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This paper analyses the notion of the 'city of holidays' in Spain by means of seven theses. Analysed as a transhistorical construction, valid to narrate the cultural history of modern tourism, the 'city of vacations' represents the symbiosis of a constructive model, a nationalist and religious imaginary, and an urban device of patrimonial origin. This construction defines the Spanish tourist paradigm, seen in the long-term, as it constitutes a recurrent- and mutant- fantasy that accompanies the economic and social Modernity associated with tourist development. Although the triumph of the Francoist Spanish vacation model is celebrated in the sixties, it has a much earlier genealogy, which takes us back to the foundational imaginaries of national-Catholicism and its ceremonial places. Born from the romantic discourses of the Restoration, linked to the neo-Catholic sanctuaries, the 'city of vacations' reemerges after the Civil War as a central part of the patrimonial discourse of the new Regime. There, the accumulation of capital at the base of the so-called 'tourist miracle' comes directly from the violence of Franco's repression, including slave labour. At the same time, this model responds to the new economic logics of the Cold War framework, where the ecological and environmental cost of this urban model of development, based on itinerancy and mass-circulation, is dissolved. The celebration of the contemporary identity of today's Spain as a global tourist power is carried out at the expense of this violent genealogy, even though such an identity is probably unsustainable in the eco-energetic and social horizon to which we are collectively heading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extreme right’s influence on cultural politics is an issue that has received limited attention and most studies in this area have focused on the use of history or attitudes towards multiculturalism, although fewer have addressed cultural policy itself. Thus, the emergence of the political party VOX in Spain is analysed in order to shed light on the character of these cultural policies, whether it constitutes a shift towards the extreme right or radical populist right, or it’s a continuation of the attitude towards nationalism and authoritarianism typical of the conservative right. Based on the analysis of electoral programmes and discourses in the general election campaigns and in the two autonomous regions where it is responsible for cultural policy (Castilla and León and Valencian Community), the article finds that VOX has introduced themes of the alt-right and clearly prioritises culture as a tool for cultural battles especially in terms of elements of national identity, such as in the party’s promotion of anti-Catalanism and bullfighting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Heavily biased by ideological prejudices, traditional Spanish scholarship claimed the existence of sharply divergent approaches between Iberian Christians and Muslims about the perception of the land and the feelings that got them bound to it. Gathered around a shared national project, the Christians would have held highly stable emotional bonds to the land they lived in. Propelled by a strong sense of attachment to their territories, they would have fought tirelessly over eight centuries to recover the lands previously seized by the Muslims. Lacking a similar sense of belonging to the land, the Muslims, bound by agnatic and religious ties, would have considered themselves just temporary dwellers. However, a careful reading of the Arabic sources suggests the existence of parallels regarding the recovery of lost lands. This article seeks to provide compelling textual evidence about the idea of land recovery among the Muslims across the 11 th and the 12th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Haidé: Estudis Maragallians is the property of Biblioteca de Catalunya and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies on nationalism and territorial identities in the 20th century have focused attention on patriotic celebrations. The article examines the itinerant nature of the October 12 national holiday through the Spanish geography between the 20's and 60's. And it stops in the organization and performance of the Día de la Hispanidad in 1964 in the Basque country to analyze two dimensions. On the one hand, the political use that the Franco regime made of the symbol for its social diffusion in a climate of resistance to dictatorship and divisions of a clandestine Basque nationalism. On the other, the reactions that the celebration generated among anti-Franco exiles, the National Congress and public opinion in Venezuela. Analyzed in its political context and at transnational level, not only is the global dimension of the symbol confirmed, but also the efforts of the regime to strengthen it as an instrument of diplomatic and political socialization despite the questioning of its cultural policy, the disagreements among Basque exiles and the impact of the holiday day in Venezuelan politics.

This works examines how Modesto Lafuente, mostly known for being the author of the colossal 19th century Historia General de España constructs the concept of collective Spanish identity in his earlier literary and journalistic works. For instance, in the satirical journal Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846), and Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin. It analyzes the mechanisms he uses to generate the feeling of national belonging thru the creation of imaginaries and the destruction of foreign myths about the Spanish nation.

