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Amidst the dual challenges of an eight-month university closure from nationwide public university strikes in Nigeria and the lingering impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, we needed to innovate the delivery of BME graduate curriculum to ensure graduate students continued to progress in their studies. To ensure BME graduate students were engaging in team-based, clinician-identified engineering design challenges, we developed a digital design notebook (DDN) using Google Sites as an open-access, collaborative tool for scaffolding and documenting the engineering design process. Student design teams remotely uploaded digital content documenting their project work onto scaffolded DDNs created by program instructors. DDNs were purposefully designed to shepherd students through the design process such that each phase of the design process corresponded to an editable "page" of the DDN. Video lectures, learning resources, assignments, and other program information were embedded into the DDN for students to access throughout their design challenge. Project mentors and program instructors remotely monitored and assessed students' work using the DDN. At the end of the design challenge, students effectively created an e-portfolio which showcased the work they conducted to build a biomedical prototype. Designing and implementing the DDN builds on previous research which demonstrates that "structured" design notebooks can be used as effective tools in engineering design and design thinking education. Our work also leverages educational frameworks for infusing engineering design into existing graduate biomedical engineering curriculum in Nigeria.

Teachers are working in disturbing and challenging times, characterised by coterminous crises, the COVID-19 pandemic and human induced climate change; these are transforming our working conditions and the lives of students and teachers. In this research, we looked to our own pedagogical practices as teacher educators to collaboratively explore what it means to be teachers and learners in uncertain times of multiple crises. We use a collaborative autoethnographic methodology to better understand the kind of educator these times demand and consider the implications for teacher education. Through fictionalised, co-constructed vignettes that act as pedagogical encounters, we explore our collaborative experiences in relation to multiple crises: in the classroom, at climate strikes, and in conversations with teachers during the pandemic. We use these vignettes to think with and through teaching during the global pandemic and the climate catastrophe, and with young people's climate activism. Thinking with these vignettes, we analyse the ways (young) people across the world were "already" creating and are continuing to create, prefiguratively, different possible futures through public and 'everyday' modes of political action for climate justice, and what this might mean for teacher education.

Purpose: School climate strikes are opening spaces of appearance, becoming differently active forms of public pedagogy where new and previously unthought collective climate action is possible. This inquiry contributes to understanding school climate strikes as important forms of climate justice activism by exploring how they work as public pedagogy. Design/methodology/approach: The inquiry process involved poetic inquiry to produce an affective poetic witness statement to an event of school climate strikes, and then a performative enactment of diffractive reading using the poem created. The diffractive reading is used to conceptualise school climate strikes as public pedagogy and move towards an understanding of how school climate strikes work as public pedagogy. Diffused throughout is the question of where the more-than-human fits in public pedagogy and youth climate justice activism. Findings: School climate strikes are dynamic and differently acting (diffracting) public pedagogies that work by open spaces of appearance that enable capacities for collective action in heterogeneous political spaces. Consideration of entanglements and intra-actions between learner, place, knowledge and climate change are productive in understanding how phenomena work as public pedagogy. Originality/value: This inquiry extends on important considerations in both climate change education and public pedagogy scholarship. It diffuses consideration of the more-than-human throughout the inquiry and enacts a move beyond the humanist limits of existing public pedagogy scholarship by introducing climate intra-action, heterogeneous political spaces and non-conforming learning to an understanding of activist public pedagogies and the educative agent.

The Bay Area Third World Strikes, 1968-1969: Coalitional Activism and Chicanx Campus Politics. This essay looks at the 1968-1969 Third World Strikes at San Francisco State and UC Berkeley through the lens of coalitional politics and activism. While the paper looks closely at Chicanx campus politics, the goal is to move away from a nationalist or Maoist reading of the two strikes. During these two events, Chicanx activism has to be read in conjunction with African American, Asian American, Native American, and white campus politics. This coalitional politics represented a temporary rupture of U.S. political behavior and manifested a utopic moment when an alternative political possibility was glimpsed. The essay ends exploring the limits of coalitional politics and activism, especially as nationalism and identity politics came to the fore.

The complexities of the civil rights movement are rarely presented in elementary social studies. Year after year, students repeat the same decontextualized "I Have a Dream" crafts and assignments, tasks that do little to help students understand the country's history of racism or the racial dynamics of today. Instead of perpetuating the myth that a select handful of heroic figures made change on their own, educators should situate these figures within collective struggles for justice and interrogate what these figures stood for and stood against. In this article, the author contends that teachers can challenge the oversimplified narrative of Martin Luther King Jr. typically taught in elementary schools through an inquiry into the Memphis Sanitation Strike. Designed for students in grades 3-5, this inquiry includes children's literature and a four-part primary source investigation following the C3 inquiry arc.

