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This article examines the prospects for increased Turkish-American relations in the Caspian region, namely, joint areas of activity for the development and consolidation of cooperation between both states. Utilizing a historical-comparative method, we comprehensively study Turkish-American relations in this region from a historical viewpoint and predict the further development of this cooperation in the future. The key characteristics and features of Turkish-American relations in the Caspian region from 1991 to 2022 are identified, as are the causes of crises in relations between the two countries against the background of a change in US policy. Finally, we emphasize the importance of further strengthening strategic cooperation between Turkey and the US in the Caspian region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an investigation of declassified archival documents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) that questions the direct involvement of several U.S. administrations in military coups in Turkey during the Cold War. Among the U.S. government institutions, it is argued that only the CIA could have had the competency for covert participation in a coup plot abroad. Other than the indirect role of the U.S. in military takeovers, due to its military and financial assistance in pre-coup periods, and the political recognition of coup regimes, available CIA documents do not present any tangible evidence for agency's direct involvement in Turkish military coups, in contrast to its clandestine operations in other states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decline of US‐Turkey relations has been one of the most striking developments within NATO and the broader Western alliance. This article sheds light on this distrusted partnership by studying anti‐American sentiment in Turkish public opinion since the Arab uprisings of the 2010s. Employing a typology of anti‐Americanisms introduced by Keohane and Katzenstein, it examines views of the United States and US‐Turkey relations in the Turkish media and among the public, and it explores the conditions under which the declining relations could be reset. In particular, it shows how the ruling Justice and Development Party exploits anti‐US opinion, the Turkish media's role, the stances of Turkish opposition groups, and the long‐term consequences for the strained bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Turkish‐American defense cooperation goes back many years, recent steps taken by Turkey have led to a serious crisis. Following the decision to withdraw Patriot air‐defense batteries deployed in the south of Turkey by Germany and the United States after 2015, Ankara turned to Russia for the S‐400 missile‐defense system, citing national security. Turkey was then excluded from the F‐35 program, in which it had been involved for years. Moreover, it was sanctioned by the White House. In this context, the background of Turkish‐American defense cooperation, the F‐35 program, the removal of Turkey from the program after the S‐400 purchase decision, and the subsequent exposure to sanctions are discussed, and the sanctions analyzed for compliance with international law. It is emphasized that the revival of close defense cooperation between Turkey and the United States is essential for the future of the relationship, and that the parties should find an intermediate formula for compromise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Ottoman Special Organization made its way into the literature of historical studies during the 1960s in the United States through the work of Philip H. Stoddard. Stoddard's doctoral dissertation resonated so powerfully within academic circles that his approach to the organization, albeit flawed, was adopted extensively and thus echoed by later researchers. This also holds true for Turkish academia, where the nature, origin and historical course of the Special Organization in particular, and unconventional warfare and intelligence in general, was and remains largely misunderstood due to Stoddard's fallacious analysis of the organization coupled with the uncritical character of conventional history-writing in Turkey. Through a critique of the paradigms and referential points Stoddard based his study on, as well as the conceptual and terminological aspects of his work, this study offers a more sound approach to both the organization and the units that fulfilled intelligence duties at the institutional level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2016 coup attempt presented an opportunity to Erdogan to increase the power of the presidential position, while promoting pre-existing anti-West sentiments. Through the implementation of a state of emergency and constitutional revisions, Erdogan has cracked down on dissent. While continually committing major human rights atrocities against the Turkish population, Erdogan has retained his conservative support base through his polarizing strongman attitude. In speech, Erdogan champions democracy, however, according to his actions he is running an authoritarian regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the triangular relations between Britain, the United States and Turkey in the volatile Middle East and Eastern Mediterranean region at the advent of the Cold War. It examines the political, economic and military strategies that enabled Turkey to adapt to the transitional period from the Pax Britannica to the Pax Americana (1947–1957) in the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean. By focusing on this turbulent decade extending from the Truman Doctrine (1947) to the Eisenhower Doctrine (1957), this study posits that the transition from the waning influence of Britain to the coalitional hegemony of the United States was protracted and multi-layered. In this context, Turkey had to walk a diplomatic tightrope while managing certain aspects of continuity and change in a volatile region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ottomans institutionalized and expanded their diplomatic and consular affairs in the first half of the nineteenth century. The bridgehead of the Ottoman consular initiative to the New World was Boston. In 1845, twenty-two years before the opening of the Ottoman legation in Washington, Boston became the first city in the Western Hemisphere to ever host an Ottoman consul. The Ottoman consular