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California’s statewide system for public education is designed to serve a minority of its students very well, and the rest, not well at all. The “haves”—students with access to necessary educational supports—thrive, while the “have nots”—students who lack these resources due to no fault of their own—lag behind. Black, Indigenous, Latino, Pacific Islander students, immigrant children, foster youth, unhoused students, students with disabilities, and English learners are consistently underserved by our schools. Over the past 30 years, much attention has been directed at the persistence of the discredited “achievement gap,” which subtly (and not so subtly) has placed the responsibility for “not achieving” on students, their families, and their communities. Today, formally conceptualized as an “opportunity gap,” this reclassification still fails to assign responsibility where it belongs: on the State’s failure to establish a public education system that ensures (not just aspires to) a high-quality education.This paper examines how, at its core, the California statewide education system has constructed educational pipelines that perpetuate and expand stark inequities based on race, income, and immigrant status.

The article provides a comparative analysis of the republican system of Estonia and Finland, each of which has certain historical parallels with Ukraine (Finland was part of the Russian Empire during the 19th-early 20th centuries, Estonia was part of the USSR in the 40-80s of the 20th century). It is emphasized that the established experience of solving the problem of stabilization of the domestic and foreign political situation defined by the constitutions of the countries is successful, Finland and Estonia are members of NATO and the EU, therefore there is an opportunity to use their experience in Ukraine. The principles of the organization and functioning of the state bodies of the specified states, the rights and duties of citizens, the peculiarities of the activity of the parliament, the peculiarities of the exercise of executive power, the powers of the country's presidents, the peculiarities of their election and legal status are considered. It is concluded that there are structural and substantive similarities and differences between the republican system of Estonia and Finland. It is shown that such features include the unitary nature of states, a fairly broad list of rights and freedoms of citizens, the provision of the principle of habeas corpus, the appointment of Prime Ministers and ministers by parliaments, the exercise of executive power by governments, the accountability of governments to legislative bodies, the election of the Presidents of both republics for only two terms «consecutive» terms. It is outlined that the differences include different ways of electing Presidents (in Finland ‒ by parliament, in Estonia ‒ by direct elections); different terms of office of presidents (the President of Finland for 6 years, the President of Estonia for 5 years); differences in the form of government (parliamentary republic in Estonia and mixed semipresidential republic in Finland); different number of state languages: one (Estonian) state language in Estonia and two (Finnish and Swedish) in Finland; granting the President of Estonia the status of head of state by the Constitution and the absence of such status in the Basic Law of Finland; exercise of executive power in Finland by the President of the Republic together with the State Council, in Estonia ‒ only by the Prime Minister and ministers. It is emphasized that Estonia and Finland differ in solving the problem of citizenship and the rights of national minorities. Finnish autonomy is not just a special status, but a mini-constitution of the islands, under which a system of counterbalances of state and local (autonomous) interests operates, which is not typical for Estonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the problem of the interaction of law with other social phenomena. On the one hand, law can be used to protect other social phenomena, such as moral norms, economic interests, cultural values, and on the other hand, social phenomena can influence the formation of legal norms and law and order in society. An important aspect of research is the interaction of legal norms with such social phenomena as politics, economy, culture, morality, and others, as well as the influence of legal norms on social reality and the interaction of various aspects of society’s life. The article examines the problem of the correlation of legal policy with certain social phenomena, and also determines the role of law in the formation of social reality. In addition, the author investigates the problem of regulation of social phenomena by the norms of national and international law in the context of social phenomena. Understanding the relationship between law and various social phenomena is important for the development of legal policy in the conditions of constantly changing social realities. Studying the relationship between law and other social phenomena allows us to understand the causes of such conflicts and find ways to solve problems. Understanding the relationship between law and social phenomena is important for the effective functioning of the legal system, ensuring the protection of human rights and freedoms, the development of international law and legal awareness. Knowledge of this interaction helps to understand trends in the development of law as a social phenomenon, as well as social phenomena as components of law. Also, understanding the relationship between law and other social phenomena is important for the development of the international legal system and the implementation of international legal cooperation. In connection with the growth of globalization and international cooperation, there is a need for the development of international law and legal instruments that regulate relations between different states and international organizations. Understanding legal norms and their relationship with social phenomena contributes to the formation of a high legal culture in society and ensuring the protection of human rights and freedoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article contains an analysis of the system of state concepts of the main anti-Bolshevik centers during the civil war of 1917-1920. This covers the period of time from the overthrow of the Provisional Government by the Bolsheviks in 1917 to the collapse of General Peter Wrangel's rule in Crimea. The paper presents an analysis of the most important legal acts, political and ideological concepts, and projects of major social and economic reforms of the following anti-Bolshevik centers: the White Movement in the south of Russia (under the leadership of Generals Mikhail Alekseev, Lavr Kornilov, Anton Denikin, and Peter Wrangel), the Committee of Members of the Constituent Assembly (Komuch), the Ufimsky Directory, and the White Siberia under Admiral Alexander Kolchak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Route Educational & Social Science Journal (Ress Journal) is the property of Ress Academy Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: to present the national security environment from the perspective of the main assumptions formulated by Aristotle. This was he, who examined 158 constitutions of states, and he also undertook the work of describing the known regimes in detail. He can be considered the first thinker to approach the entire spectrum of political and social issues in a scientific manner. Method: the research was conducted using the following general scientific and special methods: the historical method during the study of the examination of constitutions by Aristotle; the method of analysis and synthesis related to the functioning of the state by Aristotle, abstract-logical method – for formulating theoretical generalizations and research conclusions. The results of the study: are related to Aristotleʼs indications, that a democratic system can be a matrix for other forms of government and of utmost importance is to preserve sustainability. The intention was not to develop or to reject the existing theories, but it was possible to formulate the assumption, that democracy, as we know it, has been a specific system whose durability depends on specific virtues and goods, most often called liberal. Theoretical implications: the practitioners can learn from the paper, that following Aristotle, the virtue of moderation should be incorporated into the cross-section of liberal political values for the benefit of the sustainability of democracy and the citizens who participate in its achievements. In this respect, the relationship between politics and ethics was revealed, which is characteristic of the classically understood philosophy of politics. Practical implications: the findings could serve as the research streams related to deeper analysis of the democratic systems, and the relations with the essence of the democracy of ancient Athens and looking for inspiration and parallel solutions for the political culture of current liberal democratic societies. Papertype: theoretical.