“In Spain there are no political prisoners!” Rafael Català, the Spanish Minister of Justice under PM Mariano Rajoy, exclaimed in reply to a Catalan separatist´s demand that he address the numerous arrests that had been carried out after the October 1, 2017 referendum on Catalan independence, on the unlikely charges of corruption, rebellion, sedition and terrorism. The minister was cited by numerous Spanish news media on his denial as well as its corollary – Catalan separatists were bullying Spanish unionists in Catalonia. Yet, Catalan separatism is known for its democratic, pacific character, abstaining from acts of aggression, and this is what earned it the support of many inside and outside Catalonia after the central state’s violent interference with the referendum. It shows pacifism is not only a moral choice but also a strategic device to defend the Catalan cause in a context of structural power deficit which furnishes the Spanish state with most means of oppression such as police, army, judiciary and financial and economic control. I would argue that Spanish nationalist discourse covers up this power imbalance by recourse to a pseudo-democratic veneer which claims victim status but, in reality, serves to impose the Spanish constitutionalist and monarchical order, taking the separatist cause out of the political arena by criminalising it. A further look into events beyond the state of affairs regarding Catalan separatism may even reveal a structural male chauvinist strain in Spanish society which reinforces its authoritarian traits and that I have coined the “patrix”.

In the aftermath of the Spanish War, the Catalan philosopher Eugeni d'Ors and the Spanish philosopher José Ortega y Gasset offered a reading of Einstein’s theory of relativity in which discussions of unity and plurality connected their respective synthetic philosophies and nationalist projects of political and cultural analysis and reform. Besides their philosophical views, references to Einstein tracked their territorial concerns and personal circumstances in the relations between Catalonia, Spain and Europe. Einstein’s theory symbolized the saving connection between the classical and the modern, Europe and the Mediterranean, and science and philosophy. In this paper I focus on the case of Ors in relation to Catalan nationalism and the project he called Noucentismeand the case of Ortega in relation to Spanish nationalism and his political philosophy in España Invertebrada.

The Spanish-American War of 1898 produced a wave of Anti-Americanism in all Spain, very closely associated with a heated Spanishist rhetoric. It was also expressed in the Basque Country, but at the same time triggered the discovery by Basque nationalism of the United States as a “friendly nation” (an interpretation present in Basque nationalism throughout all its history). Both Spanish and Basque nationalisms, that existed then in this territory, reacted differently to the outbreak of the war and built opposite ideas of the symbolic meaning of the United States: a traitorous republic or a freeing referent. The aim of this article is to explain, through the Basque press of the period, divergent points of view, as well as the patriotic rhetoric and the popular mobilizations –expression of informal sociability– against the United States raised by the war.

The purpose of this article is to criticize the thesis that proposes the unity of Spain, that is, the Spanish nation as a pre-constitutional historical reality, as the fundamental norm of the Spanish constitutional order. For this purpose, the defence made by González Navarro of this thesis is used as the main reference. In the first place, the aforementioned thesis is set forth, questioning the supposed irreformability of art. 2 CE derived from that thesis. Secondly, the notion of “objective” or “perennialist nation”, as well as the historiographical assumptions underlying this thesis are set forth and criticised. Thirdly, the law of progressive political unification that would presumably rule the historical evolution is set forth, as well as its direct legal consequence, namely, the denial of the right to full self-determination of nations. Next, this non-recognition of the right to full self-determination is criticised, as well as the validity of the supposed law of historical evolution. Finally, other theorems that González Navarro links to the thesis of the unity of Spain are criticised. The article ends with a criticism of the definition of “violence” linked to the thesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early twentieth century the celebration of the 12 October, the anniversary of Columbus' first landing, has served as a reminder of the importance of Spain's links with the Americas as a part of Spanish national identity. Nostalgia for empire and the resulting image of international importance, enriched with diverse narratives, have helped build a myth of a Spanish identity with universal ambitions, one useful for political regeneration, social cohesion, and diplomacy. This article analyzes the versatility of this symbol under the Franco dictatorship in the post-Civil War years, centering upon its public presentations in 1940 and 1947. Open to contradictory interpretations, these celebrations reflected the different Falangist and National-Catholic political cultures, and the distribution of areas of power. We will examine their contexts, their international impact, their representation in public space, the actors involved, and the exhibitions that complemented public rituals in Madrid and, given the event's transnational significance, in Buenos Aires. We will also indicate the ways in which cultural symbols of Spanish nationalism associated with the day, such as the Conquest of the Americas or the language of Cervantes, were updated and given new meanings as part of the invention of identity, depending on political circumstance and international objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