presence in this city, which lasted unremittingly until 1914, is unmapped, as is also the case with the rest of the US. The empire's consuls in Boston acted mostly in line with the playbook of nineteenth century diplomacy: While in the first three decades they mainly facilitated Ottoman-American maritime trade, from 1880s onwards, they gradually became more involved in carrying out political duties. This study, which sets to identify the six Ottoman consuls in Boston for the first time, mirrors through their stories such diverse issues as the development of trade, structural reforms, minorities, immigration, nationalist movements, and transcending ethnic and religious identities coloring the late Ottoman world. It also shows that with a belated and limited consular presence, the Ottomans remained rather unassertive in the US compared to rival European powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the intricate dynamics of Turkey's relations with Britain and the United States at a critical juncture during the early Cold War era (1946–1952). The article analyses the implications of a dual transformation of triangular relations in the aftermath of the Second World War. This transformation was on the one hand marked by an ongoing hegemonic transition from Pax-Britannica to Pax-Americana, and on the other hand a systemic transformation resulting in a bi-polar global order. This article utilises levels of analysis framework for a more systematic analysis of the complex web of triangular relations. While focusing on a comprehensive analysis at the international level, the implication of factors at the decision-maker and domestic levels are also examined. The article argues that in response to these drastic transformations as a strategically located regional actor Turkey struggled to strike a delicate balance between its resilient British and newly increasing US ties, while also aiming to institutionalise its Western alliance, leading to NATO membership in 1952. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International competition over natural gas and oil has been escalating in the Eastern Mediterranean in recent years, and the region has become much more significant for many regional and global actors. This article claims that a bloc of regional actors, supported by the United States, has been following a containment policy against Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean. By examining recent trends and developments with special focus on the policies directed against Turkey’s rights and interests in the Eastern Mediterranean, this article demonstrates how Turkey is being isolated in the region, and discusses Turkey’s reactions to its on-going containment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysts emphasize that nothing will be the same after the pandemic and refer to the ‘new normal’ that is likely to prevail everywhere in the world. It would be a legitimate question to ask if this would provide a conducive environment for Turkey and the United States to reset their relations that have much deteriorated lately. This article will, first, highlight the contours of the ‘new normal’ narrative by referring to the views expressed by politicians, academics, analysts, journalists and intellectuals from around the world. Second, the article will assess the implications of the parameters of the ‘new normal’ for key actors in world politics, such as the United States, China, the European Union and Russia, as well as Turkey’s Middle Eastern neighbors, with respect to the issues that will be at stake in the international security environment. Finally, the article will make a call for a reset in Turkish-American relations in order for the two long-standing allies to adapt themselves better to post-COVID international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S.-Turkey relationship has been tested through some of the most serious crises in recent years. The continuing strength of the relationship, despite all the tensions which have resulted from some difficult strategic disagreements and diverging interests, requires a closer look. The two NATO allies appear to have learned to ‘agree to disagree’ and compartmentalize some of the seemingly most deal breaking issues. As Turkey sought to protect its national interests, some in Washington have tried to depict Turkey as a bad actor working against U.S. interests in the region and beyond. The recurring theme of Turkey, somehow leaving the West and aligning itself with the East, has convinced many in the U.S. that Turkey cannot be trusted. However, the U.S.-Turkey relationship has survived despite years of mutual mistrust, strategic divergences, and policy differences. Explaining how this has been possible is not simple by any means, but it is worth exploring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the commercial opportunities that will endure in key sectors for the United States and Turkey in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic and its aftermath. These sectors include financial services and capital markets; supply chains and logistics; healthcare; digital economy; defense and aerospace; energy; travel and tourism; and women in business. While defense and security ties have traditionally led the U.S.-Turkey relationship, this piece argues that the pandemic offers the two countries mutual benefits from more robust economic and commercial cooperation in less prominent sectors such as healthcare, the digital economy, and finance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S.-Turkey bilateral relationship has been key to the success of NATO and the transatlantic community. However, due to various policy disagreements U.S.-Turkey relations are at a new low. As with all relationships in life, the U.S.-Turkey relationship ebbs and flows and requires hard work, patience, and understanding. This is why policymakers from both sides should not be ready to throw away seven decades of close cooperation for seven or so challenging years in the bilateral relationship. Instead of looking for the silver bullet to solve the major problems, policymakers need to focus more on smaller confidence building measures to rebuild the relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including Russia's gas price discount for Bulgaria, relations between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his followers and Turkish-U.S. relations under COVID-19 pandemic.