This Provocation examines the nationalist discourse that has surrounded international reactions to the Russian invasion and war on Ukraine in 2022. It critiques the use of any kind of nationalism as a way to express solidarity because rallying around any flag is also the act of rallying around the Westphalian state system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the problem of the Lithuanian Council of Lords institutionalization on the basis of the analysis of legal documents and everyday office work of the principality. The work used such documents as privilege (law), judicial records, statutes, documents of the Grand Duchy Chancellery (metrics), etc. Special attention is paid to the study of the practical institutionalization of the Council, i.e. its transformation into a real functioning authority. The author examined this process in various aspects, questioned the framework of the Council formation as state power institution adopted in historiography. The author argues for the complexity of institutionalization, which depended on a number of domestic and foreign policy circumstances and factors, as well as the peculiarities of the state system, the political situation, administrative-territorial division, interaction between the central and local political elites of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.

The inefficiency of the national security system is one of the biggest threats to Ukraine's national security. The strategic planning in the field of security and defense has designed to identify the means, including the future structure of forces, that would allow the institutions of the defense and security sector to effectively deal with potential future threats. The purpose of this study is development of theoretical and practical measures to increase the effectiveness of strategic management of national security processes on the basis of goal setting, forecasting and planning in the context of informatization of society. The relevance of this study is due to the needlegal regulation and improvement of the state system of strategic planning of national security of Ukraine. To achieve the goal of the study was used special scientific methods of legal knowledge. The results of the analysis showedwhat in the basis ensuring national security must rely on the principle of systematization, which means that the security and defense sector of Ukraine is considered as a single object of forecasting and planning. This study substantiates the main directions systemic reform of the security and defense sector, which has carried out in Ukraine to ensure the protection of the constitutional order, sovereignty, territorial integrity of the state in the face of armed aggression. The priorities should be implemented through key tasks, such as the establishment of a comprehensive strategic analysis of military threats to Ukraine's national security, coordination of intelligence activities, development of joint intelligence capabilities of the defense forces in order to obtain complete and reliable warning information for timely decision-making guaranteeing the military security of the state.