The School Strike 4 Climate New Zealand (SS4CNZ) movement have organised and led four strikes between 2019 and 2021. With each successive strike, adult support for students' demands increased. Their most notable achievement was garnering sufficient support to pass Aotearoa New Zealand's Zero Carbon Bill into legislation. However, tensions with SS4CNZ led to the Auckland Chapter announcing its disbandment in 2021. There were mixed responses to their decision. In this reflective essay I argue that this disbandment was a positive move forward because these youth were showing their willingness to re-build relationships with their Maori and Pacific Island activist peers. By disbanding, not only were these young leaders enabling their Maori and Pacific Island peers to lead future actions, they were acknowledging the connections between racism, colonialism and climate justice; responding to our relational crisis by demonstrating the importance of re-building robust and reciprocal relationships between humans and more-than-humans when advocating for ways to navigate towards a climate-just society.

Many often identified the Catholic Church with the cause of labor and worker's rights in the United States. However that was not the common situation encountered by laborers throughout most of the nineteenth century. The proclamation of the social encyclicals: Pope Leo XIII's Rerum Novarum (1891) and Pope Pius XI's Quadragesimo Anno (1931) elevated the status of the worker, endorsed worker associations and placed the Catholic Church as an advocate of worker's rights. But for the worker to clearly understand this change as well as his rights and duties education was vital. For workers in Pennsylvania, especially in Pittsburgh and Philadelphia, the formation of Catholic labor schools was the catalysis for education and guidance in labor-management issues. Eventually their programs expanded to include anti-communist instruction. This article examines the historical narrative of the Catholic labor schools in Pennsylvania and the curricula and policies developed mutually by the laity and clergy to educate workers (both Catholic and non-Catholic) about their rights and duties and how to apply Christian social teachings in the workplace. These schools became a fundamental part of the labor movement where Catholic labor education endeavored to build a Christian partnership of labor and management to ensure industrial democracy.

As winter swept across the United States at the outset of 2018, ushering in the bitterest and bleakest days of the year, American teachers and their unions had little to celebrate. The first eight years of the decade had exacted a heavy toll, and still more trouble was lurking on the horizon. In the wake of the Great Recession, funding for public education had been slashed across the country, with particularly deep cuts in the red states, many of which were granting massive tax cuts to the wealthy and corporations and thus reducing state revenues. A growing portion of the funds that remained were diverted from public schools to voucher programs for private schools and to charter schools. For American teachers, the 2010s had been a long, dark night. And at the start of 2018, there had been very few signs that it would end. This article discusses teacher strikes, including the West Virginia Strike of 2018 and four particularly noteworthy strikes of 2019 in Los Angeles, Denver, Oakland, and Chicago, highlighting how power can be built through direct action, politics, and community.

One of the major criticisms of top management in universities in most African countries is arguably the isolation of both top management team and intellectuals from the real problems and issues of the real world and business of universities. This disconnect, often referred to as the Ivory tower syndrome, has become a source of concern. Based on experience, observations over the years on administrative practices of vice chancellors and an extensive review of the literature on the nature of the university, Ivory Tower Syndrome, and transformational leadership, ideas derived therefrom are analyzed and thereafter fine threads are synthesized in this study. The integrated ideas helped to highlight the factors responsible for the persistence of the Ivory Tower Syndrome in universities. How the characteristics of transformational leadership can be used to eliminate, or at least, reduce this isolation from the people - staff and students - at the bottom of the ladder with their problems which often lead to strikes and other crisis situations are discussed. Social connectedness is recommended as a strategy that should be imbedded in university governance in Nigeria.

In times of crisis it is good to look back. Not only is it comforting, but better understanding of events in our past can inform decision-making and help us find direction at uncertain times. COVID-19 may have presented new challenges, but this exploration of historical disruptions to school exams highlights themes and a recognisable human spirit. For this study Gillian Cooke and Gill Elliott have identified five crisis events in the history of Cambridge Assessment and tracked responses to these circumstances through documents held in the corporate archive. The flu pandemic of 1918, two World Wars, Indian Partition and the Strikes of the 1970s all, in different ways, pushed the boundaries of examination administration. The search yields both short, and long-term responses and reveals just how much the impact of a crisis is connected to the society that deals with it.

This article investigates the impact of economic inequality and educational background in shaping how non-activist "standby" youth in London experience environmental politics. Focus groups were carried out with 33 young people aged 16 to 22 in three groups from higher and lower positions of socio-economic status and educational background. The intention of this article is to offer learning that signals a need for further research into the ways in which intersecting inequalities impact young people's participation in environmental politics. The findings reveal that these "standby" young people have distinct experiences of their political agency in navigating the inequalities that impact their lives. Key to these understandings of agency are collective and individual feelings of efficacy and the ability to make positive change happen.