These notes attempt to draw a very broad and remarkable complexity: how were the relationships between political power (the Franco dictatorship) and cultural and intellectual actors in Catalonia for almost forty years? The first condition that must be taken into account is the uniqueness of the political system (a dictatorship of fascist origins) and its duration (almost forty years). The second singularity is the relation of this dictatorship to a society and a complex cultural-intellectual system: against which was launched Franco's power? Against a Catalan and Catalan hegemonic cultural system until 1939? Did it come out in the process of replacing this system with another purely Spanishist, reactionary and fascistized? What was the response, from Catalanism and anti-Francoism, in general? Could it work on the margins, despite and against Franco? These are some of the questions raised in the text, which have proposals for answers, but not definitive claims or assertions.

This article explains how the Catalan political culture of the first third of the twentieth century was marked not only by the confrontation between Catalanists and Spaniards, bourgeois and proletarians, and the right and the left parties, but also by a progressive corporatization of the social and economic life of Catalonia, as a consequence of the structural changes imposed by urban growth in Barcelona and industrialization.

The notion of Reconquista is the product of 19th-century Spanish Nationalist thinking. Although developed as an academic concept, it played, at the same time, a crucial political and ideological role, thus holding a very powerful and potentially toxic ideological burden, chiefly consisting of the idea that Spain is a nation shaped against Islam. Its dual academic and ideological nature makes it a highly problematic concept that greatly contributed to produce a largely biased and distorted vision of the Iberian medieval past, aimed at delegitimizing the Islamic presence (al-Andalus) and therefore at legitimizing the Christian conquest of the Muslim territory. Over the last years and in the framework of the Clash of Civilizations doctrine, conservative and far-right scholarly and political outlets reignited the most ideological version of the Reconquista, thus raising a major challenge for academic historians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The origins of al-Andalus have been traditionally a highly controversial issue in Spanish historical writing, mainly because of ideological reasons. The most fanciful version of this historical process was formulated by Ignacio Olagüe, an amateur Spanish historian who came to prominence by claiming that the origins of al-Andalus were not related to the Islamic conquest of 711. Questioning the Islamic conquest is currently being presented as a challenge to the notion of Reconquista, the main conceptual pillar of traditional National Catholic approach to Medieval Iberia. By doing so, Olagüe's followers claim to be the only possible alternative to the conservative (National Catholic) reading of Spanish past, something that helps to explain much of their current success. However, negationist and National Catholic readings of the past are much more similar than they differ. On the other hand, taking into account the highly ungrounded and biased nature of negationism, both Olagüe and his current followers must be considered merely as a historiographical fraud. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tempo (1413-7704) is the property of Universidade Federal Fluminense, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explains the difficulties in applying Hroch's three‐phase scheme to much of the Catalan‐ and Basque‐speaking territories and proposes a new phase, Phase Z, which takes place as a reaction against the advance of the 'national movement' of the 'non‐dominant ethnic group' in areas in which it is weak or in a minority position. This study is limited to Valencian anti‐Catalanism and Navarrese anti‐Basquism, but the possibility is left open for this stage to be applicable to other 'anti‐nationalisms' (Irish unionism, for example). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Archeologia Medievale: Cultura Materiale, Insediamenti, Territorio is the property of All'Insegna del Giglio s.a.s. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses the arguments posed by Spanish jurists regarding the character and value in international nineteenth-century order of the titles to territories that the Spanish State inherited from the Catholic Monarchs. Focused on defending colonial interests in the Pacific, Spanish jurists insisted upon reproducing the legitimising arguments of the Conquest throughout the nineteenth century, until the German occupation of the Caroline Islands, expressly supported by the agreements reached at the Berlin Conference, forced them to rethink the foundations of their argument. The conflict surrounding the Caroline Islands was the first example of confrontation between articles 33 and 34 of the Act of Berlin and historical titles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper focuses on the survival of a form of historical memory in modern Spain that dates back to the nineteenth century. The prevailing form of Spanish national identity at that time was completely dependent on Catholicism; the medieval Iberian past was understood as a struggle of national liberation against invading Muslims, culminating