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Countermobilization has been a common strategy for autocrats to counteract the threat of opposition. Although the use of countermobilization has drawn scholarly attention, research on the mechanisms that enable countermobilization remains limited. This article underscores the role of political institutions in allowing autocrats to carry out countermobilization through incentivizing elites to serve as a bridge between the state and the masses. Focusing on the case of Hong Kong, where pro-government countermobilization is rising along with pro-democracy challenges against the hybrid regime, the article argues that countermobilization is enabled because societal elites are incentivized through political institutions to organize the masses and develop mobilization capacity through grassroots organizations. Using original elite biographical data and organizational data, the article shows that elites with more ties with grassroots organizations are more likely to remain in office in the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. The findings offer an institutionalist explanation of how authoritarian rulers enact countermobilization by leveraging elite intermediaries and their grassroots networks. In this light, political institutions can serve as a conduit for the state to extend social control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the development of academic sociology in Hong Kong since the expansion of higher education and increased student enrolment in the nineties. Colleges gained university titles and sociology departments matured as a result. I attempt to trace the current state of sociology in teaching programs and research directions. I conclude with a discussion of future developments with specific reference to the repositioning of Hong Kong within sociology as the former British colony continue to negotiate, navigate and grapple its relationship with Mainland China both as a productive site for sociological research and a reference point to be different in method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the challenges of understanding, measuring and explaining political identities in post-1997 Hong Kong. It shows that national and local identities are better conceptualized as two distinct attitudes and captured with separate scaled items than as opposite poles of one attitude measured in a single categorical item. This approach reveals that the key shift occurred not in local identity, but in nationalistic sentiments, which have initially increased but have been on a downward trend since 2008. It also shows that national and local identities were perceived as robustly compatible for most years since 1997, but have begun to drift apart in recent years. Considering competing accounts to explain national identity strength, trust in the central government stands out as the dominant factor. Discontent with livelihood conditions and socio-structural variables either have no significant effect or are to a large part the result of differences in political trust. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers information on completion of 20 years of handover of Hong Kong from Britain to China and discusses its impact on politics and other aspects of life in Hong Kong. It mentions efforts to review various situations in post-handover Hong Kong including press freedom, journalistic professionalism and media discourse. It also discusses focus on civil society, crisis management and local and national identifications of people.

The article discusses the importance of expatriate writing in Hong Kong literature after the transfer of its sovereignty to China in 1997, how writers demonstrate the significance of expatriate question to Hong Kong writers and the association of the term expatriate with ethnicity and privilege.

On the eve of the twentieth anniversary of the handover, Hong Kong’s transition towards a full democracy remains unsettled. Drawing upon the contemporary theories of hybrid regimes, this article argues that manipulations adopted by electoral authoritarian governments have become increasingly common in Hong Kong today. As Hong Kong’s elections, opposition activities, and media have been increasingly put under electoral authoritarian-style manipulations, the city-state is now situated in the “political grey zone” in-between liberal authoritarianism and electoral authoritarianism and its transition into a full democracy remains nowhere in sight. The case study of Hong Kong will help enrich the existing comparative literature on hybrid regimes by developing a new “in-between category” and offering an interesting case of democratization of sub-national polity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article is conceptualised within the framework of a historiographical approach to critical discourse analysis (Flowerdew 2012). It focusses on a critical moment in Hong Kong's socio-political development, the Occupy movement, and a specific language event, an interview on a local Hong Kong Englishlanguage television programme discussing the rationale for the movement. A micro-analysis of the interaction focusses on important features of the historical context, intertextual links, the backgrounds and the roles of the participants, and the argumentations strategies used by them. The article shows how a focus on a critical moment in discourse can shed light on the bigger socio-political picture and how arguments regarding particular topics may reflect larger ideological struggles, the political agendas of different groups, and the ways arguments are constructed dialogically in response not only to the words of interlocutors, but also in relation to prior (and future) discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The design of “one country, two systems” was an outcome of political compromise and there are several hidden assumptions in its conception and reception. Such assumptions prepare, or more accurately under-prepare, Hong Kong for its integration with China. Indeed, prior to 1997, Hong Kong was expected to be largely secluded from China in the sense that while its manufacturers were free to invest in the Mainland and to make the best use of resources across the border for economic purposes, flows of capital and population from the other side of the border into the special administrative region would be significantly restricted by the two places’ institutional regulations (e.g., the requirement of an entry visa for Mainlanders to enter Hong Kong. This rather unbalanced traffic of flows of socio-economic activity between Hong Kong and China had simply not been raised as a question on the feasibility for the practical operation of “one country, two systems.” From 2003 onwards Hong Kong has been exposed to issues and problems that were not fully anticipated by the above conception of the former colony's political future. Tensions and conflicts arising from regional and national integration are quickly reshaping the relationship between Beijing and Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, the author examines the legal history, development and scope of the rule of law in 2012, on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the handover process of Hong Kong sovereignty from Great Britain to People's Republic of China. It informs that the Chinese legislature applied the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to Hong Kong to offer increased liberty to rights and freedoms.