In recent years, youth across the planet have begun to mobilise, motivated by the perceived injustices associated with the causes, consequences and politics of climate change. However, education systems lag behind, preoccupied with the "what" and "how" of climate change, rather than engaging it as a social issue in which students themselves are implicated. In this paper, we share the results of our participatory research exploration into youth and climate change through an international education project, in which 99 students from 13 countries joined virtually in a climate change learning experience, culminating in the collaborative development and presentation of a White Paper to the 2018 IPCC Cities and Climate Change Conference. Grounded in a critical global citizenship education framework, this project provides a site to explore climate change education from the perspectives of diverse youth, who inform possibilities for climate change education that addresses justice, individualisation and emotionality.

Since 2018, school students around the world have gone on strike from school to call on leaders to take decisive action on climate change. Prominent in the resultant rallies are placards created by participants -- from small children to their adult allies. This paper explores how students in the movement enact and activate visual approaches to communicating their concerns regarding climate change. By analysing the signage created by protestors at the largest yet rally held in Sydney, in September 2019, we situate the protests as a unique space for students' political voice. Our analysis of the signs and placards held by children finds that students use creative, mixed-media construction methods and draw on culturally significant objects and images to produce and visually communicate perspectives on climate change. This study shows how placards leverage emotional responses of anger, amusement and empathy to reflect the political, social and environmental dimensions of climate change, and collective demands for urgent policy action. In doing this, we highlight the role of visual communication in public protests and civic discourse, and the potential benefits to education on climate change. The visual language of the protest reinforces the critical or immediate nature of climate change to students as they draw on temporal symbols to communicate how they relate to climate change. We argue that these findings highlight the importance of creative, participatory and visual methods for student learning -- and co-creating climate change education.

In 2019, Oakland teachers joined the wave of teacher strikes across U.S. cities sparked by teacher activism against neoliberal reforms that cut funding to public schools, increased privatization, and led to school closures. As in other cities, a group of progressive rank-and-file teachers working toward transformative change moved their union toward social movement unionism, and in the process, garnered the support of communities of color that had been alienated from organized teachers. Drawing on in-depth interviews with teacher activists involved in the 2019 Oakland teacher strike, I demonstrate how strategic decisions to focus on gaining power within the union and to center the leadership of progressive teachers of color, especially women of color, helped to build public support for both the strike and the broader movement against privatization, yet also led them to focus on an inside strategy that may undermine their more transformative goals. I argue that as activist teachers gain power within their unions, activist groups that function independently from the union provide a critical outside space where teachers can develop an intersectional and transformative praxis that helps them better strategize against the racial politics of advocacy in the neoliberal context.

This article analyses the narratives and counter-narratives which characterised the struggle between the Chicago Public School Board (CPS) and the Chicago Teachers' Union (CTU) preceding the 2019 Chicago teachers' strike. This was an extraordinary event which has received little scholarly attention. The paper explores the types and uses of the discourses put forward in the struggle through the lens of Nancy Fraser's 'politics of needs interpretation'. Fraser's framework was conceived and is typically applied to social welfare policy, so this paper provides a new perspective and understanding of its theoretical application in its examination of competing educational claims. Analysing key CPS and CTU texts which are in the public domain, I argue that different actors in the struggle competed for ownership of an expert discourse on student need in Chicago. The paper draws attention to the way a teachers' union consciously used social movement framing to foreground an inclusive view of the working class. The CTU's refusal to accept the dominant conceptualisation of education as performativity was an assertion of teacher professionalism. Placing the social reproductive needs of their students and families at the centre of their demands for better education provision in Chicago was a radical reimagining of education. In conclusion, Fraser's theory is found to be a helpful tool when considering who has the legitimate authority to determine education needs.

In this article, the author analyzes environmental pedagogy in the Norwegian curricula for environmental and sustainability education from 1997 to 2020. The author investigates how climate-striking youth evaluate the outgoing curricula through a survey in which 88 respondents participated. The survey reveals that young climate activists demand a more action-oriented education that emphasizes political change. The author discusses the findings against the background of radical eco-pedagogy and the works of Richard Kahn, Chet Bower, and David Orr and concludes that the youth striking against climate change is practicing the curriculum they are asking for and that schools should welcome the strikes.

This article chronicles a community coalition's efforts to revitalize a "failing" school, the Walter H. Dyett High School in Chicago. It tells the story of one group of people fighting to keep a school open and, moreover, to see it reflect their vision for their community and their children's education. We see that this community's choice to resist a school's being characterized as "failing" is in fact about much more than the school itself: it is about citizenship and participation, about justice and injustice, and about resisting people in power who want to transform a community at the expense of the people who live there.