Copyright of Strategic Review / Przeglad Strategiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

'Safe zone' is a transnational concept, including a moral understanding. This article departs from the idea that with the onset of the post-Cold War period, the concept of 'safe zone' has been a critical point of fluctuation, whereby Turkey and the USA faced important challenges in their bilateral relations. Accordingly, the article aims to examine the understanding of the concept by Turkey, to question the morality of the concept from Turkish perspective and to discuss its implications for Turkish–American relations. It also intends to analyse to what extent the recent discussions on Syria reveal a continuity with or a change from the discussions on Northern Iraq of 1990s. This study refers to Turkish officials' statements as well as the debates held in Turkish Grand National Assembly, to reveal the evolving perceptions and/or interpretations of 'safe zone' by Turkish authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Making use of archival material and newspapers, this article argues that Turkish concerns over reputation played a central role for Turkey in the making of the post-War Turkish-American rapprochement. Both government and opposition parties in Turkey as well as Turkish journalists, diplomats and students who were studying in the United States waged a campaign to make Turkey appear to be a reputable, modern, and civilized ally of the United States. Establishing an information bureau in New York, trying to prevent the exhibition of American movies that misrepresented Turkey and gladly hosting American journalists who visited Turkey, Turkish authorities tried to give the message that Turkey was under the Soviet threat and deserved to be included in the Marshall Plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary provides an analysis of the Turkey's relations with the U.S. and Russia in the context of the Syrian civil war. Owing much to the dynamics of the Syrian civil war and the American support to the PYD/YPG, Ankara has recently made considerable changes in its foreign policy and its relations with Washington and Moscow. As the U.S. government has failed to understand Turkey's security concerns, Turkey, despite being a NATO member, now seems to be closer to Moscow than to Washington. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting in 2013, Turkish-American relations have been undergoing one of the deepest and most alarming crises since the 1940s. Ankara, a NATO member and U.S. ally for more than six decades, not only defies U.S. interests in the Middle East, as in the cases of Iran and Syria, it also works with Russia on many strategic issues, such as buying high-tech weapons, building a nuclear power plant, and negotiating the Syrian crisis. In order to explain why Turkey, as a subordinate actor in the U.S.-led order, pursues policies that are incongruent with U.S. interests, this paper employs a hierarchy approach in order to identify when and why subordinate states challenge the lead state and its rules and dictates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the case of Edith Sanderson, Lucille Day and Jeannie Jillson, the three American women missionaries who were convicted of violating laws against religious instruction in Bursa, Turkey on April 30, 1928. It examines the perceptions and interpretations of the shifting power relations in Turkey among diplomats, missionaries and the American public. The missionaries' understanding of the state of affairs in Turkey, and the Turkish government's determination to bring the missionaries under the control of the state are explored.

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the reasons behind the decision of U.S. President Woodrow Wilson not to advocate for war with the Ottomans in contrast to the long history of debate over the decision to go to war with Germany as well as Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria. Topics covered include insights into the general conduct of Wilson of the First World War, the American antipathy towards the Ottoman Empire, and the pragmatic nature of his wartime decisions and how it played a role in weakening his position at the Paris Peace Conference.

The article talks about the Manbij, a town in northern Syria and efforts to restore the town to development. It is mentioned that U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu have been making efforts to develop a roadmap for the town. The article adds that Manbij has been under the control of ISIS until the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and evolution of U.S. and Turkey relationship.

Side-payments are commonly used in international relations to alter the foreign policies of states. Despite their frequent usage, however, our understanding is very limited as to why certain side-payment negotiations succeed, while others fail. This article tries to remedy this shortcoming. It argues that social embeddedness between actors involved in the negotiations has a major bearing on bargaining outcomes. Under ideal circumstances, social relationships can be used to reduce information asymmetries and increase trust. But in the presence of fractured social networks, social ties can foster information bias and distrust, ultimately increasing the likelihood of bargaining failure. The US-Turkish bargaining failure over the Iraq intervention in 2003 is used to illustrate and test this theory. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article talks about the standoff between USA-Turkey over the latter's refusal to handover American evangelical priest Andrew Brunson, accused of espionage and involvement in the attempted coup of July 2016 in Turkey, to the US. Topics discussed include the Turkish currency having lost more than 40 percent of its value due US President Donald Trump's increasing of tariffs on Turkey's steel and aluminium exports to the US.