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The world has shifted to a digital landscape in the recent decade with both its perks and underlying threats. Russia, throughout history has experimented with its information along with cyber channels and have been able to generate fruitful results that are manifested in the contemporary era. Russian expertise towards merging cyber domain into its military capabilities is praiseworthy to the point that its Western adversaries, despite the fact being economically and technologically advanced compared to Russia, have not been able to effectively counter Russian aggression. This research examines the essentiality of cyber security as a mere software or cyber command can create instability and drastic consequences requiring millions for clean-up by examining Russian cyber-attacks on Estonia, Georgia, Ukraine, US and Western Europe and concludes that the first steps towards Cyber and Information Warfare have been made, it is now to be made sure this does not escalate into a Cyber Arms Race. The research recommends that cyber security should be treated as an international issue with rules established for cyber governance and databases identifying cyber criminals and the software used by them or can be used by them and requires cooperation rather than competition amongst states particularly global superpowers.

Other than an identity in itself, religion plays a central role in other forms of collective identities, like ethnic and national. Moreover, as the constructivist theoretical position argues that identities are fluid and can be impacted by different factors, we propose that conflict and violence have repercussions for religion and the associated identities. Extending the constructivist theoretical position, we contend that conflicts do not ‘soften’ or ‘harden’ identities, rather its impacts are complex, multiple and significant. In the backdrop of recent conflict and violence in Pukhtun region of Swat, Islam is substantial due to its centrality to Pakistani national identity (represented and promoted by the Pakistani state) and Pukhtun ethnic identity (represented by the Pukhtuns in Swat) and militant discourse in the region. This study argues that, amidst the conflict in Swat, three forms and positions of Islam have emerged, including the Islam adopted by Pukhtuns as marker of their identity, Islam used by Pakistan for framing a national identity and the one promoted, rather imposed, by the militants. Pukhtuns in Swat try to detach and distance their ‘form’ of Islam (having both symbolic and practical aspects) from that of the Pakistani state and the militants. Moreover, Pukhtun’s form of Islam is considered closer to that of the state with a sharp distance from that of the militants. Pakistani state, religious clergy and militants are blamed and criticized for using Islam for their interests. Militant’s Islam is termed ‘violent’ and only based on their form of justice and is thus rejected. Pakistani state’s Islam is considered least practiced and more symbolic and thus disowned. Islam adopted and practiced by Pukhtuns, majority, in Swat is considered as peaceful and in practice and thus assumed to be better than the other contesting forms of Islam. Thus, the conflict in Swat, involving militants and Pakistani state, has complicated the divisive role of Islam in relation to its unifying role as a component and marker of Pakistani national identity. This has repercussions for Pakistani national identity. The study is based on 45 open-ended in-depth interviews and five focus group discussions in diverse parts of Swat, coupled with ethnographic observation.

The post 2001conflict and violence in Swat, northern Pakistan, has devastated different arenas of the social fabric of the Pukhtuns living in the region. In this context, the impact of conflict and associated violence on Pukhtu poetry and poets of the region is highly significant. During the conflict, the ‘space’ for the literary people shrunk, which also played an important role in the transformation of local poetry and adopting new subjects with the prominence of themes like violent extremism and terror in the poetry. Moreover, this study uses trauma and testimony theories to identify and understand the traumatic events and the process of testimony in indigenous Pukhtu poetry. The arguments are based on 18 in-depth interviews with poets and intellectuals from Matta Tehsil (administrative unit) of Swat combined with ethnographic observation and published work of poets from the same administrative unit

Public protests, agitations and demonstrations are part of the democratic political process. It shapes the polity of a country and transforms social, political and economic aspects. In Pakistan's history, protest or pressure politics has played a significant role. Significant protests in Pakistan have been held against 'election riggings' including the recent one against 2013 general elections (presumably won by Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif's Pakistan Muslim League N). This present study discusses the recent protest 'popularly called Dharna' staged by Pakistan Tehreek e Insaaf (PTI) under the leadership of the present Prime Minister Imran Khan in Islamabad for 126 days against the alleged rigging of elections of 2013. This empirical study explores the causes of PTI Dharna. It is based on the Primary data collected through a random sample of interviews from students, lawyers and political activists in May-June 2019 in Lahore, Nowshera and Peshawar, Pakistan. We argue that the Dharna has multiple features long continued presence, participation of multiple groups, violence and media coverage. However, the dharna has multiple causes. The significant reason of PTI for staging protest against the Nawaz Shairf was the alleged rigging in the general elections of 2013. Other causes of this dharna are to expose corruption and alleged role of establishment for their vested political interests.

The Constitution of 1973 offers direct elections under adult franchise in Pakistan. However, it is unfortunate that in every election of Pakistan, the ratio of female voters’ turnout remained low. This research is an attempt to discuss the potential causes of low female voters' turnout in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The study is based on quantitative data survey from six randomly selected districts from sub-geographical areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province in Pakistan including the districts of Lakki Marwat (Far South), Karak (South), Charsadda (Centre), Mardan (Centre), Lower Dir (North) and Chitral (Far North).The study utilizes Chi-square test for statistical inferences of dependent and independent variables. The research argues that the factors responsible for low turnout of women in these districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa can be categorized as administrative, cultural, political, and religious. The primary concern of respondents’ administrative obstacles were followed by cultural barrier and then by religious factors. Moreover, gender, the locality (district) and education of respondents cannot be ignored as they are key parameters as well.

Violent conflicts have perpetual and perennial impacts on societies. Culture and ethnic identities of the people are no exception. This study reflects the impacts of conflict and violence on culture, specifically a single cultural code known as Jarga. Methodologically, the study is based on an ethnographic fieldwork, comprised of 45 open-ended and in-depth interviews, five Focus Group Discussions and personal observation in Swat. Through the conflict in Swat and Pukhtun cultural code of Jarga, it contends that the conflict and violence in Swat has multiple and significant impacts for Jarga. Jarga on higher level, like the Swat Qaumi Jarga (Swat National Jarga) has been more active since the conflict started in 2007, while Jarga on lower (village) level has lost its practice in many areas of Swat. Militants and Pakistani state have been often involved in forming, using, and manipulating Jargas in Swat amidst the conflict. Moreover, the conflict has repercussions for Tanzeems (local organizations) and committees, which were sharing work and place with Jarga in Swat. The state institutions have introduced Village Defence Committees which have bypassed all the existing committees and organizations mainly due to their enhanced powers. These processes have added to ‘defaming’ the cultural ideals, which is socially an unacceptable and detrimental development for Pukhtun society. It has been concluded that conflict and violence impact the markers and codes of cultural and ethnic distinctiveness.