draws mainly on a document written by Ayşe Anişoarain 1959, totalling 74 A5 pages in Romanian. A full book devoted to this document will soon be published in Romanian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Ottoman Empire faced catastrophic events during its period of dissolution which started with the First World War. At the end of this war, the Ottoman lands were shared by the Allied forces. As a reaction to this occupation, the Turkish War of Independence started in 1919 and finished in 1923. The authors aim to examine how these events were reflected in the İstanbul bourse, using Ottoman government bond prices data between 1918 and 1925. Econometric methodology of Carla Inclan and George Tiao (1994) identifies several break points, which imply a lower risk for the repayment of the bonds during the end of the First World War and the Turkish War of Independence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The separation of the Romanians from the Ottoman Empire was achieved in time, during a continuous fight of resistance on several coordinates: economic, social, political and cultural - all of these being closely connected to one another and favouring the rupture towards the Ottoman Empire and the resistance of the Romanians along time. The resistance and the rupture were expressed through a genuine disobedience of the Romanians towards the Ottoman Empire - this was a period when they took every opportunity to gradually get dettached from the Sublime Porte and avoid any of its influences in the Romanian realm. The present article intends to analyse the war of independence as a climax of resistance and disobedience as marks of the rupture of the Romanians in front of the Ottoman Empire, a force that was considered to be oppressive for many peoples during that age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish women were not allowed to act on the public stage during the Ottoman period. The rulers of the Republic not only eliminated this restriction, but also Turkish women were encouraged to perform on the stage. In Anatolia, theaters were founded under the control of the Community Centers. The Community Center Theaters began the campaign to introduce and adapt Turkish people to the Turkish revolution. But these theaters were faced with a shortage of actresses. Firstly, to solve this problem, actors were given the roles of female characters. However, the administration preferred to see women perform on the stage, so they requested female teachers or other women working at public offices to act on the public stage. The Community Center Theaters also used some other methods such as payment, but these methods did not work well, either. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In many countries, the services of nurses during the First World War have recently been given a commemorative space in an attempt to make the memory of the war more inclusive and less masculine. In contrast, Turkish nurses' experience has so far been studied only from a nursing education and practice perspective. This article aims to shed light on this forgotten story by taking a gender and war studies perspective and reflect upon the much-celebrated memory of women fighters in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Martry Air Pilot Major Fazıl Begh, who lived at the very beginning of the 20th century witnessed the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, birth of aviation. During the process of dissolution, he undertook the fighter pilot mission in the fronts where he accomplished his duty perfectly. He did more than he was supposed to do during World War I which has been also known as the last war of the Ottoman Empire. He, being a skillful officer, was someone who always influenced his personnel with his strong character. In Istanbul sky in 25 October 1918, he fought against 5 British aircrafts alone. British bowed respectfully for such a heroic act. Fazıl Begh, was a talented teacher in addition to being a good pilot. He spent most of his career in wars. During the Independence War, he undertook very important missions at each phase of Western Front and showed the volition of fighting against seven (7) aircrafts alone. At the end of the war, he devoted himself to training pilots for an independent Turkey. He lost his life in the sky during a mission flight. Fazıl Begh, is a distinctive figure for Turkish Air Force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bartin University Journal of Faculty of Education is the property of Bartin University Journal of Faculty of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)