Shahifah Madinah: A State System According to the Prophet Muhammad SAW Shahifat al-Madinah as a reference for the model of state life at the time of the Prophet Muhammad can be found in two books, namely: the book of Al-Amwal and in the book of sirah nabawiyah ibn Hisham. In previous research, it is stated that in the book of Al-Amwal, although the hadith has a sanad, there are two narrators who are considered weak (mursal), while in the book of Ibn Hisham, there is no sanad. To find out the existence of the contents of the shahifah in the hadith so that it can be used as a guide, it is necessary to study it from the perspective of the hadith. The purpose of this study is to find out the state system in Shahifat al-Madinah and to find out the hadiths containing the texts/manuscripts of Shahifat al-Madinah. This research used a library approach with the method of content analysis (content analysis) on the Shahifat al-Madinah. The results show that the main book 9 encyclopedia can be found in the book Sahih al-Bukhari no. 6756, Sunan Abu Daud no. 2606, Musnad Ahmad Ibn Hambal No. 913, 1231 and 1330, 8808, 9432. However, there are related hadiths in it as follows: Sahih al-Bukhari no. 1737, 1740, 2936, 2943,6258, Sahih Muslim no. 2429, 2433, 2434,2435, 2774, Sunan Tirmidzi no. 2053, Sunan Abu Daud no. 1739, Musnad Imam Ahmad Bin Hanbal no. 581, 986, 6920, 8808, 10384, 13012, 16112

The inefficiency of the national security system is one of the biggest threats to Ukraine's national security. The strategic planning in the field of security and defense has designed to identify the means, including the future structure of forces, that would allow the institutions of the defense and security sector to effectively deal with potential future threats. The purpose of this study is development of theoretical and practical measures to increase the effectiveness of strategic management of national security processes on the basis of goal setting, forecasting and planning in the context of informatization of society. The relevance of this study is due to the needlegal regulation and improvement of the state system of strategic planning of national security of Ukraine. To achieve the goal of the study was used special scientific methods of legal knowledge. The results of the analysis showedwhat in the basis ensuring national security must rely on the principle of systematization, which means that the security and defense sector of Ukraine is considered as a single object of forecasting and planning. This study substantiates the main directions systemic reform of the security and defense sector, which has carried out in Ukraine to ensure the protection of the constitutional order, sovereignty, territorial integrity of the state in the face of armed aggression. The priorities should be implemented through key tasks, such as the establishment of a comprehensive strategic analysis of military threats to Ukraine's national security, coordination of intelligence activities, development of joint intelligence capabilities of the defense forces in order to obtain complete and reliable warning information for timely decision-making guaranteeing the military security of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article scrutinizes the approaches and estimations of national and foreign scientists of different generations, investigating aims, forms and the character of colonization and resettlement movement in the history of Russia. Russian and foreign authors point to the distinctions to appraise the essence of the phenomena. Some of them consider the latter as the expansion of the Russian Empire, its desire to dominate. At the same time, the others confirm that colonization and resettlement movement are the form of state building and the way to decide social, economic and cultural tasks aimed at crisis overcoming. For instance, the peasants' migration to eastern borderlands became the instrument to tackle the acuteness of a land crisis in Central Russia provinc es, but as well as to create in their face the basis of the government in new residences. The initiative and activity of the state in the organization of new lands colonization actualized at the stage of its military expansion to the neighboring territories, though such type of colonization was not the dominant one in Russian history. Having consolidated new state borders by Cossacks' settling, Russian authorities, directly or indirectly, promoted industrial and cultural development of new territories, included them in the civil existence, political and judicial system of the Empire.

RETRACTED ARTICLEThe article highlights the foundation of parliamentary reform of the Russian Empire laid by the Highest rescript of February 18, 1905, which was signed by Nicholas II. The author analyzes a complex process of discussion and establishment of the major laws and acts of the state formation (The manifesto of October 17, 1905. «On the state order perfection», the Manifesto of August 6, 1905. «On Establishment of the State Duma», «The basic state laws of the Russian Empire» of April 23, 1906, etc.) which were accepted under the pressure of revolution and became a legal basis of transformation of Russia into a constitutional monarchy with multiparty political system.

