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Il saggio esplora le modalità attraverso le quali i processi celebrati dal Tribunale Speciale per la Difesa dello Stato venivano divulgati dai giornali attraverso lo studio di un caso: un processo per duplice omicidio celebrato al Ravenna nell’aprile del 1930. Il caso Donati presenta alcune particolarità: si tratta di un reato comune, attratto nella competenza del Tribunale Speciale attraverso l’applicazione dell’art. 4 della legge 2008/26 che vietava l’appartenenza ai partiti disciolti, e il processo venne celebrato nel luogo di commissione del reato. L’idea che si vorrebbe verificare, tramite un allargamento della ricerca ad altri casi trattati dal Tribunale Speciale, è che questo organo, in quanto pilastro dell’architettura costituzionale del fascismo, agisse non solo come organo giurisdizionale ma anche come ingranaggio della macchina propagandistica del fascismo, e che la stampa utilizzasse i casi gestiti dal Tribunale Speciale per creare una ‘narrazione’ che veicolasse i miti necessari a costruire la comunità nazionale.

The missionary method which St. Maximilian Kolbe employed in Japan was the result of his masterful blending of theology, prayer, the Franciscan-Marian style and the use of the mass media in evangelizing a people that was overwhelmingly unaware of Christianity. This article summarizes the methods St. Maximilian used to bring the Gospel message to the Japanese without upsetting their culture or offending their sensibilities. He proposed the example of the Immaculata and her militia as a way of guiding the methodical transmission of the truths of Christian faith. The use of the press as the main conveyor of knowledge of the Christian God and His divine plan of universal salvation was fundamental for St. Maximilian, despite the initial difficulties and chronic financial insecurity he faced. St. Maximilian's style of being minor and poor, following the example of St. Francis of Assisi, as expressed in the Rule, also had a notable impact on the people of Nagasaki at that time and was one of the approaches St. Maximilian incorporated in the way he evangelized. His different approaches, in fact, give a well-structured picture of his missionary insight and can serve as a model to this day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to their content, elements and effects, the media are the creators of the social scene, who, by disseminating information to the public, directly and indirectly influence human behavior. The mass media are actors of social action who open various topics and initiate public debate on important social issues, but very often they are also observers, examiners and evaluators of events. The aim of the research is to determine the scope of published content in the print media Glas Srpske and Dnevni avaz, and to determine the extent to which these newspapers report on the media, and whether they disseminate sensationalist content aimed at attracting public attention. Content analysis in this paper will include a method of description, as well as a quantitative- qualitative method that includes the media content of print media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mass media have completely changed the way politicians and voters communicate. Communication within political parties, membership activism, party discipline and respect for hierarchy have become less important, because the media play a central role in the dissemination of political information, in political education, and also in the process of persuading the masses to do certain things. According to Zoran Slavujević (2009), contemporary politics is actually an organized media phenomenon that is planned and implemented for and through cooperation with the media. In this paper, the author elaborates on the relationship between political communication and traditional media, showing its historical development, but also contemporary concepts of this inseparable connection. The press, radio and television were created at different periods of time, but each of these media changed the rules of political communication and set new standards. Although many theorists predicted the end of their predecessors with the appearance of each of these media, each of them adapted to new circumstances and survived to this day. Recognizing the power of political communication through mass media, political subjects accepted the concept of politics based on the standards set by the media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Sciences & Humanities Studies / Društvene i Humanističke Studije (DHS) is the property of Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Tuzla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tyragetia is the property of National Museum of History of Moldova and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates the dissemination of the criminal image in fin-de-siècle Italy within three different discursive areas – crime news, the popular novel, and criminological science – with a view to unveiling the complex, and often contradictory, role played by visual culture in the re-elaboration and popularisation of ideas, concepts and perceptions concerned with crime and its ambiguous nature. The image, as I intend to show, complicates and subverts traditional interpretations regarding the contribution made by crime literature and the popular press to the reconfiguration of the very idea of delinquency and to the identification of new instruments to understand it and control it. This article ultimately provides a much more complex and nuanced scenario than generally acknowledged by scholars that necessarily invites further analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the case of the alleged marian apparition that occurred to a girl of Alice Belcolle (Alessandria) in the spring of year 1900. The matter, which is part of the intense season of mariophanies (full of antimodern meanings) occurred between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, had wide prominence in the national press and attracted the attention of Italian public opinion, as well as doctors and scientists (among others, even Cesare Lombroso dealt with it in an article written for «La Stampa»). The huge eclat aroused by the case triggered dynamics of control and censorship by the ecclesiastical authorities, leading first to the removal from the place of the mariophanies of the young seer, then to his “confession” which would have revealed the fraudulent character of the apparition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay analyses the in-house newspapers of the Pirelli company, «Notiziario Pirelli», «Giornale Murale» and «Collaborazione», in a period of transition, 1945-1948, which was crucial for the future of Italy's republican democracy. The newspapers distributed at their factories became platforms for a democratic debate that was an exceptional attempt to involve office and factory workers, managers and trade unionists, apolitical workers and representatives of political parties, amidst clashes and reconstruction efforts in the industrial city of Milan. These experiments in democracy were disrupted by the end of anti-Fascist unity in Italy, in the political climate of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Giacomo Leopardi fu molto attento alle caratteristiche delle edizioni che trasmettevano i suoi testi e i testi del passato, soprattutto quelli da lui curati, discutendo con gli stampatori gli aspetti della messa in pagina, della grafia, della correzione, delle modalità di stampa e persino della carta. Questo saggio, studiando le indicazioni date da Leopardi per la pubblicazione dei propri libri, permette di porre in rilievo, da un punto di vista nuovo, l’immagine che lo scrittore aveva dei propri testi e dei lettori che voleva raggiungere. «Paper architectures». The "form of the edition" in some books by Giacomo Leopardi Giacomo Leopardi always paid attention to features of his books’ editions and he discussed every element of publishing (layout, corrections, ortography, manners of printing, even paper) with his printers. This essay, studying the writer’s recommendations for the editions of his books underlines, from a new point of view, Leopardi’s ideas regarding his texts and their readers.