On Friday, March 1, 2019, a mass picket line of striking Oakland teachers, other district workers, students, and community members chanted loudly as they surrounded La Escuelita Elementary School in Oakland, California, to block school board members from meeting to impose cuts to classified workers (e.g., office workers and custodians) and vital student programs. As a longtime Oakland teacher and their union's designated organizer for one of seven school clusters in the district, author Craig Gordon helped to coordinate this mass picket line. Oakland Education Association (OEA) members traveled from the pickets at their schools on the seventh day of an astonishingly powerful strike to actively support district workers and students, many who actively supported the fight. OEA's strike electrified the city with its unprecedented community support and strong participation by members. Beyond the local significance, it represented the continuation of a militant upsurge among education workers that swept across several red states in 2018 and continued into California in 2019, starting with the Los Angeles educators strike in January. After the strike in Oakland, the insurgency continued with Chicago teachers walking out for 11 days in October. Gordon notes in the article that each successive strike brings new lessons and questions that must be carefully considered. There is much to celebrate and learn from in the solid organizing by members and newly elected union leadership that contributed to the power of the strike. There is also much to learn from considering the criticisms and questions raised by members and supporters during and after the strike. Though the settlement of OEA's strike in 2019 was not a historic victory, the strike tapped into enormous power among union members awakening in them the power to organize and mobilize to a degree many had not imagined possible. The strike registered a historic impact that continues to ripple through the ranks of the education community as members continue to seek new ways to fight old forces. The movement toward a real historic victory is in the making.

Public school teachers around the country are engaged in strikes. They walked out of their classrooms and schools to gain attention from state legislators, and not just for better salaries and benefits for themselves (although most Americans agree that teachers need better pay). Teachers are calling attention to a sticky problem in American public education funding: long-term inequitable distribution of funding that predictably falls along racial lines. Maryland, just like every other state, faces this kind of inequity. For example, the state has consistently underfunded Baltimore City Public Schools (BCPSS) in violation of their constitutional definition of adequacy, upheld by the courts multiple times. The funding inequity dates back to the Jim Crow period, during which Blacks paid taxes in Maryland but received nothing in return to fund their schools. For many years, the Baltimore Teachers Union (BTU) argued for more funding and increased salaries for its members. It was so committed to the latter that it negotiated a contract that included merit pay. Neoliberal school reform advocates across the country hailed the 2010 contract that promoted school choice as "progressive." However, many teachers were unhappy with this contract negotiation and thought it ignored many of the issues that were important to teachers. This discontent was not lost on a small group of teachers who decided to come together informally. They began by learning. They read common texts, visited union caucuses in other cities (e.g., Caucus of Rank and File Educators in Chicago), and regularly discussed their vision for Baltimore schools. Through this process, they built durable relationships with each other, reached out to others, and began to identify leaders among them. This group called themselves BMORE (Baltimore Movement of Rank and File Educators). [Co-written with the BMORE Caucus.]

Zero hour contract is an arrangement between employers and employees which does not include minimum working hours and employees have to be available in order to work in any time. There is a legal definition of it in New Zealand recently however it might be carried out under casual contract which is legal. Zero hour contract is a big problem in terms of employees and ecoliteracy because it causes exploitation of the employees' rights. The aim of this study is therefore to evaluate the applications of zero hour contracts within ecoliteracy in New Zealand. It will then focus on specific points, negative aspects--in terms of employees--and the local implications of zero hour contracts. In conclusion, it may be said that the zero hour contract should be checked by the government regularly and employees' rights should be protected legally in New Zealand.

The Youth Strike for Climate raised important global attention to interconnected climate, energy and environmental issues -- it also compelled us to consider what we will do to address these pressing challenges. Developed through consideration of such dynamics, we propose critical energy literacy as an emerging theory that denotes understanding of the social, environmental, political and economic challenges, benefits and impacts of various energy sources, developments and technologies. Critical energy literacy is grounded in critical and decolonising approaches to STEM education; considerations for collaborative multi-, inter- and Trans disciplinary pedagogy; critical place-based inquiry and pedagogy; critical gender perspectives and critical media literacy and engagement. Enhancing societal critical energy literacy will assist with more equitable energy, transit, construction and environmental planning by and for communities, businesses and governments. In this theory-building commentary, we share insights related to and principles for our emerging theory of critical energy literacy which coalesced through personal experience with and previous studies into related initiatives and areas of inquiry, and recent reviews of literature as well as K-12, post-secondary and not-for-profit curricula in Canada with consideration for international contexts. A discussion of renewable energy development and education focused on the Canadian province of Alberta is presented as an illuminating exemplar.

