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This article consists of several parts:it explores the broad level of participation in Mexican society of citizens and companies associated with the Axis powers; it then looks at the use that several key political and economic figures in Mexico and the United States made of the reality, and or the fear of Axis influence; finally the article explores the treatment of the Axis nationals after Mexico entered World War II. Este artículo consiste de varias partes: explora el alto nivel de participación de ciudadanos y compañías asociadas con los poderes del Eje en la sociedad mexicana;luego observa eluso que varias figuras claves de la política y la economía de México hicieron de la realidad y deltemor a la influencia delEje;y finalmente, el artículo explora el tratamiento de los nacionales del Eje después de la entrada de México en la Segunda Guerra Mundial.

This article is an exploration of the development of Acapulco, primarily in the twentieth century. It looks at the political economy of the resort and its importance to the Mexican model of development. It also examines the myths, tourist promotion, and the place of Acapulco in popular culture. Este artículo es una exploración del desarrollo de Acapulco, principalmente en el siglo veinte. Se estudia la economía política de ese centro turístico y su importancia para el modelo mexicano de desarrollo. Examina también los mitos, la promoción turística, y el lugar de Acapulco en la cultura popular.

Colombia is in a prolonged spiral of political and economic crisis, at least as profound as the infamous violencia of the 1940s-50s. Arguably the current situation is even more desperate. Today the national territory is being fragmented as a multi-dimensional battle is waged for state power in which the government finds its ability to rule challenged by a number of organisations which have become a law unto themselves. A minimal (Weberian) definition of a nation state is that the central government monopolises the use of legitimate force, certainly above the level of individual criminals or small crime syndicates. Its laws are normally not challenged except by legal means and the military might be assumed to control the national territory. None of these conditions applies in Colombia today. Among the organisations challenging the state are revolutionary movements, some of which have been in the field since shortly after the Cuban Revolution. Within the greater nation-state they have set up virtua...

In recent years, I have been working on the reversal of the radical elements of the Mexican Revolution in the 1940s. Concentrating on international issues of development, I wrote a book (see Niblo, 1995) under the title Setting the Rules. The publisher, perhaps correctly, persuaded me to change the title, arguing that it would not mean much to readers. Writing at the end of the cold war in a context of the defeat of the old left, my proposed title nonetheless conveyed an argument that still seems fundamental to our contemporary predicament. It is only by examining specific policies, initiatives, and results at a far more concrete level that we can hope to remedy the inequality that has become so dominant in recent years and is producing worldwide environmental devastation. For too long, progressive politics was equated with the expansion of the state, with a reified notion of the direction in which history was moving, with the prevalence of supposed laws, or with the victory of critically thinking elites with which the writer identified. Many of these tendencies have been laid to rest, in some notable cases for decades, as it has become clear that state enterprises can operate for the public good or the opposite. Yet for too many, the collapse of the organized left at the end of the cold war created an ideological void. If there is to be a renewal of the left in any meaningful sense, then we must again place political economy at the heart of our effort. The failure of alternatives in the face of the recrudescence of neoliberalismstate-of-the-art economic theory from the 1890s for the 1990s-has created a crisis of understanding and a paralysis of action, as the obeisance of populist leaders such as Cardenas in Mexico, Menem in Argentina, and Cardoso in Brazil makes clear. The old left's absolute commitment to democratic centralism and the cause of the USSR and its near-worship of the state in places such as Mexico made leaders tolerate an assault on the living standards of the vast majority of the population in the mid-20th century. Authoritarianism crushed people in the

Eric Zolov has written an analysis of the reception of metropolitan rock culture within the context of the hardening of the PRI's arterial control of Mexican society. At one level, Zolov has traced the reception of rock culture in Mexico from the 1950s to its near demise in the 1970s. He explains the complex, evolving, and at times, contradictory social base of the musical revolution and the reception by young people—all under the gaze of the nervous state.

Cultural imperialism is a blatant fact in Latin America. Foreign influence in the mass communication media is ubiquitous. Newspapers frequently accept their news from the international wire services and radio and television not only play foreign programs but also introduce foreign products, tastes, and values; even advertising promotes urban life styles and foreign standards of beauty. Local ownership of the media is rarely a protection against the avalanche of media influence from abroad. An absurd chasm exists between local needs in poor regions and the massive infusion of consumer products which have developed in and for affluent countries. Attention has turned to the ease with which news reports, programs, and advertising material have been transferred to underdeveloped countries with crass regard for local customs, traditions, and even national pride. Some accounts have focused upon the technological superiority of the industrial countries, control of the channels of distribution, the economies of scale that are achieved by replaying material around the world, and the ownership of the media (Mattelart, 1977: 37-59). Other studies have examined ways to explore codes by which inarticulated meaning is transmitted. Without denigrading these approaches it seems worth noting that relatively little attention has been given to the specific historical evolution of media manipulation in this century (Turnstall, 1977: 63). The ahistorical orientation of the majority of studies of cultural imperialism not only reflects a lack of interest on the part of historians but also the difficulty in locating sources for concrete studies of the phenomenon. No analyst has yet, to my knowledge, gained access to the internal archives of the wire services or the advertising agencies. Sometimes the countries in which these groups work are only partially aware that they have been the object of media manipulation. This article examines the experience of British propaganda agents who were active in Mexico during the early years of the Second World War. A se*The author teaches in the Department of History at La Trobe University in Bundoora, Victoria, Australia.

The recent literature dealing with Mexico in the nineteenth century is massive. This motivated us to the task of reviewing the material published since the Third Reunion of Mexican and North American Historians at Oaxtapec in 1969. Initially over 450 titles were identified, dealing with all aspects of the period. Our original intention was to review the literature in Spanish, since that material is already becoming difficult to locate, but our attempt to treat material in only one language became unworkable. We also had planned to organize the essay conceptually rather than chronologically, but too many important studies were left out. So we have reluctantly returned to the traditionally accepted periodization of political history: independence, early republic, reform, and the porfiriato. Limitations of space forced the elimination of sections dealing with local, diplomatic, intellectual, and cultural history.

No topic is of greater relevance in the twentieth century than modernization. In spite of the remarkable growth of production in the industrialized world in the past decades, it would be difficult to name one country that has passed from the underdeveloped to developed category in the capitalist world. Mexico has, in the judgement of a number of economists and historians of development, been experiencing rapid rates of growth as measured by GNP, per capital income, and industrial output that have created a virtual "milagro Mexicano." The contention of this paper is that a celebration of the success of the developmental program in Mexico is premature. Several tendencies are quite distressing in Mexico today. Moreover those elements seem to cast into doubt the judgement of the best known commentators on the subject. Clark W. Reynolds, for example, cited such figures as the increase in GDP of 6.1 percent between 1950 and 1965 and the rate of increase in industrial production of 7.7 percent between 1940 and 1960 in order to conclude that in spite of difficulties