An essay on the history, development and significance of the 15th anniversary of the handover process of Hong Kong sovereignty from Great Britain to People's Republic of China in 2012. It discusses the impact of handover process on the Hong Kong judiciary. It reflects on various themes discussed by Justice Kemal Bokhary in the essay "The Rule of Law in Hong Kong Fifteen Years After the Handover."

Ever since its sovereignty reverted to China, Hong Kong has been torn between its national (in terms of China and its ‘soft’ power) and global status (as ‘Asia's World City’). In this special context, Hong Kong's singular, ambiguous but prolific existence ceased. This paper endeavours to map ‘Cantopop’ (Chinese popular songs) on the new media landscape and examine its decline in the context of the rise and fall of cover versions. Cantopop was once very popular, not only in Hong Kong but also in its neighbouring regions. Its rise in the 1970s was a result of its typical hybridity, an important aspect of which was influenced by the use of cover versions that changed its soundscape. In the mid-1990s, the Cantopop market started to shrink significantly. A radio campaign for localisation advocated the release of original songs aimed at enhancing the development of Cantopop, but in the end proved to have the opposite effect. In the new millennium, ‘Mandapop’ (Mandarin popular songs) has taken on the role as the trend setter of the Chinese popular music industry. We argue in this paper that Cantopop's decline is the result of Hong Kong's loss of hybridity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Mathematics education in Hong Kong went through various stages of development under the period of British colonial rule for more than a century. Though modern ideas from the West were influential, they were blended with Chinese tradition and local pragmatism, and a localized mathematics curriculum was then eventually consolidated. This was a result of a careful striking of balance between laissez-faire and direct control. Looking back on such historical developments, one may gain insights into the issues induced by the current trend of managerialism and performativity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes how the city of Hong Kong, China has influenced Chinese politics since the transfer of the city's sovereignty from Great Britain to China in 1997. It emphasizes the impact which Hong Kong's culture has had on constitutional and ideational norms of governance in southern China. Hong Kong's history and status as a Special Administrative Region are discussed, and the increasing political and economic influence of mainland China on the city's culture is noted. Topics such as autonomy, democracy and the city's relationship with the central government are also addressed.

The article discusses environmental protection activities in China from 1980 to the early 21st century. It focuses on the city of Hong Kong, which transferred from British to Chinese sovereignty during that time, and emphasizes collaboration between Hong Kong and mainland China on environmental innovations. The respective contributions of governments, non-governmental organizations, and the private sector are analyzed. Examples involving air quality and water quality management are discussed in terms of public health.

The article discusses the development of the economy of Hong Kong, China, following the return of the city to Chinese governance in 1997. It is argued that regional disparities in China's economic development have not been a problem for Hong Kong, as the city and its surrounding Pearl River Delta region have been thriving during the early 21st century, particularly in terms of the service industry sector. The effect of the Chinese government's "One Country, Two Systems" policy, which allows Hong Kong to continue using political and economic systems that were developed under British governance, is analyzed.

