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A perspective based on the ongoing globalization processes which erode the territorial state helps in understanding the restructuring of television broadcasting in Britain. The state retains its role of public authority and the operation of the new order is limited. The orientation in programming towards international audiences has limitations in terms of financial possibilities and obligations to the domestic audience.

This paper reviews recent developments in British television. It argues that, up until recently, the whole of British television - including stations both publicly and privately owned - was a public service system. The impact of the 1990 Broadcasting Act has been to introduce greater competitive pressures into that part of the system financed by advertising. These pressures have been intensified by satellite channels. The direction of the 1994 White Paper on the BBC's future is toward introducing greater commercial pressures into this organization. British television is moving to a commercial system in which there remains a subordinate public service element.

East Central Europe has not undergone a significant liberalization of government control over television broadcasting since the collapse of communism. The media have remained dependent upon the governments of the Visegrad countries of Poland, Hungary, and former Czechoslovakia, even though these countries are now ruled by democratic oppositions. Social theorists have given accounts of this of varying accuracy, as a review of three schools of thought shows.

Market representation divides the UK newspaper industry into two distinct groups. One is a press for the elite, while the other caters to the masses. A study on the UK press was undertaken to find out the viability of newspapers in Eastern Europe. It was determined that publications with inadequate finances tend to give news details only in newspapers geared for a higher income group, neglecting the information needs of those in lower income groups. It is suggested that Eastern European newspapers be subsidized to enable them to give pertinent and in-depth information to all readers.

The national elections in India in 2014 that swept the controversial leader Narendra Modi to power have generated a great deal of scholarship on their transformative impact with regard to the Indian polity. This article argues that, in fact, the elections demonstrate a continuity in the media's relationship with dominant members of the political elite. Favourable, partisan reporting of dominant figures or families has a long history in India since the journalistic field reorients its subservience towards the new power structure. This research examines the similarities and differences in how authoritative and populist leaders like the Gandhis and Modi manipulate media power. While scholars have noted a close correspondence between politics and media in India, there is a research deficit in the analysis of the architecture of the media's subservience to selected members of national significance, in the world's largest democracy. This research draws into dialogue two influential theories – Field and New Institutionalism theory – to assert that the natural state of the Indian journalistic field is heteronomy in its relationship with hegemonic members of the political elite. This is occasionally pierced by limits imposed by populist politics in an electoral democracy. The relationship between the news media and individuals of the political elite, thus, can be conceptualized as that of contingent heteronomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the coverage of the current US–China trade war in the Global Times. Some scholars argue that official nationalism, which stress the unity of the Chinese people, is challenged by popular nationalism, which privileges the dominant Han ethnicity, and that official nationalism is forced to make concessions to popular nationalism. If this is true, then one would expect to find evidence in the coverage of international issues in a 'popular' official newspaper like Global Times. The newspaper's coverage stresses negative features of the USA, but devotes considerable space to the damage that Trump's policies are doing to ordinary Americans. It does not present China as the unique victim of US economic aggression. The coverage stresses broad international agreement for free trade, leaving the USA isolated in adopting protectionist policies. At least in this instance, state-led nationalism remains central and no concessions are made to popular sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on research into the relations between reporters and sources in a Chinese newspaper in a transitional period brought about by the diffusion of smartphones and instant messaging. The article adopts the theoretical framework of political economy, supplemented by elements of the classic sociology of journalism that emphasize the routinized nature of journalist-source relationships. It argues that in the newspaper studied here the nature of that relationship is changing. The article reports on the ways in which technological changes have weakened the link between the reporter and her colleagues in the newsroom, which has been an important source of countervailing pressure to the influence of sources. It also shows how the economic effects of new technologies have forced the newspaper to increase its reliance on paid content and how reporters are expected aggressively to solicit this from their sources. Overall, both the reporters and the newspaper have become much more source-dependent than previously. The article closes with a discussion of how far these findings can be generalized, both within China and more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study proposes the interventionist and the detached orientations to watchdog journalism through the conceptual lens of journalistic role performance. Based on a content analysis of 33,640 news stories from sixty-four media outlets in eighteen countries, we measure and compare both orientations across different countries using three performative aspects of monitoring: intensity of scrutiny, voice of the scrutiny, and source of the event. Our findings show that the interventionist approach of watchdog journalism is more likely to be found in democracies with traditionally partisan and opinion-oriented journalistic cultures or experiencing sociopolitical crises. In turn, the detached orientation predominates in democracies with journalistic traditions associated to objectivity. Although both orientations have a lower presence in transitional democracies, the detached watchdog prevails, while in non-democratic countries the watchdog role is almost absent. Our results also reveal that structural contexts of undemocratic political regimes and restricted press freedom are key definers of watchdog role performance overall. However, the type of political regime is actually more important--and in fact the most important predictor--for detached than for interventionist reporting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]