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The construction of an underground car park beneath the main square of Turin, Italy in 2004 led to the unearthing of the skeletonised remains of twenty-two individuals attributable to the early eighteenth century. At this time the city was besieged during the War of the Spanish Succession in a hard-fought battle that resulted in unexpected triumph for the Piedmontese, a victory that marked a fundamental turning point in Italian history. The current study assesses the strength of evidence linking the excavated individuals to the siege and assesses their possible role in the battle through consideration of their biological profiles, patterns of pathology and the presence of traumatic injuries. This article presents the first analysis of evidence for the siege of Turin from an anthropological point of view, providing new and unbiased information from the most direct source of evidence available: the remains of those who actually took part.

This paper analyzes the role of the duke of Medinaceli in face of the Spanish succession crisis. By rejecting historiographical attempts to include the duke within one or other dynastic party, the essay emphasizes instead his total loyalty to the united Spanish Monarchy. By doing so, the defense of the unity of the Monarchy attempted by Medinaceli is understood not only in a territorial viewpoint but as a safeguard of a distinctive political model: the so-called ‘aristomanzia’. Thanks to it, Spanish nobility had been traditionally able to control the King by way of the Council of State and the consensus of the Grandees, a practice threatened at the beginning of the Eighteenth Century and defended, but without success, by Medinaceli. This paper analyzes the role of the Duke of Medinaceli in the face of the Spanish succession crisis. By rejecting historiographical attempts to include the duke within a dynastic party, the essay emphasizes the idea of his loyalty to the Spanish Monarchy. In this way the defense of the unity of the Monarchy undertaken by Medinaceli is understood not only in a territorial viewpoint but as a pragmatic safeguard of a political model: the so-called ‘aristomanzia’. Thanks to it, the Spanish nobility had been traditionally able to control the King by way of the Council of State and the consensus of the Grandees, a practice that languished at the beginning of the Eighteenth Century and defended with no success by Medinaceli.

The war for Spanish succession, and event which preceded it culminated with Utrecht Peace from 1713. This period was marked by Luis XIV, William II, and Leopold I including Spanish rulers. The claim for Spanish monarchy was a big deal - it requested battle, coalition making, compromise, and a lot of cunning. These events redesigned the political map of Europe - France was not encircled by Spanish Hapsburgs, but as the leading power of that time Louis XIV (the King of the Sun), was confronted with great coalitions against it. Louis XIV wished glory either in domestic or in foreign policy so that he had proceeded to many adventures which weakened France. The aim of coalitions was the prevention of the state/hegemon creation. Versailles, and Vienna would establish balance of power which lasted until the war for Austrian succession. England will become the leading marine force. Novelty introduced by Utrecht peace tackled the binding of treaties not only with actual rulers, but with their successors as well. It represented the triumph of modern diplomacy because a lot of technical issues were omitted. Territory was not the result of claim to it, but the claim to it depended on the request for territory. The issues of succession became internationalized. The transfer of sovereignty is not the result of military occupation, but the result of peace treaty. King's titles were internationally recognized. This war started slowly inaugurating a new international law so that all national legislations should have follow the development of international law. Comparatively with the change of political relationships in Europe, legal norms were to be changed. Devolution war is a typical example of the primate of international law over national. This war was very complex since it included many dynasties, and geopolitical interests among them, so that it was settled by diplomats, and jurists, and not generals.