The digital transformation of the structural components of the state system forms new socio-organizational forms and practices of political interaction. The transformation process is based on the dialectical overcoming of existing elements of the old order, the development of new goals and the formation of new specific ways to achieve them. As a result of the digital transformation of the structural components of the state system, new socio-organizational forms and practices of political interaction are being formed. Before our eyes, the transition of initially networked social formations into political offline processes is unfolding, new power resources and mechanisms of influence on the political organization as a whole are emerging in society. These processes relate to social self-organization and are characteristic of the adaptive algorithm of social changes. At the same time, changes in system parameters do not violate the contours of the existing state system. However, in the conditions of deliberate stimulation by the authorities of the digital transformation of all spheres of society’s life, the limited ability of the political system and the state to ensure the manageability of social and political processes is more clearly manifested.The article considers the process of deformation of the state system caused by the digitalization of public relations, analyses changes in theoretical models of explaining social reality and related changes in the organization of the political system and political practices.The multi-component nature of the impact of the global ICT paradigm on the sphere of public administration of a particular state is noted. In the era of the diversity of broadcast information, the dominance of the mass media and social networks, the public becomes a mass / crowd and an object of manipulation. The impact of information and communication technologies on the functioning of society is manifested in maintaining the gap between formal and informal institutions, intensive introduction of innovations, launching new mechanisms of social inequality, and the like, as a result, the integrity of the social system is violated. The risk of loss of manageability of social processes increases due to the fact that the recommendations for authorities on digital transformation, as well as most scientific publications on the topic of digitalization of public administration do not contain a critical assessment of the ICT paradigm itself and the concepts, concepts and practices formed on its basis.

Riassunto Il contributo ha per oggetto l’approfondimento dei principali profili problematici della giustizia sportiva, sia quelli interni sia quelli derivanti dai possibili rapporti tra l’ordinamento sportivo e l’ordinamento statale, nella prospettiva di un ruolo non esclusivamente ancillare né meramente recettivo della giustizia sportiva rispetto alla giurisdizione; le relazioni tra le quali vanno invece improntare al dialogo e a logiche di reciprocità, atte a implementare, fermo restandone il primato, perfino la stessa giurisdizione.

An upcoming anniversary of the USSSR dissolution raises the opportunity to overview the tendencies of the development of the state systems, emerged on its fragments. A retrospective view of this process, which has received various (sometimes contradictory) political and expert assessments, raises the main question – the viability and prospects of sustainable development of the former USSR countries.The shared past continues to have a significant impact through the Soviet legacy, making these countries difficult to analyze and raise questions about the effectiveness of common tools for assessing their resilience and stability.The paper describes the application of the model of resilience and stability of the state systems, developed earlier in a co-authorship within the framework of joint research. The estimates obtained make it possible to form the profile of some countries and determine the structural imbalances in the development of their state systems in terms of resilience and stability.

Democratic country like Indonesia usually generates healthy, growing, and rooted from below political party. In Indonesia, political parties have long been known before Indonesia's independence. At that time, the political party became the medium of the founding father's struggle to fight against colonialism. Since Indonesia's Independence Day, the existence of a political party was admitted and supported by the government. This study needs to do from a political point of view. It will enrich learning and understanding the existence of political parties concerning the development of Political Science in Indonesia. The focus of this study is to describe how the political party's history and its role from Orde Lama until the Orde Baru era in Indonesia. This study uses a qualitative research method, and data interpreting will be analyzed using the descriptive analysis method. In the meantime, data validation will be checked and rechecked after collecting data. This study concludes that Indonesian politics has experienced a significant shift in values and practices. Indonesia must begin to review the political system, nation, and state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Baghdad Science Journal is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Dixi is the property of Universidad Cooperativa de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyses how the public policies of potable water distribution have influenced the perceptions people in Villa Chaquimayu, a marginalized neighbourhood of Cochabamba (Bolivia), have about the State. This analysis is based on the theoretical distinction between ‘State-system’ and ‘State-idea’ proposed by Abrams (1988). Following Abrams, this paper examines both the practices the Bolivian State has implemented to deliver potable water to Villa Chaquimayu (State-system), and the notions people in this neighbourhood have about the State (State-idea). By using ethnographic data, this investigation shows that a deficient public management of potable water distribution has negatively influenced people’s ideas and perceptions about what is the State.