In this article framing the special issue on the global school strikes for climate, we ask: what if education is not the solution, but part of the system young people want to change? In conversation with school strikers and reflecting on the contributions to this issue, we argue that the strikes pose a reckoning for education. Five key themes emerge from this special issue: (1) students are striking because of the affective weight of climate injustice; (2) students learn through their participation in striking, in contrast to the often insufficient climate change education taught in schools; (3) young people are becoming climate change educators through their roles as strikers; (4) strikers are patronised through paternalistic structures (including schooling) that ostensibly exist to protect them; and therefore (5) we need to reimagine education. We then advance four propositions for education in response to young people's modest demands for a liveable future: (1) young people are in and of the collapsing climate; (2) youth voices need to be taken seriously, without excusing adult and collective responsibilities; (3) multigenerational, more-than-human, intercultural collaborations must be practiced in education for climate justice; and (4) we must learn to navigate ontological uncertainty and attend to ethical complexity.

The "School Strike 4 Climate" is a timely opportunity for education and research sectors to support youth stories in climate change policy, and foster impactful relationships between researchers, teachers and students. But much research in this space has inherent selection biases where youth representation in research is limited by place (such as attendance at a protest), snowball sampling (often within already engaged groups) or through education channels (such as private or independent schools), ultimately leading to unrepresentative response samples. This comment explores the challenges and opportunities for equitable inclusion of teenage voices in environmental research, including some practical approaches (such as inclusion of public schools) to ensure more diverse samples are represented. Implications for how the existing body of research should be viewed is discussed, highlighting an existing lack of representation of students that do not overtly engage with climate activism or "School Strikes."

The School Strike for Climate campaign led to public discussion about children's political participation. Children are generally excluded from formal political systems, however this campaign challenges mainstream attitudes that children are not sufficiently competent to participate in politics. This paper presents an analysis of Australian mainstream media representations of adult responses to the School Strike for Climate events held in Australia in March 2019. When analysed against theories of childhood, two primary narratives are reflected in what adults said about children's participation in the campaign. Anticipatory narratives focus on children appropriately developing into adults, and are represented by the notion that strikers should be in school, be punished for missing school, and are 'just kids' who should not be listened to. Protectionist narratives seek to shelter children from adult matters, suggesting strikers were brainwashed and raising welfare concerns. Neither of these narratives regard children as citizens capable of political voice, despite these children acting prefiguratively to create a world in which their civic participation is valued. Social movement theories of prefiguration are also explored in this paper, providing a counter argument to suggestions that children have no political agency and should be excluded from activism and discussions regarding climate change.

Since November 2018, Australian high school climate strikers have become leaders in the movement for climate action, giving rise to a new generation of young people who have learnt how to lead change. This article focuses on the question of leadership across social movements and in global youth movements. It then investigates the different forms of leadership emerging in School Striker for Climate (SS4C) through a qualitative survey of its leaders. We argue that leadership is multifaceted, shaped by the different strategies that movements use to engage people in collective action. We present three different people power strategies -- mobilising, organising and playing by the rules -- and explore how these different strategies generate varied pathways for leadership development. We identify the strengths and limits of each strategy, and we find that peer learning, mentoring, learning by doing, confrontation, reflective spaces and training are important leadership development tools. This article's greatest strength comes from the positionally of us as researchers -- two of us are student strikers, and the third is an active supporter, giving us a distinctively engaged perspective on a powerful movement for change.

In recent years, and particularly with the emergence of cultural history,historians of education have begun to adopt a wide variety of theoretical approaches to their scholarship. Notwithstanding this, cultural historical activity theory (CHAT) remains underutilised in the field of history of education, despite being employed widely in other domains of education research.This paper illustrates the way in which CHAT offers a valuable framework for identifying and illuminating broad sweeps of change in education at local, national, and international levels, specifically by interrogating a strike initiated by female students in a religious-run teacher training college in Ireland in the 1970s. What is particularly remarkable about that strike is that these women activists were protesting at a time when Irish society was at its most conservative, when Church control was at its zenith, and when women's rights were most restricted. Yet, these women activists were not rising up against the male dominant hegemony. Rather, they were rising up against the female religious managers of the college. Our use of CHAT, thus, focused on patriarchy perpetuated by women on women.

This article analyzes the cultural explosion of "28A," the largest national strike in Colombia's recent times. It aims to further understand the protest from the point of view of young artists that went out to protest. Following analytical tools borrowed from the performance studies, I bring a decolonial approach to the performance studies debate, analyzing social protests as "epistemological struggles" in relation to alternative pedagogies of resistance and solidarity. I join the decolonial commitment of this special issue by thinking from and with Indigenous, Black, Mestizxs, and Youth discourses and praxes, while opening Indigeneity, Blackness, and decoloniality to other spaces like the performing arts, circus, and the "mestizo" nation. I draw attention to Afro and Indigenous philosophies and practices that influence circus practice in Colombia. As those praxes transcend specific Afro and Indigenous communities, the cultural explosion not only challenges the idea of the mestizo nation but also reveals the prevalence of inter-epistemic dialogues and pedagogies of solidarity among young artists in Colombia. In the aftermath of 28A and its cultural explosion, those dialogues have been joined by other sectors of society as revealed in the current presidential elections, where Afro and Indigenous philosophies are finally being considered as valid alternative forms of governance within the mestizo nation.

