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Mindestsicherungssysteme dienen in den meisten entwickelten Wohlfahrtsstaaten als Sicherheitsnetz letzter Instanz. Dementsprechend spielen sie gerade in wirtschaftlichen Krisenzeiten eine besondere Rolle. Inwieweit Mindestsicherungssysteme in Zeiten der Krise beansprucht werden, hängt auch von der Ausprägung vorgelagerter Sozialschutzsysteme ab. Diese Studie untersucht die Bedeutung von Systemen der Mindestsicherung sowie vorgelagerter Systeme wie Arbeitslosenversicherung, Kurzarbeit und arbeitsrechtlichem Bestandsschutz für die Krisenfestigkeit in Europa. Im Kontext der Finanzkrise von 2008/2009 und der Corona-Krise wird die Fähigkeit sozialpolitischer Maßnahmen untersucht, Armut und Einkommens­verluste einzudämmen und gesellschaftliche Ausgrenzung zu vermeiden. Die Studie setzt dabei auf quantitative und qualitative Methoden, etwa multivariate Analysen, Mikrosimulationsmethoden sowie eingehende Fallstudien der Länder Dänemark, Frankreich, Irland, Polen und Spanien, die für unterschiedliche Typen von Wohlfahrtsstaaten stehen., The aim of this study is to analyse the role of social policies in different European welfare states regarding minimum income protection and active inclusion. The core focus lies on crisis resilience, i.e. the capacity of social policy arrangements to contain poverty and inequality and avoid exclusion before, during and after periods of economic shocks. To achieve this goal, the study expands its analytical focus to include other tiers of social protection, in particular upstream systems such as unemployment insurance, job retention and employment protection, as they play an additional and potentially prominent role in providing income and job protection in situations of crisis. A mixed-method approach is used that combines quantitative and qualitative research, such as descriptive and multivariate quantitative analyses, microsimulation methods and in-depth case studies. The study finds consistent differences in terms of crisis resilience across countries and welfare state types. In general, Nordic and Continental European welfare states with strong upstream systems and minimum income support (MIS) show better outcomes in core socio-economic outcomes such as poverty and exclusion risks. However, labour market integration shows some dualisms in Continental Europe. The study shows that MIS holds particular importance if there are gaps in upstream systems or cases of severe and lasting crises.

Mindestsicherungssysteme dienen in den meisten entwickelten Wohlfahrtsstaaten als Sicherheitsnetz letzter Instanz. Dementsprechend spielen sie gerade in wirtschaftlichen Krisenzeiten eine besondere Rolle. Inwieweit Mindestsicherungssysteme in Zeiten der Krise beansprucht werden, hängt auch von der Ausprägung vorgelagerter Sozialschutzsysteme ab. Diese Studie untersucht die Bedeutung von Systemen der Mindestsicherung sowie vorgelagerter Systeme wie Arbeitslosenversicherung, Kurzarbeit und arbeitsrechtlichem Bestandsschutz für die Krisenfestigkeit in Europa. Im Kontext der Finanzkrise von 2008/2009 und der Corona-Krise wird die Fähigkeit sozialpolitischer Maßnahmen untersucht, Armut und Einkommens­verluste einzudämmen und gesellschaftliche Ausgrenzung zu vermeiden. Die Studie setzt dabei auf quantitative und qualitative Methoden, etwa multivariate Analysen, Mikrosimulationsmethoden sowie eingehende Fallstudien der Länder Dänemark, Frankreich, Irland, Polen und Spanien, die für unterschiedliche Typen von Wohlfahrtsstaaten stehen., The aim of this study is to analyse the role of social policies in different European welfare states regarding minimum income protection and active inclusion. The core focus lies on crisis resilience, i.e. the capacity of social policy arrangements to contain poverty and inequality and avoid exclusion before, during and after periods of economic shocks. To achieve this goal, the study expands its analytical focus to include other tiers of social protection, in particular upstream systems such as unemployment insurance, job retention and employment protection, as they play an additional and potentially prominent role in providing income and job protection in situations of crisis. A mixed-method approach is used that combines quantitative and qualitative research, such as descriptive and multivariate quantitative analyses, microsimulation methods and in-depth case studies. The study finds consistent differences in terms of crisis resilience across countries and welfare state types. In general, Nordic and Continental European welfare states with strong upstream systems and minimum income support (MIS) show better outcomes in core socio-economic outcomes such as poverty and exclusion risks. However, labour market integration shows some dualisms in Continental Europe. The study shows that MIS holds particular importance if there are gaps in upstream systems or cases of severe and lasting crises.