Copyright of Temida is the property of Victimology Society of Serbia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1851, William Gladstone turned the suffering of Neapolitan political prisoners into a cause célèbre. His Two Letters to the Earl of Aberdeen on the State Prosecutions of the Neapolitan Government galvanized European and American public opinion, and set in motion a process of diplomatic negotiation that culminated in the removal of sixty-six men from prison in January 1859. Subject to deportation, the men took control of the ship taking them to the U.S.A. and directed it to Great Britain, where they enjoyed a hero's welcome. During the eight years that separated the publication of Gladstone's protest from the prisoners' escape, leading British politicians, diplomats, and journalists worked to keep the plight of the Neapolitan prisoners in the public eye; however, the prisoners themselves, with the help of close friends and family, made an essential contribution to this effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to shed light on the literary magazine Zaliv ("The Gulf") and its editor-in-chief Boris Pahor. It is based on the analysis of reports of the State Security Service, the secret Yugoslav political police which from its inception had supervised the literary magazine and its editors as well as the authors of the published articles. The editors and journalists who advocated political pluralism and criticized the socio-political system in Yugoslavia found themselves in the repressive clutches of the secret Yugoslav political police. They fell victim to scrutiny, harassment and prosecution. Their artistic and essayistic articles and interviews aimed at establishing a unified Slovenian cultural space and improving relations between the autochthonous Slovenian national minorities and the Socialist Republic of Slovenia were carefully reviewed, analyzed and the results presented to the highest Slovenian political level. Boris Pahor, the driving force behind the literary magazine, was considered dangerous from the beginning, and his contributions were deemed hostile and directed against the establishment. Through political persecution, abolition of border crossings and confiscation of a great many issues of the magazine, the State Security Service made clear violations of freedom of thought and speech. However, at the Zaliv headquarters, they did not remain silent. From the founding of the literary magazine in the turbulent 1960s until the democratization of Slovenia in 1990, they never ceased to expand their mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of the growing scholarly interest in fascist cultural diplomacy, Mauro Canali's monograph highlights how American correspondents from Italy portrayed Benito Mussolini and his regime. Canali takes a few cases of early criticism into account. But he concludes that overall admiration prevailed until the passing of the 1938 racial legislation, even if appreciation began to undergo a decline in the aftermath of Italy's 1935 attack on Ethiopia. The volume, however, focuses less on the evaluations and perceptions per se than on the means - from flattery and the supply of fringe benefits to intimidations and coercion - by which the regime endeavoured to have U.S. reporters construct a positive image of fascism and the duce for their readers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Catholic responses to the Fascist Racial Laws in a transatlantic and comparative perspective. It looks specifically at two foremost publications of the Jesuit press in Rome and New York: Civiltà Cattolica and America, respectively. The comparative approach helps to comprehend the variety of factors behind editorial choices: readership, political context, Vatican directions, censorship, and silence. Jesuits on both sides of the Atlantic interpreted the anti-Semitic turn of the Fascist regime as an imitation of Nazi Germany and with the persistent hope that Italian policies would be milder and more 'civilized'. The shaping of the myth of the 'good Italian' was an early process in which Church voices, including the Pope himself, took a significant part. This article argues that despite contextual differences, both Jesuit publications demonstrated a transnational pattern of Catholic relation to the Jews: endorsing Pius XI's statements, they spoke out against racism but did not extend their condemnations to a full rejection of anti-Semitism in its religious and secular components. The disapproval of Italy's Racial Laws was not a defense of the Jews of Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nel 1789 uscirono dai torchi della tipografia Remondini di Bassano quattro stampe degli Amori di Ludovico Savioli, dimostrazione del notevole successo riscosso dall’opera, pubblicata per la prima volta nel 1765. L’analisi puntuale dei volumi ha permesso di evidenziare che dietro un identico frontespizio si nascondono quattro diverse edizioni originali, frutto di una completa ricomposizione delle forme e forse rese necessarie da un rinnovato interesse per la raccolta, imputabile ad alcune lettere pubblicate da Nicolò Orcesi nello stesso anno. Four editions of Ludovico Savioli's "Amori" In 1789 the printer Remondini published four editions of Savioli’s Amori. This fact reveals the remarkable success achieved by the work, which was edited for the first time in 1765. By analysing the volumes of each printing, it is argued that the identical frontispieces of the four Remondini printings actually hide four original editions resulted from a complete recomposition of the matrices. It is likely that such a high number of editions depended on a renewed interest in Savioli’s work, stimulated by the publication of some letters printed by Nicolò Orcesi in the same year.