In this paper, we offer a childist reading of school strikes for climate in an overheated world. We argue that school strikes can be understood as offering a dynamic counterweight to formal education, by providing opportunities for children to self-educate, and for others, especially adults, to learn from them. We suggest that taking school strikes seriously as sites of political appearance--which highlight interdependencies and vulnerabilities in the face of crises in Anthropocene neoliberalism requires rethinking the boundaries of democratic participation and education. In particular, we highlight that school strikes for climate serve as an invitation for adults "to let" children contribute to their own ongoing formation. A childist philosophical attitude that emphasises mutual teaching--i.e. the adult capacity to see and hear what children show and say--can expand through an engagement with, rather than against school strikes. Children's political appearance on streets to influence political priorities from an intergenerational global justice point of view is a gift for adults and adultist structures. It is a passage to grasp deep interdependence and to assume appropriate responsibility. If 'education' is a beacon of hope in times of overheated despair, then the hope is in educational philosophies that have room for mutual teaching. The philosophical assumption that it is adults who must always, and necessarily, teach children to prepare them for a better future would have to be discarded.

The climate strikes of 2019 motivated millions worldwide onto the street and provided a platform for youth voices that demanded global climate action. This article explores the experiences of climate strike leaders in Aotearoa New Zealand questioning the motivational factors behind the youth action. In-depth interviews with 15 climate strike leaders identified emotions that influenced engagement and could motivate action. Climate strike leaders reported experiencing a series of turbulent emotional stages from apathy to action. Their experiences suggest that anxiety and anger are important stages in the emotional journey towards action. Using Boler's "Pedagogy of Discomfort," this paper examines these emotional stages that can disable or enable action. Considering youth perspectives increases our understanding of a suitable climate change educational framework that potentially supports both educators and students on this challenging journey.

This article analyzes the experience of higher education student organizing in Puerto Rico. The national student strikes of 2010 and 2017 were the longest held in the history of the University of Puerto Rico, the island's only public institution for higher education. We examine the educational approach of the national student social movement using the concepts of critical thinking and embodied learning.

On October 16, 2017, over 12,000 faculty, librarians, and counsellors in 24 independent postsecondary colleges in Ontario, Canada went on strike for the fourth time since they organized in 1971 as members of the Civil Service Association of Ontario and won their first collective agreement the next year. Begun as an apolitical, self-consciously quasi-colonial, and decidedly elitist "professional" body in 1911, the CSAO has transformed itself in name and in nature into an increasingly class-conscious and intermittently militant Ontario Public Service Employees Union with current membership of approximately 180,000 including: clerical staff; community and social service workers; corrections officers; healthcare, transportation, and natural resource workers; as well as college academic and support staff employees. Relations with their employers have become increasingly adversarial and rarely greater than in the college sector. This paper explores this strike.

Background: Social movement scholarship tends to focus on macro-level processes of movement emergence, overlooking the day-to-day groundwork of marginalized social movement actors who contribute to and sustain large-scale action. Contributing to this gap in literature, we develop the construct of "pedagogies of organizing" to illuminate the micro-level dimensions through which social movements for educational justice emerge. Methods: Drawing on audio/video recordings, field notes, and artifacts as data, we examine the micro-interactional processes through which a teacher of Color, as union organizer, facilitates common cause and identity among teachers, students, and working people as social movement actors in the 2019 Los Angeles teacher strike. Findings: Our analysis details how broad-based social movements and teacher union's organizing strategies influenced his practices. Guided by ethnic studies and third world feminism, this teacher simultaneously engaged multiple contexts--sometimes at tension with one another--to (re)create organizing strategies that sustained collective action and (re)centered anti-racist intersectional visions of educational justice. Contribution: We argue that this teacher's culminating practices concurrently re-shaped and re-imagined present and future education reform efforts, and discuss how expansive possibilities of educational justice within a neoliberal context are embodied by teacher-activists of Color who critically and innovatively enact everyday organizing practices.