in a final Christian victory in 1492. This approach generated an exclusionary vision of al-Andalus as alien to Spanish identity, expressed through the notion of "Reconquista," which reached its peak during the Franco dictatorship, the heyday of National Catholic ideology. Although the idea of Reconquista lost its historiographical hegemony after the arrival of democracy in 1978, recent events show that, despite its strong ideological connotations, or perhaps because of them, it remains the key concept in defining the medieval period within the most conservative sectors of academia, politics, and the media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of eHumanista is the property of Professor Antonio Cortijo-Ocana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is a study of the national holiday of 12 October, one of the most long-lasting and least transitory of the symbolic components of Spanish nationalism. Transnational in nature, this celebration of Spain’s existence constitutes an exception among similar national holidays, in that it is based upon the country’s role in the Americas and nostalgia for empire as founding elements of national identity. By analysing the changing ways in which this anniversary was celebrated in the course of the twentieth century, in rituals and language, the article highlights both the different imaginaries that were evoked and the roles played by particular actors and institutions in different stages of the construction of the national state and the definition of the regional and local identities of which it is composed. Our analysis of the progress of this celebration, from its inception in the late nineteenth century to the present day, as first Fiesta de la Raza, then Día de la Hispanidad and now just ‘National Day’, suggests that its durability, which has been maintained for nearly a century, stems from the notably ductile nature of the myths associated with it. Adaptable to regimes and political challenges of varied kinds, this commemoration melds together the inheritance of liberalism, the national-Catholic tradition and ‘regionalized nationalism’, all of which have been key elements in Spanish political history in the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the general European context of Italian and German unification in July 1876, Spain underwent a process of consolidation of a homogeneous and centralised state. The approval of a new Constitution and the advent of Cánovas del Castillo's monarchical Restoration was the result of a long process, which began in the Cortes constituentes of 1812. This article focuses on the events that took place in the 19th century, especially since 1868, when Spanish nationalism, of an economic, political and cultural nature, formed the backbone of conservatives, moderates and republicans. But during the 1870 everything began to change in Spain. The periphery responded with centrifugal movements such as the Rexurdimento in Galicia and the Renaixença in Catalonia, which set the tone for the beginning of other identity sensibilities in Vizcaya, the Canary Islands, the Kingdom of Valencia and even Andalusia at the beginning of the 20th century. The Glorious Revolution of 1868 precipitated the events that led to the arrival of Sabino Arana's nationalist reaction, for two reasons: first, because it meant a great step forward in national unification, which still preserved the old fragmentary structures of the Ancien Régime; and second, because the liberal and progressive revolutionary atmosphere aroused the reaction of the most ultramontane sectors of Spanish society, which were so deeply rooted in the Basque Country in the form of Carlism and fuerismo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The loss of the last remnants of the Spanish empire led to a deep crisis of national consciousness . But this national crisis was not unique in a European context marked by the imperialist maelstrom. As elsewhere , the national frustration fueled new intellectual currents that would be in the origins of nationalist or fascist movements of the first half of the twentieth century. The broad regeneracionista movement that followed in Spain to defeat in the war with the United States can be understood as a various and complex nationalism that eventually could lead , though never linear or default to anti-liberal positions.

An analysis of the El Greco commemoration held in 1914 shows that the process of national construction encountered numerous obstacles in a provincial town like Toledo. Before even starting, it was very difficult to agree about its organisation, partly because the elite circles of Toledo were antagonistic to the tutelage of Madrid. In the end, the centenary was a small-scale event and its organisation was dominated by the conservative authorities, the Church and the royal academies. While almost all the local newspapers wished to make the event a success, only the weekly published by the liberal-democrats and the republicans sought to use the commemoration to stimulate national sentiment in the population. National-catholicism, which acquired considerable importance later on, was not in evidence, for the Catholic right put the interests of the Church before those of the nation or even of the town. Consequently, instead of promoting national unity among the local population, the third centenary of the painter’s death prompted an exchange of insults between the Catholic right and the anticlerical left.