The Mucchi collection, kept at the Galleria Estense in Modena, represents a major heritage, of extreme relevance, in the still unexplored field of printing blocks.The set, made up of over 3400 pieces and ranging over a chronological period of five centuries, is here settled in a framework of great developments of the techniques of engraving, reproduction of images and the history of customs.After analyzing the general characters of the collection, which inextricably link it to the Soliani-Barelli collection conserved in the same museum, some thematic paths have been traced in view of a possible exhibition.In the collection we focused mainly on the work of Augusto Zoboli, a multifaceted character and artist from Modena in the early decades of the twentieth century, through which it is possible to examine the various techniques in use during a period of great typographic experimentation.

Nell’articolo si è realizzata una disamina della condizione delle donne in Italia nel Ventennio fascista, un periodo di profonda regressione per quanto riguarda i loro diritti. In primo luogo ci si è soffermati sulle discriminazioni subite dalle donne in ambito giuridico, lavorativo, sociale e soprattutto politico, con l’ennesima negazione del tanto agognato diritto di voto. Poi si è cercato di narrare la condizione delle donne nel regime fascista attraverso l’analisi delle modalità con le quali veniva descritta la donna nella stampa dell’epoca, specie nei periodici femminili, i quali dovevano contribuire a diffondere l’ideale muliebre che il fascismo voleva realizzare. Diversi furono i giornali fondati in questo periodo, tutti molto utili per comprendere l’immagine della donna nella stampa del Ventennio e quindi, di riflesso, nella società stessa. Infine si è messo in evidenza come il Fascismo avesse finito per relegare le donne ad un unico ruolo: quello di mogli e madri esemplari, ritenendole inferiori rispetto agli uomini e collocandole così in una posizione di profonda subordinazione. Inoltre, per poter meglio inculcare in loro i principi del regime, queste furono inquadrate in diverse organizzazioni di massa, come i Fasci femminili, attraverso i quali attuare una rigida funzione di controllo di ogni dissenso.

Rad ispituje promenu predstave Istoka i Zapada u jugoslovenskim dnevnim novinama Politici i Borbi u vreme sukoba Komunističke partije Jugoslavije sa Kominformom 1948–1949. godine. Istražena je politička funkcionalnost radikalne promene slike sveta i analizirani su koreni jugoslovenske samopercepcije o posebnosti sopstvenog puta u socijalizam.