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Entre los años 1698 y 1700 los escoceses intentaron establecer un enclave comercial en el Darién que integrara el tráfico de esclavos de África con las rutas a Asia y Europa. No consiguieron su propósito y, tras diversas peripecias, fueron desalojados por una expedición armada conducida por el gobernador de Cartagena de Indias, don Juan de la Pimienta. Su aventura coincidió en su desarrollo con la negociación de los tratados de partición y con la cuestión sucesoria española. Este estudio sostiene que la colonia es un elemento importante para la comprensión del cambio dinástico. Primero, su desarrollo también coincidió con —y fue un aspecto más de— la grave crisis diplomática entre Inglaterra y España durante los meses clave del proceso sucesorio. Además, perjudicaba a la candidatura de los Austria de Viena al demostrar las carencias de su opción en caso de un conflicto en América. Por último, la reacción que se produjo en Madrid debe de ser vista como un elemento más de la respuesta española al tratado de partición de Londres de 1700.Between 1698 and 1700 the Scots attempted to establish a trading post in Darien to integrate the African slave traffic with Asia and Europe’s commerce. They failed their purpose and, after various vicissitudes, were evicted by an armed expedition led by the governor of Cartagena de Indias, Don Juan de la Pimienta. Their adventure coincided in its unfolds with the negotiation of the treaties of partition and the Spanish succession issue. This study argues that the colony is an important element for the dinastic change’s understanding. First, its development also coincided with —and was one aspect of— the diplomatic crisis between England and Spain during the key months of the succession process. Also harmed the Viennese Austria´s candidacy to demonstrate the shortcomings of its choice in the case of a conflict in America. Finally, the reaction that occurred in Madrid should be seen as one element of the Spanish response to the partition´s Treaty of London of 1700.

The Treaty of Madrid in 1668 sanctioned the recognition of the independence of Portugal, after nearly three decades of fighting between Spain and Portugal. Gradually the links between both sides of the border became diluted, but not the lifting of some voices against this process. This article discusses some of these movements opposed to the separation of the peninsular kingdoms. It stresses Peter II decision to form a Hispanic monarchy with a Portuguese sign, taking advantage of the dynastic crisis of Charles II, to demonstrate that the idea of an Iberian Union had not completely disappeared in the late seventeenth century.

Copyright of E-Journal of Portuguese History is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

En este artículo se estudia el ordenamiento jurídico que supo darse Cataluña en vísperas de la destrucción del sistema pactista que le había vinculado con sus monarcas desde los tiempos medievales. Dejando de lado el análisis de las peculiaridades de dicho sistema, se procederá al examen de su mejor puesta en escena, con el espectro de la guerra civil en ciernes, durante las Cortes de Barcelona de 1705-1706. De esta última reunión de los estamentos catalanes con su monarca surgirían las constituciones de 1706, la ley pactada que quedó malograda por la derrota del bando austracista en la Guerra de Sucesión española.The article deals with the legal corpus that Catalonia was able to achieve for itself before the destruction of the pact system, which had tied the land with its monarchs from the Middle Ages. Leaving aside the analysis of the peculiarities of this system, we will proceed to the examination of its best staging -the spectre of civil war hanging over Spain- during the Courts of Barcelona 1705-1706. From this last assembly that put together the Catalan states and their king, sprang up the constitutions of 1706, the law ruined due to the defeat of the Austrian faction in the Spanish Succession war.

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie IV, Historia Moderna is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Between 1661 and 1700 Louis XIV used the rights of his son the Grand Dauphin, known generally as Monseigneur, devolved through his mother, Maria Teresa of Spain, to bolster his policy of bringing greater coherence to the frontiers of France and to stake a claim to at least part of the Spanish inheritance on the death of childless king Charles II. The Dauphin featured prominently in propaganda justifying Louis's policy during the War of Devolution in 1667-68, and French diplomats in Spain deployed great efforts to gain the support of the nobility and clergy for the Dauphin as the future Louis I of Spain. In 1700 Monseigneur, far from being the merely passive figure often represented by historians, was influential in gaining French acceptance of the will of Charles II and the rights of Monseigneur's son as Philip V of Spain, thus marking a change in Louis XIV's policy, henceforth devoted to a dynastic policy pursued in the name of national "grandeur.

Charles II of Spain died on November 1, in Madrid. Once this information is known in Versailles, Louis XIV must surely take the most important decision of his reign: Should he accept the will of Charles II and proclaim his grandson Philip of Anjou King of Spain? The description made later by Saint-Simon of the tension at the court of Versailles shows more than any other document the art of "King of glory" to stage political decisions. His announcement on November, 16 that he accepts the will shows Louis XIV as the "director" of the set. As the true master in this field, all at once, he united the kingdoms of France and Spain and deceived Emperor Leopold 1st, his competitor to the legacy.

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)