+ ID der Publikation: hslu_97343 + Art des Beitrages: Bericht + Sprache: Deutsch + Letzte Aktualisierung: 2024-02-09 15:59:55

Organisation und Moderation des Fachaustausches

Organisation und Moderation des Fachaustausch

Organisation und Moderation des Fachaustausches

Organisation und Moderation des Fachaustausch

Organisation und Moderation des Fachaustausches

Organisation und Moderation des Fachaustausches

Decisions in child protection affect children’s and young people’s lives substantially and sustainably. For young people to participate in these decisions is an ethical requirement, prominently coded in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Although awareness of the importance of child participation and research thereon have grown, predictors of child participation have not been formalized in a conceptual model and studies on the topic have primarily relied on narrative accounts or fictional vignettes rather than actual case data. This article addresses the lack of conceptual modeling by presenting an approach that takes into account three domains of downstream predictors on the degree of child participation in the decision-making process of a child protection case: (a) External constraints; (b) professionals’ willingness and ability to facilitate the child’s participation; (c) the child’s willingness and ability to participate. It further addresses the lack of actual case data in child participation research, focusing on the understudied predictor of family poverty. Analyses are based on a sample of case files of n = 264 children in five Swiss CPS agencies. Outcomes and predictors were extracted from case files with a predefined coding system. Findings suggest that the raised awareness has so far not fully trickled down to an increase in real-life opportunities of participation for young people: The child’s subjective view was documented in the case worker’s report half of the time (48.9 %). Corroborating previous evidence, adolescents were much more likely to have their views included than younger children (OR = 3.715, p =.002). Case workers were less inclined to include the child’s views if the child came from a poor family (OR = 0.326, p =.003). We conclude by suggesting options for improving child participation, highlighting that protection of young people does not have to contradict participation.

Context: In child protection cases, findings indicate that children may benefit from inclusion in the decision-making process in many ways. In spite of this evidence, there seems to be a persistent gap between the normative claim to participation of children and the actual implementation of participatory processes. Research has begun to explore the factors that drive case workers’ tendencies to create opportunities of participation for children. However, a theoretical model of such prerequisites is lacking. In the present paper, we propose that the tendency of a professional to have a child participate in decision-making will depend on i) the perceived participatory competence of the child, ii) the perceived affectedness of the child by the problem at hand, and iii) the perceived information potential of the child. We further assume that the perceived participatory competence of the child will not only depend on the child’s individual characteristics (such as age or developmental status), but in a kind of spill-over effect will be affected by the participatory competence that is ascribed to the family unit as a whole. One factor that has been shown to decrease the participatory opportunities for families in child and youth welfare is family poverty. To test this last facet of the model, we hypothesize that children from families who are on social assistance will be given less opportunity to participate in decision-making as compared to their peers. Method: Data were collected from six child protective agencies in the German-speaking part of Switzerland. Cases were formal assessments of possible child endangerment. Case files from a one-year period were randomly selected. Characteristics on multiple levels (case, caregivers and children, social workers, decisional outcomes) were coded according to a predefined system. In a binary approach, child participation was coded as present when the views of the child on the case were explicitly mentioned and addressed in the c

Une étude nationale est venue étoffer les connaissances de l’état de santé des bénéficiaires de l’aide sociale. Les troubles de santé rencontrés par ces personnes devraient en faire un groupe cible de mesures de politique de santé.

Latin America has been particularly hard hit by the COVID-19 syndemic, including the associated economic fallout that has threatened the livelihoods of most families. Social protection platforms and policies should have a crucial role in safeguarding individual and family wellbeing; however, the response has been insufficient to address the scale of the crisis. In this Viewpoint, we focus on two policy challenges of the COVID-19 syndemic: rapidly and effectively providing financial support to the many families that lost livelihoods, and responding to and mitigating the increased risk of intimate partner violence (IPV). We argue that building programmatic linkages between social protection platforms, particularly cash transfers, and IPV prevention, mitigation, and response services, creates synergies that can promote freedom from both poverty and violence.