Historically, patriarchy has been as dominant in education in Ireland as elsewhere. In the Irish context, it was promoted through the male-dominated Catholic Church, which controlled either directly or indirectly the vast majority of education institutions in the country. This dominant hegemony was most powerful during the period post-Independence, achieved in 1922, and up until the 1960s. By the 1960s, however, Irish society had begun a process of self-reflection and modernisation triggered by exposure to international ideas, the Second Vatican Council, the democratisation of education and radical changes in economic policy. This article focuses on one manifestation of this process, namely a strike initiated by female students at a female-run teacher training college in Dublin in demand of a greater voice in the nature of the curriculum taught and in the governance of the college. However, these women were protesting not against the male hegemony, rather against the women religious who perpetrated this hegemony. The focus of this study is thus on patriarchy perpetuated by women on women.

Vice-chancellor salaries have been a topic of media interest and scholarly research for decades. In recent years, however, the media's interest and criticism of vice-chancellors' salaries has escalated, as negativity surrounding university performance and administration has led to a significant increase in articles concerning these matters. This article examines 190 print and online articles from Australian and United Kingdom media, published between 2013-2018. It argues that the common narratives are highly critical, as vice-chancellors' salaries are reported to be increasing while university performance is subsiding, student fees are increasing, staff salaries are increasing minimally, and as University and College Union (UCU) pension strikes occurred, in 2018, in the United Kingdom. As research suggests media narratives influence public discourse, this article highlights the need for greater transparency and understanding of vice-chancellors' roles to improve the (currently media-led) public understanding, which frequently misrepresents vice-chancellors' roles and aligns quality with league table performance.

The purpose of this study was to find out the impact of incessant strike actions and industrial disputes in Cross River University of Technology and its effect on students' motivation to learning. Over the years, a considerable amount of effort has been put on ground in order to run the Cross River University of Technology devoid of financial incapacitations which has perpetually crippled its optimum functionality as an academic institution involved in man power training and development. In a wider context, there is an increased emphasis on a sound and balanced education which influences an individual's competitiveness and meets the requirements of the global village. The requirement for today's graduate is that he must be prepared to meet the demands of the national economy by possessing the requisite ability to compete with other graduates produced in other parts of the world. Requisite skills and knowledge is a key source of competitive advantage, often being regarded as the key differentiator between developed nations and many other developing or third world countries. The motivation of students to study is affected by all institutional components -- including people, processes, rules and decision making activities involved in the administration of academic service delivery and the benefits to students in exchange for school fees paid to the University .Data was collected through questionnaires distributed to 60 students of the Institution to seek their reactions to the cycle of strikes which in the last two years [2013 to 2015] has totalled 12 calendar months of lost academic activity. The result revealed that students are grossly demotivated and discouraged to pursue academic studies in CRUTECH and that the strike actions have had significant negative effect on the motivational level of student to learn. Secondly lengthy stay at home makes them unqualified to partake in the National Youth Service scheme due to age constraints or barriers arising from above. Based on the analysis of the data, it was recommended that to reduce incessant strike actions caused by financial incapacitations, conceited efforts such as running more study programs as a means of revenue generation should be made by the school authorities to fund the school to avert total collapse of academic activities and dearth in balanced education.

This article explores the realm of educational politics and the organization of opposition to neoliberal school reform in the United States of America. A distinguishing feature of the current reform movement--which blends free-market rhetoric with austere governance and undemocratic corporate control--is the callous normalization of educational insecurity. In this way, the author argues, contemporary trends in US school reform mirror, but also contribute to, the broader exacerbation of social insecurity under neoliberal governance. Though neoliberal reform strategies primarily target vulnerable groups with the aim of forcing them to acquiesce to market-driven reforms under duress, their blatant hostility often provokes dissent and resistance. Drawing on Judith Butler's recent writing on the "performative politics of assembly," the author examines two protests against neoliberal reform in an effort to think more deeply about the state of radical educational thought and the future of oppositional struggles seeking to transform the conditions of education in order to move beyond neoliberalism.

This article reflects upon the neoliberalisation of higher education and its effects on teaching practice. It is argued that a neoliberal discourse of teaching excellence has the effect of working against, and potentially undermining, the emancipatory potential of higher education. The article reflects upon attempts to navigate disciplinary power in the neoliberal university and considers whether critical, emancipatory praxis is possible or if complicity in, and co-option by, neoliberalism is inevitable. Ultimately, it is concluded that individual teachers have some scope to pursue approaches which counter neoliberal dominance but that this is heavily constrained. A broader, collective, project will therefore be necessary if alternative (critical, emancipatory) visions of teaching and learning in higher education are to successfully challenge neoliberal hegemony and the negative effects of this in the academy.