This paper examines the historical process of Hong Kong-China national unification through a crisis-transformation framework. This paper argues that the Chinese unification process between Hong Kong and mainland China is not a smooth process. Instead, it has gone through at least four crises during the 1980s and the 1990s. The institution framework for unification - the so-called 'One Country, Two Systems' policy - emerged out of the first crisis of negotiation in the early 1980s, and this policy has been hotly contested and transformed during the various crises over the past three decades. Previous studies on Hong Kong-China unification tends to focus solely on the political and legal aspects. However, this paper shows that unification needs to be symmetrical on all aspects (legal, political, economic and socio-cultural) in order to make it work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2010-2011 academic year marked the beginning of a new chapter in the long and controversial history of medium-of-instruction (MOI) policy in Hong Kong. Under the government's 'fine-tuning' policy, schools hitherto compelled to use Chinese as the MOI have been given more scope to teach in English at junior secondary level, thereby eliminating the unpopular, language-based bifurcation of schools that was introduced after the departure of the British in 1997. This article views the new policy from two perspectives that are often overlooked in the now voluminous literature on the MOI in Hong Kong. First, few studies have made connections between the issues and problems that have confronted policy makers, teachers and students in the modern era and those which faced their counterparts in earlier periods in Hong Kong's history. Second, few studies have viewed language-related developments in Hong Kong in relation to policies and practices in other colonial and post-colonial societies. This article ranges across two centuries and around the former British Empire and Commonwealth in an attempt to offer the temporal and spatial perspectives that are currently lacking in the literature. These perspectives offer pointers as to the likely consequences of the 'fine-tuning' policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the construction of local and national identities among secondary school students in post-colonial Hong Kong. As a Chinese society that has undergone a prolonged period of British colonial rule, the reunification of capitalist Hong Kong with the motherland under socialism in 1997 has set the context for a negotiation of identities. It has been revealed that the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has tried to foster a stronger sense of national identity and a sense of belonging among the younger generations through its education reform measures in the new millennium. Nation-building is part and parcel of the reform, although it is being interpreted and implemented diversely by local officials, school principals and teachers. The intersecting and overlapping nature of students' different identities has set the parameters of their identity formation but allows different latitudes of observance and/or choice of different identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines three controversies that revolve around the Hong Kong government's efforts to privatise components of its property assets in the years following the Asian financial crisis in 1997. While the rolling back of welfare and privatisation of public goods are typical features of the 'neo-liberal turn', the consequences of and responses to these processes are highly contingent upon specific historical experience and social practices. By examining the narratives of different actors over the course of these controversies, this paper aims to elucidate the contradictions and mutual entanglements between the ideology of neo-liberalism and everyday discourse and how the contestation in each of the three cases worked to reshape and ultimately to preserve the existing regime of legitimation. It also illustrates how the long-running 'laissez-faire' principles of Hong Kong's colonial period have contributed to the ongoing absorption of political critique, thus exposing the limits of 'people power'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the nature and socio-political functions of Hong Kong's 'Chinese history curriculum' during colonialism and since decolonization and argues that these functions have resulted in a curriculum characterized by rote-learning and geared towards social control. Students are initiated into the traditional, orthodox view of Chinese history and prescribed moral judgements. Consequently, there is little chance for independent thinking on the part of students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper [1] reports on an ethnographic field research conducted in Beijing in 2007, with an attempt to examine the cognitive and affective orientation dimensions of a group of Hong Kong students toward the Beijing 2008 Olympics and their negotiation of national identity. In 1997, China resumed sovereignty over Hong Kong under the principle of 'One Country, Two Systems,' continuing a long history of Hong Kong people struggling with their national identity. Study tours to Mainland China had been arranged as an extension of national education, with the Beijing Olympics as the main theme. With field notes and focus groups, this study found that the tour provoked in the students an interesting mixture of pride and skepticism and also reinforced their 'insider/outsider' identity crisis. This article concludes that the debate over the use of Beijing Olympics as national education reflects an intrinsic paradox of the principle of 'One Country, Two Systems.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the handover in 1997, the Supreme People's Court of Mainland China and the Department of Justice of Hong Kong concluded in 1999 a bilateral Arrangement to resolve the problem of enforcing arbitral awards. The Arrangement provides a unique implementation instrument. This paper examines a number of court rulings in Hong Kong and the Mainland and evaluates how the Arrangement has played out in reality. The author observes that both the Mainland and Hong Kong share certain basic intentions for applying the Arrangement, including exclusion of reviewing merits, a cautious attitude towards public policy, and relaxed procedural requirements. On the other hand, there are also some differences in judicial practice revealed in the cases. Some of these differences, such as the scope of the Arrangement's application and double enforcement, are derived from the ambiguity of the Arrangement itself and must be clarified. Others, such as the validity of the arbitration agreement and the difficulty in applying foreign law, arise from the different statutes and legal traditions and may be eliminated through the development of law and further legal assistance between the Mainland and Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a study on the advantage of social instability to the success of action movies in Hong Kong, China, since its handover in 199 7. The political and economic problems encountered by the local people have been manifested in its film production. It explores the analysis on the utilization of localism by the filmmaker to display the characteristics of Hong Kong under the trend of globalization.

On 1 July 1997, Hong Kong, a colony (euphemistically called dependent territory) of Britain, was returned to the fold of the motherland, China, as a Special Administration Region, with a high degree of autonomy. Ten years on, we find that the common law system established by the British in Hong Kong, as guaranteed by the Basic Law, survived and thrived. A cursory review of legal and social science literature shows that there is little scholarly discourse or public debate on the proper jurisprudence standards to be applied in the making and evaluation of Hong Kong legislation. This research raises a most fundamental policy qua jurisprudence issue: Should Hong Kong law be formulated, applied or evaluated with indigenous legal standards and local jurisprudence principles, based on Asian values, Chinese culture and/or Hong Kong ethos? In so doing, this article questions the appropriateness and challenges the legitimacy of adopting Western jurisprudence principles in shaping and evaluating the Hong Kong legal system, especially after 1 July 1997. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The low-intervention state of Hong Kong in colonial times did not originate from strong neo-liberal ideological convictions. It was an artefact of the colonial political configuration, a pragmatic governing strategy adapting to the political and economic needs at the time. Political changes, economic restructuring, divestiture and marketization of state institutions since the 1980s had brought a new state form after 1997. A new business and professional elite class, embedded in an eclectic corporatist structure, evolved and brought multilateral, ad hoc and particularistic bargaining, leading to more sectoral intervention after 1997. Fragmented state institutions nonetheless weakened state capacity, making it difficult for the post-1997 state to be highly penetrative, transformative or developmental. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]