(Die Autorin) wendet sich in ihrer ethnografischen Studie der Schnittstelle von innereuropäischer Migration und Wohnungslosigkeit zu. Dabei stehen Fragen nach transnationalen sozialen Rechten ebenso im Fokus wie die sozialarbeiterische Praxis in diesem Handlungsfeld. Die Leser*innen begleiten eine fiktive Figur an verschiedene Orte, die für wohnungslose EU-Bürger*innen relevant sind: ein Sozialamt, eine Arztpraxis für wohnungslose Menschen sowie ein Tagesaufenthalt für wohnungslose Menschen. Dort werden sie Zeug*innen der Aushandlungen und Kämpfe um (soziale) Rechte, Anerkennung und soziale Gerechtigkeit. In ihnen scheint die gewaltvolle Geschichte Europas auf, die sich bis heute in binneneuropäischen Differenzierungen und Ausgrenzungen fortsetzt. Rassismus, Antislawismus und Klassismus prägen den Alltag wohnungsloser Unionsbürger*innen. Zugleich wird deutlich, dass Soziale Arbeit zwar Teil des innereuropäischen Grenzregimes ist, aber auch widerständig darin wirken kann. So zeigt die Studie schließlich, wie die Praxis der innereuropäischen Migration das Narrativ eines homogenen EU-Europas als Ort der Gleichheit und der Menschenrechte in Frage stellt. (Verlag)

Under EU law, EU citizens constitute a particular group of immigrants, as they can, mostly without restrictions, move to, and reside in, another EU country, enjoying equal treatment with nationals in terms of accessing employment and social rights. However, as this article demonstrates, the settlement of EU citizens in another member state does not happen without hurdles. Through a careful in‐depth study of access to transnational welfare rights in practice, we analyse knowledge and resulting power asymmetries impacting interactions between certain EU migrant claimants and street‐level bureaucrats in Austrian and German social administrations. Following an inductive approach, based on an extensive data set of 144 qualitative interviews, this article first unpacks the different types of knowledge asymmetries relating to administrative procedures, formal social entitlements and the German language. We then analyse how such knowledge asymmetries may open space for welfare mediation in order to compensate for a lack of German language skills and to clarify misunderstandings about legal entitlements and obligations embedded in the claims system. Finally, our contribution offers a typology of welfare mediators and their characteristics, as not all types can be regarded as equally effective in reshaping power asymmetries. Overall, this article allows for insights into how welfare mediators, as more or less institutionalised opportunity structures, can shift policy outcomes in unexpected ways, enabling access to social benefits and services for otherwise excluded EU migrant citizens working, or seeking to work, in another EU member state.

While existing research has analysed the intersecting migration and social security law, which stratifies migrants' formal social entitlements, less work has been done on the informal stratifications beyond the law that determine substantive social rights. This article illustrates the informal barriers to de facto benefit receipt that intra‐EU migrant citizens may experience when claiming social assistance in local German job centres, regardless of their manifest legal entitlements. Focussing on informal, yet commonly institutionalised practices of language discrimination, analysis of 103 qualitative, in‐depth interviews reveal recurring patterns of administrative exclusion beyond individual instances of discriminatory behaviour. The unwritten rules and everyday practices shaping administrators' claims‐processing routines often go against what the law or administrative procedures proscribe, and could be considered as forms of discrimination. The former may be explained by institutional constraints, such as a performance‐orientedmanagement culture, legalistic claims‐processing, or superficial diversity policies. By shedding light on how inequalities in access are constructed in daily administrative practice, this article adds to existing empirical knowledge on how informal inequalities in access emerge at different stages of the benefit claiming process, in contrast to formal social rights on paper, as well as social administrations' handling of diversity in a context of transnational social protection.

This article draws on the idea that welfare systems and institutions are based on normative assumptions about justice, solidarity, and responsibility. Even though the literature on welfare deservingness has highlighted the connection between ideas of solidarity and the support to, for instance, people with different ethnic backgrounds, there is very little research on the interconnections of different welfare state models and ideas on how migration should be governed. This article suggests that there is a link between the welfare state models suggested by Esping‐Anderssen and different discourses on migrant welfare deservingness. The article explores the interlinkages of three welfare state models - liberal, socialdemocratic, and continental‐corporative - and four discourses on welfare deservingness of migrants in respect to social welfare - labourist, ethno‐cultural, residential, and welfarist (see Carmel & Sojka, 2020). It is suggested that the normative foundations embedded in different welfare systems lead to dissimilar ways of approaching migrants and migration.

