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This paper expands the concept of contested neighborhood boundaries to account for spatial variation in violence across urban neighborhoods. We argue that contested boundaries—defined as spaces in which one group holds a narrow majority in close proximity to a large minority group—will contain the highest levels of intergroup violence. Conversely, levels of intragroup violence will be comparatively low in these areas, as contested spatial boundaries will give rise to more clearly defined group boundaries, increasing solidarity and placing downward pressure on intragroup conflict. We assess this bifurcated perspective by appending geocoded data on over 13,000 violent crimes to 359 Census block groups in St. Louis, MO for the period spanning 2010 to 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a longitudinal data set of 317 neighborhoods from 1996 to 2002 in Utrecht, The Netherlands, this study tests whether types of crime differentially impact (a) the mechanisms of social disorganization theory and (b) residents’ mobility behavior and attitudes toward the neighborhood. Neighborhoods with more cohesion have less violence 2 years later. Also, neighborhoods perceiving more violence experience lower levels of cohesion 2 years later. Higher levels of perceived violence were most important for explaining who moves out of the neighborhood, as such neighborhoods had more non-Whites and more lower income households at the next time point. Burglaries (a crime that occurs in private space) appear to increase residents’ sense of feeling responsibility for the neighborhood.

Social disorganization theory holds that neighborhoods with greater residential stability, higher socioeconomic status, and more ethnic homogeneity experience less disorder because these neighborhoods have higher social cohesion and exercise more social control. Recent extensions of the theory argue that disorder in turn affects these structural characteristics and mechanisms. Using a data set on 74 neighborhoods in the city of Utrecht in the Netherlands spanning 10 years, we tested the extended theory, which to date only a few studies have been able to do because of the unavailability of neighborhood-level longitudinal data. We also improve on previous studies by distinguishing between the potential for social control (feelings of responsibility) and the actual social control behavior. Cross-sectional analyses replicate earlier findings, but the results of longitudinal cross-lagged models suggest that disorder has large consequences for subsequent levels of social control and residential instability, thus leading to more disorder. This is in contrast to most previous studies, which assume disorder to be more a consequence than a cause. This study underlines the importance of longitudinal data, allowing for simultaneously testing the causes and consequences of disorder, as well as the importance of breaking down social control into the two dimensions of the potential for social control and the actual social control behavior. © 2011 American Society of Criminology.

Social disorganization theory holds that neighborhoods with a greater population stability, higher socio-economic status and more ethnic homogeneity experience less disorder because these neighborhoods have higher social cohesion and exercise more social control. Recent extensions of the theory argue that disorder in turn affects these structural characteristics and mechanisms. Using a dataset on 74 neighborhoods in the city of Utrecht in the Netherlands spanning ten years, we tested the extended theory, which to date only few studies have been able to do because of unavailability of neighborhood-level longitudinal data. We also improve on previous studies by distinguishing between potential for social control (feelings of responsibility) and actual social control behavior. Cross-sectional analyses replicate earlier findings, but the results of longitudinal cross-lagged models suggest that disorder has large consequences for subsequent levels of social control and population turnover, thus leading to more disorder. This is in contrast to previous research, which sees disorder more as a consequence than a cause. This study underlines the importance of longitudinal data, allowing for simultaneously testing the causes and consequences of disorder, as well as the importance of breaking down social control into the potential for social control and actual social control behavior.

In recent decades, the analysis of different geographic scales for studying the spatial patterning of crime has profoundly deepened our theoretical grasp of crime dynamics. However, a similar investigation is lacking when it comes to the patterning of offender residences, despite there being clear theoretical and empirical reasons for doing so, among them, the close relationship between where offenders live and where their corresponding crimes are committed. This paper delves into the concentration and variance of offender residences across different levels of spatial aggregation. The data used contains the locations of residence for known offenders in Birmingham between the years 2006 and 2016. Resident locations are aggregated to Output Areas (OA), nested within Lower Super Output Areas (LSOA), further nested within Middle Super Output Areas (MSOA). Descriptive and model-based statistics are deployed to quantify concentration and variation at each spatial scale. Results suggest that most variance (48%) in offender residence concentrations is attributable to the largest spatial scale (MSOA level). Output Areas capture approximately 38% of the variance. Findings open up discussions on the role of urban development in determining the appropriateness of spatial scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes how the Dutch pop phenomenon Kinderen voor Kinderen mirrors the Zeitgeist of societal changes in the Netherlands. Strongly rooted in the left-winged pillar of the system of pillarization (verzuiling), Kinderen voor Kinderen dared to address controversial topics like the fear for the atom bomb, the changing female body in puberty, homosexuality and diversity. Bespreekbaarheid is the key word for our three case studies. The first – Brief aan Ernst – is an answer song for Doe Maar, a reaction to the doemdenken. The second one – Het Tietenlied – breaks the taboo of developing breasts. Lastly, the third case study – Kom erbij – is about diversity and gender issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]