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates the potential impact of the reforms sweeping across Ethiopia on the Horn of Africa state system. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia is currently undergoing significant reforms that will have regional implications. Two announcements stand out: the normalisation of relations with the northern neighbour Eritrea and the signing of a peace deal with the domestically based Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF). This article foregrounds territorial contestation as one of the historical causes of uncertainty in the Horn of Africa. The article argues that the current wave of reforms has the potential to transcend the uncertainty that has previously characterised the region. However, for uncertainty to be minimised, the transformation has to extend beyond Ethiopia. In examining the thawing of relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea and the ONLF, the article seeks to historicise and contextualise the current wave of changes and to underscore their significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on de facto states challenges the conventional identification of states by legal recognition, proposing to identify states based on their effectiveness instead. Yet, as I argue in this paper, rather than turning the tables on recognition, the de facto state challenge ultimately reveals all state identification in International Relations and international law to be essentially indeterminate. This lacuna, I suggest, is not an accidental omission, but an expression of the foundational paradox of modern political order that is rooted in the intertwined ontology of the state system and the individual states constituting it, with each presupposing the other. As a result, the opposition between empirical facts, political decisions, and legal norms invoked in attempts to identify states cannot but remain irresolvable. This should not be regarded as a problem to be overcome, however, but as a source of social order. Although states cannot be substantively identified, any effort to do so in practice naturalizes the state as the very form through which we articulate and shape political claims, conflicts, and settlements. In performatively enacting states precisely at the contested margins, state identification thus both invokes and (re-)produces the statist international as the central imaginary of modern political order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most in International Relations today, whatever their view of structural realism, would agree with Robert Jervis that Waltz's theory is "the most truly systemic of our theories of international politics." I argue that it is, in fact, the antithesis. Waltz, despite his systemic starting point, produced an analytic theory. Waltz's redefinition of a system as "composed of a structure and of interacting units" replaced the "systemic" understanding of a system as parts of particular types related in particular ways to make a whole with emergent properties with an analytic model of characterless units interacting with one another and with a reified structure. Waltz, I argue, was led to this stunning reversal by his application of: a levels and units frame; a reified conception of structure; a mistaken exclusion of the attributes of units that make them parts of the system; a vision of systems as derivative constraints on otherwise more or less autonomous units; and certain peculiar ideas about the nature of theory. In the final section, I argue that "relationalism" today is not merely reviving, but extending, "systemic" approaches in International Relations and is now poised to make the sort of transformative contribution that Waltz promised but did not deliver. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The paper examines Thomas Nagel's ‘political conception’ of justice that holds that the requirements of socioeconomic justice apply only among those persons who are subject to the authority of the same political institutions. The paper has two aims. The first aim is to clarify the theoretical motivation for Nagel's theory, which it identifies in what it calls the ‘responsibility thesis’, i.e. that inequalities may be considered as unjust only if some agents are responsible for them, and to reconstruct the account of collective responsibility that, together with the responsibility thesis, may support his substantive conclusions. The second aim is to show that Nagel's conclusions must be rejected even if the account of collective responsibility that may support it is correct. This is so, first, because the responsibility thesis cannot be defended, and second, because even if the thesis is assumed to be correct, it does not succeed in restricting the scope of the requirements of justice to fellow citizens of particular nation states. In light of Nagel's own account of the link between legitimate authority and justice, the standards of the latter ought to apply to the state system as a whole, and not to particular states, taken separately.

Environmental issues have recently become objects of study among international scholars. At the most theoretical level, a number of scholars criticize the ability of the state-system to respond to environmental dangers but at the same time the state-centric thinking still dominating most environmental activities marked by the international environmental regime formation. The two main school of thought involved in this line of enquiry are realist perspective (or paradigm) and the ecological thinking. This article analyses these two conceptions. It aims to show that although the ecological thought present themselves as radical departure from state-centric thinking, they actually reaffirm the dominant realist perspective about the centrality of the institution of the state especially when thinking about forms of formulation able to address global environmental problems.