This article analyses the relationship between migration, care work, and welfare provision, highlighting the role of Latin American migrants in Spain as providers of formal and informal social protection on a transnational scale. It contributes to the debate on transnational social protection and transnational social inequalities from the perspective of welfare paradoxes and interpersonal pacts. Migrant women in Spain have become a resource for the provision of formal social protection through their employment as domestic care workers. Nevertheless, given that access to social rights in Spain depends on job stability and residency status, they have difficulties in accessing formal social protection themselves. This process constitutes a "welfare paradox", based on the commodification and exclusion paradoxes, explained by structural factors such as the characteristics of the welfare regime (familiaristic model, with a tendency to hire domestic workers as caregivers into households), the migration regime (feminised and with a clear leaning towards Latin American women), and the economic landscape resulting from two systemic crises: the great recession of 2008 and the Covid‐19 pandemic. Interpersonal pacts, rooted in marriage/couple and intergenerational agreements, and their infringements, are analysed to explain the transnational and informal social protection strategies in the context of the "exclusion paradox" and the breach of the "welfare pact". Our research draws on the exploitation of secondary data and multi‐sited, longitudinal fieldwork based on biographical interviews conducted with various members of transnational families in Spain and Ecuador (41 interviews).

With migration being a reality within and between nation‐states worldwide, transnational social protection has become a concern on various levels. This thematic issue focuses on nation‐state conceptions and policies, migrants' experiences with regards to accessing social protection, as well as the social inequalities resulting from the nexus of transnational social protection and migration.

Financial incentives affect the labour supply decisions of households. However, the impact usually varies significantly across household types. Whilst there is a substantial amount of literature on the labour supply effects of tax reforms and in-work benefits, the impact of changes in social assistance benefits has received less attention. This paper analyses labour supply responses to changes in social assistance. We show that labour supply elasticities vary substantially across gender and household type. Women exhibit higher labour supply elasticities, both on the intensive and the extensive margins. Additionally, labour supply elasticities are typically higher for singles and for households with children. Using these results, we analyse the impact of the Austrian reform proposal “Neue Sozialhilfe” (New Social Assistance), which was introduced in 2019 and substantially cut social assistance benefits for migrants and families with children. The overall effects of the reform are especially strong for men and migrants. Migrants and couples with children, that is, the groups hardest hit by the reform’s social assistance reductions, show the strongest labour supply reactions to the New Social Assistance. Furthermore, we show that overall, the reform is expected to have a positive, but small, effect on the intensive margin of labour supply.

The publication of this work was supported by the Open Access Publication Fund of Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin., Marie-Therese Haj Ahmad wendet sich in ihrer ethnografischen Studie der Schnittstelle von innereuropäischer Migration und Wohnungslosigkeit zu. Dabei stehen Fragen nach transnationalen sozialen Rechten ebenso im Fokus wie die sozialarbeiterische Praxis in diesem Handlungsfeld. Die Leser*innen begleiten eine fiktive Figur an verschiedene Orte, die für wohnungslose EU-Bürger*innen relevant sind: ein Sozialamt, eine Arztpraxis für wohnungslose Menschen sowie ein Tagesaufenthalt für wohnungslose Menschen. Dort werden sie Zeug*innen der Aushandlungen und Kämpfe um (soziale) Rechte, Anerkennung und soziale Gerechtigkeit. In ihnen scheint die gewaltvolle Geschichte Europas auf, die sich bis heute in binneneuropäischen Differenzierungen und Ausgrenzungen fortsetzt. Rassismus, Antislawismus und Klassismus prägen den Alltag wohnungsloser Unionsbürger*innen. Zugleich wird deutlich, dass Soziale Arbeit zwar Teil des innereuropäischen Grenzregimes ist, aber auch widerständig darin wirken kann. So zeigt die Studie schließlich, wie die Praxis der innereuropäischen Migration das Narrativ eines homogenen EU-Europas als Ort der Gleichheit und der Menschenrechte in Frage stellt.

Sozialhilfe zielt nicht nur auf die Existenzsicherung bedürftiger Personen, sondern auch auf deren berufliche und soziale Partizipation ab. Das Recht auf Unterstützung wird von Ausländerinnen und Ausländern jedoch zunehmend nicht wahrgenommen, denn die Angst vor ausländerrechtlichen Konsequenzen ist gross. Sozialarbeitende in den verschiedensten Feldern sorgen sich über zunehmende Schwierigkeiten, den Kontakt zur Zielgruppe zu halten