This paper was designed to x-ray the implications of incessant strike actions on the implementation of Technical education programme in Nigeria. The paper took an exploratory view on the concept of strike actions in Nigeria with particular references on notable strike actions that have occurred in Nigeria. The types of strike were explained and some of them examined include: recognition strike, economic strike, jurisdictional strike, sympathy strike and wildcat strike. The causes of strike actions were also examined and they include: unfair treatment to the employees/victimization, violation of legislation and poor application of the provision of collective bargaining. The implications of strike actions on Technical education programme were examined also. A major contribution made in this paper was in the area of repositioning the mindset of stakeholders on the implications of these incessant strike actions on the implementation of Technical education programme in Nigeria. One of the recommendations advanced was that Government should ensure adequate provision of infrastructures and facilities in various institutions.

This article refers to a research on the political memory of the military dictatorship in Brazil, held in three Brazilian cities (Belo Horizonte, Curitiba and São Paulo) in which we analyzed the social and psychopolitical impacts caused by the dictatorship as well as the redemocratization process in building the political memory of community and union leaders. The study revealed two important legacies that were found in the reports of interviewees: the first one refers to police repression, impunity, and authoritarianism still present in Brazilian society; the second legacy refers to the existence of a political memory built by social movements and communities that care about passing on, to the new generations, the events that occurred during the military dictatorship. Research has clearly shown that there is no single memory but several "underground memories" (Pollak, 1989), built by the popular classes, which contradict the versions disseminated by the official memory and enhance the social movements capacity of action as a strategy of resistance and political struggle of the movements today. To the extent that this fight is assumed by other spheres of Brazilian society it may contribute to memory policies in the fight against forgetting.

Using Canadian data from 1976 to 2014, I study the size distribution of strikes with three alternative measures of strike size: the number of workers on strike, strike duration in calendar days, and the number of person calendar days lost to a strike. I use a maximum likelihood framework that provides a way to estimate distributions, evaluate model fit, and also test against alternative distributions. I consider a few theories that can create power law distributions in strike size, such as the joint costs model that posits strike size is inversely proportional to dispute costs. I find that the power law distribution fits the data for the number of lost person calendar days relatively well and is also more appropriate than the lognormal distribution. I also discuss the implications of my findings from a methodological, research, and policy perspective.

Many parents are unhappy with the way testing has altered, expanded and taken hold in primary schools in recent years. Some parents chose to express their objections to primary Standard Assessment Tests (SATs) in particular, through taking part in collective strike action. While research into testing abounds, the opinions of parents and their role in such activism remain less explored. This article draws from a qualitative pilot study into parental opinions on primary school testing. Some preliminary thematic analysis is presented, giving a flavour of the data. Parents are concerned with the effect and emotional stress on children, the content and structure of tests and with their broader impact on the curriculum and on classroom teaching. They are impassioned, articulate and forthright.

This paper considers the history of Québec's higher education system and the reforms that have contributed to the role of education in the province. Québec's education system has repeatedly been a site for social and political transformation; most recently, reevaluation of education's role in the province has revealed a tension between ideologically opposed conceptions of higher education as a private good or as a public service. The continuing debate about education has been especially fierce in Québec and raises questions of access, funding, quality, and educational philosophies applicable to contemporary education systems throughout Canada and across the globe.

School superintendents have many roles, and being responsible for collective bargaining is one of those roles in states where collective bargaining is mandatory. This role has changed over the years, and it varies from school district to school district. As teacher associations and unions have increased in number and strength, superintendents and boards of education have had to devote more time to the process of negotiations. The researcher and the American Association of School Administrators (AASA) conducted a national study in 1989, asking school superintendents their opinions on the topic of collective bargaining. The topics included in the study are the following: (1) The role of the superintendent; (2) The composition of the board's bargaining team; (3) The choice of the chief spokesperson for the board; (4) The advantages and disadvantages of having board members negotiate; and (5) The frequency of teacher strikes. This study, with a few questions added regarding "win-win" bargaining, was repeated in 1999. The 1999 study was repeated again in 2010 to see it there were any major shifts in the responses over the years. 87.0% of superintendents stated that they would recommend win-win bargaining, with 13.0% not recommending win-win bargaining over traditional bargaining.

Rising rates of unionization in university settings suggest that campus labour disputes are likely to become an increasingly relevant issue. The research question in the current analysis asked which factors contributed to students' perception of fair treatment following a university labour disruption. A longitudinal survey of students' experiences was conducted before, during, and following a 12-week strike by teaching assistants and contract faculty at a large Canadian university. Hierarchical regression analysis revealed that students' pre-strike satisfaction with their academic program contributed to a perception of post-strike fairness. The more students' plans had been affected by the strike, the greater the reduction in perceived fairness. Post-strike fairness increased significantly the more students were satisfied with course remediation and the more they felt they had a faculty member to turn to following the strike. Interestingly, neither students' levels of financial concern, nor their attitudes toward the strike, predicted perceived fairness. Implications for addressing students' concerns in the wake of an academic labour dispute are discussed. (Contains 5 tables and 2 notes.)