What is better for a country, to be big or to be small? And should sovereign statehood be centralised or distributed among countries of common cultural and institutional lineage? Debates on this reach back to early modernity where Gibbon tries to draw lessons from the decline and fall of the Western Roman Empire and Smith reflects on the political conditions of individual liberty in a society with mobile capital. The lecture explores in their light current developments in the European and international state system, in particular subnational separatism and nationalist revolts against a European superstate. It concludes that it is time to give small size and decentralised sovereignty a chance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To reduce the error of radar rainfall evaluations, an improved Kalman filter (KF) method is used to calibrate the radar quantitative rainfall estimation (QRE). First, the rain gauge rain rate/radar rain rate (G/R) calibration factor model is created in this approach. The prediction and measurement system of the G/R are then established based on the KF. The calibration process of the system parameters and the adaptive estimation process of the system error are introduced to dynamically adjust the KF parameters. Subsequently, the G/R calibration ratio is used to correct the quantitative radar rainfall estimation. The radar and rain gauge hourly rain data of two rain cases in Changchun, China on August 19-20, 2015, and August 6-7, 2016, are used to test the efficiency of the proposed method. The results show that the QRE result based on the KF calibration is better than that without calibration. The average relative errors of the two rain cases decreased from 0.6047 to 0.3557 and 0.2645 and from 0.8052 to 0.3096 and 0.1715 due to the ordinary and improved KFs, respectively. The improved KF is even better than the ordinary KF. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

National interest and national security need to be reconfigured so as to accommodate a state's response to global threats and challenges. This requires in turn addressing the following paradox: the pooling and ceding of sovereignty must be made in the very name of national sovereignty. The article maintains that it is one of the foremost challenges of political responsibility and political leadership today to assume this paradox and thereby align national and global interests and practices. The alignment can, it is suggested, effectively oppose sovereigntism and nationalism, on one hand, and abstract global governance, on the other. To promote this alignment, the article advances a renewed understanding of state responsibility to citizenship under conditions of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International Relations scholars have turned to China’s tributary system to broaden our understanding of international systems beyond the ‘states-under-anarchy’ model derived from European history. This scholarship forms the inspiration and foil for this article, which refines International Relations scholars’ conceptualizations of how international hierarchy arose and endured in East Asia during the Manchu Qing Dynasty — China’s last and most territorially expansive imperial dynasty. I argue that existing conceptions of East Asian hierarchy overstate the importance of mutual identification between the region’s Confucian monarchies in sustaining Chinese hegemony. Instead, we can understand Qing China’s dominance only once we recognize the Manchus as a ‘barbarian’ dynasty, which faced unique challenges legitimating its rule domestically and internationally. As ‘barbarian’ conquerors, Manchus did not secure their rule by simply conforming to pre-existing Sinic cultural norms. Instead, like other contemporary Eurasian empires, they maintained dominance through strategies of heterogeneous contracting. Domestically, they developed customized legitimacy scripts tailored to win the allegiance of the empire’s diverse communities. Internationally, meanwhile, the Manchus strategically appropriated existing Confucian norms and practices of tributary diplomacy in ways that mitigated — but did not eliminate — Confucian vassals’ resentment of ‘barbarian’ domination. East Asian hierarchy may have been more peaceful than Westphalian anarchy, but the absence of war masks a more coercive reality where the appearance of Confucian conformity obscured more fractious relations between Qing China and even its ostensibly most loyal vassals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The descriptive model of a state scientometric system is introduced. The purpose of its development, terms of use, rationale for design, concept, tasks, user categories, organization principles, functional structure, data collection procedures, scientometric and bibliometric indicators, and information products are introduced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the legislative process of the Administrative Department of the state of São Paulo (DAESP) during the Estado Novo dictatorship and seeks to answer three questions: i) what were its real attributions? ii) what was its place among the state-level government agencies? iii) what was its role in the dictatorial regime's public decision-making structure? Ordering and interpreting information on the DAESP's deliberative process will allow us to establish whether or not it exercised power (understood as the capacity by those who controlled it to impose their preferences), what was the magnitude of this power, what type of power was exercised, over what and whom. The frequency of its meetings, the coordination of the agendas of the dictatorial State's apparatuses involved in the decision chain, the activism of each councillor of DAESP and a sample of the legal opinions produced by it between 1939-1947 were all analysed. The findings can be summarised into three propositions: i) DAESP was not a decision-making arena per se as it did not make important decisions, but instead produced a huge amount of decisions regarding the formal aspects of the decree-laws issued by the Interventoria Federal (appointed governors); ii) therefore, the president of the DAESP did not have greater political or bureaucratic power than the interventor, and iii) although the Department mimicked some legislative routines, it cannot be considered a substitute of the state legislature.