U radu se analizira pisanje drugog najtiražnijeg italijanskog dnevnika La stampa o predsedniku jugoslovenske vlade i ministru spoljnih poslova Milanu Stojadinoviću u svetlu tadašnjih italijansko-jugoslovenskih odnosa. Tekst prati pisanje torinskog lista u periodu od formiranja Stojadinovićeve vlade (jun 1935) do ostavke kabineta (februar 1939).

Analizirajući pisanje beogradske periodične štampe autor je pokušao da rekonstruiše kako je početak Drugog svetskog rata izgledao u očima savremenika, kakve su bile njihove projekcije, analize, perspektive. Prilikom selekcije časopisa trudio se da u radu budu zastupljeni članci autora koji su nastupali sa najrazličitijih ideoloških i političkih pozicija.

There are numerous studies on China's Resistance War against Japan, most of which focus on mainland China. By contrast, there is very limited knowledge on the role of Hong Kong in the Anti-Japanese War in the 1930s. My research uncovers that the contribution of a British colonial English newspaper, the South China Morning Post in the anti-Japanese war has been largely neglected. I argue that while China had been invaded by Japanese military forces, the journalists, readers and lots of advertisers of the South China Morning Post focused on the pro-China reporting and essentially supported China's Resistance. Within the article, I disclosed how the board members and editors debated about the press freedom and the business profit issues, as well as the connections of the South China Morning Post with political parties such as the China Communist Party and the China Nationalist Party. As result of unique social position of the South China Morning Post, it became a fl agship newspaper of the anti-Japanese invasion. As a result, international and local newspapers quoted and reprinted the South China Morning Post's war news and editorials. In brief, the South China Morning Post has a pivotal role in the history of China's Resistance War against Japanese invasion, which had been largely neglected in previous studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historical Journal / Historijski Zbornik is the property of Drustvo za Hrvatsku Povjesnicu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Contributions / Prilozi is the property of Institute for History, University of Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the age of print, the disposition and density of words on the page conveyed specific messages about how texts were supposed to be read. In the current proliferation of electronic supports, “knowledge design” is required to make sure that the process of passing on information becomes an effective transfer of knowledge. The article addresses the cohabitation of print environment and digital environment with reference to the recent debate on the digitization of learning and the so-called “digital colonialism.” The bi-dimensionality of tablets and e-book readers vs. the tri-dimensionality of books and reactions from intellectuals to digital reading and learning are also addressed. Teachers in the age of over-(and dis-)information are now assigned the role of “cultural djs.” A reappraisal of ancient rhetoric in its classic three-part subdivision is therefore needed: invention (knowledge creation), disposition (knowledge design), and elocution (knowledge management).

The present essay discusses interpretations of satire offered by different disciplines. Furthermore it hypothesizes that both verbal and visual satirical texts provide particularly useful evidences of the emotions related to a certain historical period or a certain context. The author analyzes sources from the satirical press, which has been the subject of his PhD research, and from the current affairs in order to proof the abovementioned hypothesis. Examples include articles and cartoons from satirical periodicals of the 1940s such as «Il Bertoldo», which was published in Milan, and «Ulenspiegel», which was published in Berlin. Furthermore the author analyzes comments posted by readers of on-line newspapers in relation to the recent lawsuit taken by Pope Benedict XVI against the German satirical magazines «Titanic».

This essay speaks about the birth of democratic movement in Italy. That movement avaw in Cisalpina Republic between 1796 and 1799, and it form the start of the process concerning the Risorgimento, because the democratic movement claim Italy as a united, democratic, independent republic. For the first time, the assert of the unity is not only a linguistic and cultural fact, but a political project. This important point was analyzed across the study of the pages of «Giornale de’ patrioti d’Italia», periodic issue of democratic area, published between January 1797 and February 1798.

The objective of this article is to demonstrate how the Loire inhabitants managed to keep informed about the Spanish war events. Indeed, despite being far from Spain, they felt concerned by any information related to those incidents. According to the newspapers political orientations (communist, radical, socio-democrat, right wing), the analysis fed different types of fear. The fear of being surrounded by dictatorship, the fear of Bolshevism destroying places of cult, the fear produced by the pictures of people suffering, victims of bombings. This fear produced various reactions and actions: people organised collects, called for donations, some convoys were sent from Saint-Etienne to Spain, in 1937 children from the Basque country were fostered… Other newspapers used the tensions between republicans to depreciate the French left wing.