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International audience; The natural region of Puisaye (France), situated in the north of the department of Yonne is, for France, one of the region which delivers the largest quantity of remains of iron production. During the beginning of the XXth century more than 500 000 t. of slag have been extracted to supply blast-furnace. Today, more than 2300 slag heap are known for a territory covering about 1500 km². If the localisation and the size of these heaps are known thanks to prospection realized for more than ten years (Pietak et al., 2012), little is known about the chronology and the smelting processes practiced.Since two years a new research program has started on this region in the objective to acquire dating and technical information. Two scale of study are considered. One is carried out at the scale of the natural region of Puisaye on slag heap delivering remains of slag-pit furnace. Around ten sites have been considered. Another scale of analyse concerned an area covering 2 km square situated in the north of the region, at Aillant-sur-Tholon, where around twenty slag heap are studied. On both scale, the topography of the heaps are registered. Punctual sampling of charcoal and slag are realised to acquire radiocarbon dating and technological information on the reduction processes. Surveys have been also conducted on six slag heap at Aillant-sur-Tholon, to acquire information in stratigraphy.The aim of the communication is to present the first results of this research program, showing the long aging of the iron industry which begins during the iron age (around -600/-500) and covers the roman period. During this time span, it is also possible to propose, from the typology of the waste and their association, the existence of, at least, three of four types of reduction techniques. We will also discuss the importance of this district of production in its chronological context. The condition of its development in its cultural framework in comparison with other centres of iron production known in its vicinity will also be discussed.

This chapter will address King’s reasoning on the role and purpose of the modern American state in guaranteeing economic security and wellbeing for all. King argued, like welfare rights activists, that these were fundamental social obligations to the state. This chapter will show how his Scandinavian- inspired proposals demonstrate that King was willing to build on the New Deal

This chapter examines King’s own intellectual journey and the cogitation he underwent on his way to launching the Poor People’s Campaign. It reflects on his usage of a Marxian-infused vocabulary and his attempt to reconcile his religiosity and his determination to move beyond charity to embrace a truly solidarity-based economy. His social consciousness, abhorrent of the profit-driven society he lived in, compelled him to address the class-related issues that rendered capitalism, contingent on racial oppression, unsustainable.

It illuminates how black Marxists, following in their wake, navigated racial and classist frameworks, from the early days of American Labor to the New Deal, grounding their critique of capitalism on its intrinsic racism and alienation of workers. Unheard calls for social and economic justice enticed hundreds of African-Americans to embrace Marxian-inspired ideologies from the 1920s to the 1940s, either in the Communist or the Socialist parties or in their affiliated organizations

This chapter specifically scrutinizes the underpinnings of the campaign’s public policies proposals. Other initiatives, notably Randolph’s “Freedom Budget” or National Urban League’s “Marshall Plan for the Negro” will contrast King’s thoughts on economic justice. It also reflects on the legacy of Roosevelt’s call for an “Economic Bill of Rights” that envisioned constitutional rights to economic security. Beyond Roosevelt, King was echoing major social scientists of his time and proved influenced by their work. This chapter will notably look at the works of socialist and Christian activist Michael Harrington, of prominent economist John Kenneth Galbraith.

This chapter relocates King’s views on the political economy of substantive justice in the context of the Johnson’s administration. It seeks to position the campaign with regards to the American liberal framework. King’s social-democratic demands for redistribution of power and wealth sounded like an indictment of corporate liberalism.

The first chapter defines the race and class framework as debated by Black America very early on, as it foreshadowed the tensions between activists engaged in the 1968 campaign. It is dedicated to exploring the analysis of Frederick Douglass and W.E.B. Du Bois, pioneers of a black radical egalitarianism much more relevant to King’s democratic socialism than usually assumed by historians. Their thoughts on will serve as a stepping stone for understanding King’s intellectual inheritance

This chapter shows how the radical egalitarian measures laid out by the campaign’s demands were a major rebuke to the current “culture of poverty” thesis. Comparing its framework to major scholarship on urban poverty, this chapter opens a part dedicated to exploring the enduring insights of the campaign.

This chapter demonstrates how this social democratic undercurrent otherwise flowed to King through the history of his hometown, Atlanta, and through his education in the Social Gospel doctrine. The agitation of the radical Left in Atlanta when King was growing up not only exposed intraracial class tensions but saw an unprecedented attempt to unite the unemployed and to put the realities of economic injustice and poverty to the fore