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Šiame straipsnyje tiriama šimtametė Lietuvos prezidento institucijos istorija, kuriai pagrįsti pasitelkti dokumentai, ikonografija, saugomi Lietuvos MA Vrublevskių bibliotekos Rankraščių ir Retų spaudinių skyriuose. Esminiai žodžiai: Lietuvos prezidento institucija; seimų dominavimo, autoritarinio valdymo laikotarpiai; sovietinė okupacija; nepriklausomos valstybės atkūrimas. This article aims to analyse the history (development) of the Lithuanian Presidential Institution based on the documentary heritage from the holdings of the Wroblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences. The Lithuanian Presidential Institution in the period of the authoritarian rule of the Seimas is best represented by photographs from the holdings of the Rare Books Department illustrating various state events. The documents related to the interwar Presidential Institution are kept in various collections from the holdings of the Manuscripts Department. The following sets of documents deserve special notice: 1) Collection F29-756 consists of letters and requests for 1919-1939 addressed to President Antanas Smetona (70 folia in total); 2) Augustinas Voldemaras Collection (F172) contains Antanas Smetona’s and Augustinas Voldemaras’ letters that bear significance to the Presidential Institution; 3) Collection F54 contains documents related to President Kazys Grinius and materials concerning the controversial activities of Justas Paleckis; 4) Mykolas Biržiška collection (F165) includes a dozen invitations to key state events issued by Presidents Aleksandras Stulginskis and Antanas Smetona. Documents related to the Presidential Institution of the independent Republic of Lithuania restored in the last decade of the 20th century were found both in the photographs and ephemera collections of the Rare Books Department and in personal collections of the Manuscripts Department. The following collections ofmanuscript documents are especially noteworthy: 1) the documents from Kazys Ėringis Collection (F335) and Meilė Lukšienė Collection (F391) represent the activities of President Valdas Adamkus. 2) Ona Voverienė’s Collection (F397) contains the greatest number of documents related to the Presidential Institution of the restored independent State of Lithuania. These documents include sociopolitical articles by Ona Voverienė reflecting the realities of Lithuanian politics over several decades and her correspondence with President Dalia Grybauskaitė. The article also presents so far little-researched organizational documents of the Lithuanian Presidential Institution, publications in periodicals, and iconography. Keywords: Lithuanian Presidential Institution; periods of the authoritarian rule of the Seimas; Soviet occupation; restoration of the independent state.

Straipsnyje atskleistos sovietinių represijų prieš Lietuvos kariuomenės karininkus priežastys, pobūdis ir mastas, pateikti duomenys apie represuotus Lietuvos krašto apsaugos ministrus ir karininkus. The article reveals the reasons, nature and extent of the Soviet repression against the officers of the Lithuanian Armed Forces and presents the data about the repressed ministers and officers of the Lithuanian National Defence System. The majority of the Lithuanian residents suffered from the repression during the Soviet occupation. The Lithuanian officers did not escape it as well and even became one of the first targets of the Soviet occupants. They were destroyed and persecuted for being an educated, professional, patriotic, highly motivated and organized force capable of organizing the armed resistance against the Soviet occupation and annexation. The repressions sought to break a possible resistance by eliminating patriotic officers from the military and destroying physically, imprisoning or exiling them to the harshest regions of the Soviet Union. Lithuanian officers proved their determination to defend their homeland during the fights with the Bolsheviks for the independence of Lithuania and the Soviet occupants were well aware of that. Hundreds of officers of the Lithuanian Armed Forces were arrested, imprisoned or exiled. Some of them were shot in shooting chambers, while others were tortured by interrogators to complete exhaustion or died from cold, starvation and diseases in prisons and concentration camps. The conditions the deportees lived in were not any easier, they also suffered from starvation and cold in the furthest regions of the Soviet Union and worked in forests and factories. Together with the active service officers, the Soviets also repressed Lithuanian reserve officers and graduates of the Military School, i.e. active and patriotic civil servants, members of the political and public organizations, commanders of the Riflemen’s Union and members of different resistance organizations. A total of 1262 Lithuanian officers were subjected to direct Soviet repression; 150 of them were shot, 663 died in prisons, concentration camps or in exile, while more than 2000 officers opted for forced emigration. The families of the repressed officers suffered greatly as well. They were left without a source of livelihood, their property was confiscated and they were exiled to harsh and mostly uninhabited areas of Komi, Kazakhstan, Altai, Sakha (also known as Yakutia), etc. in Siberia. The majority of them died there from cold, diseases and starvation. The officers who survived the imprisonment and exile were persecuted upon their return to Lithuania. They were prevented from employment, registration and living in a desired place. Throughout the Soviet period, the survivors were tagged as prisoners and unreliable persons; they were monitored and controlled.

Mokslo šaltinio publikacijoje pateikiamas 1955 m. dr. Stasio Abramausko raštas LSSR Aukščiausiosios Tarybos Prezidiumo pirmininkui Justui Paleckiui. Laiško autorius kėlė istorinio Vilniaus krašto lietuvių padėties ir kultūros paveldo klausimus. Kaip vienas galimų problemų sprendimo būdų buvo pasiūlytas Lietuvos ir Baltarusijos teritorinių pokyčių planas, t. y. lietuvių gyvenami rajonai galėtų būti priskirti Lietuvos SSR teritorijai. Skelbiamas šaltinis papildytas komentarais ir patikslinimais. Publikuojamas dokumentas aktualus humanitarinių ir socialinių mokslų atstovų tolesniems tyrimams. The publication of the scientific source includes a 1955 letter from Dr. Stasys Abramauskas to the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the LSSR, Justas Paleckis. The author of the letter raised questions about the situation of Lithuanians in the historical Vilnius region, and about cultural heritage. As one possible solution to the problems, a plan for territorial change in Lithuania and Belarus was proposed, i.e., the areas inhabited by Lithuanians could be assigned to the territory of the Lithuanian SSR. The published source has been supplemented with comments and clarifications. The published document is relevant for further research by the humanities and social sciences.

Straipsnis parengtas pagal pranešimą „Lietuva tarp dviejų totalitarinių režimų: Europos sąžinė ir istorinė atmintis“, skaitytą Adolfo Damušio politinių studijų dienų konferencijoje „Europos sąžinė ir totalitarizmas: Lietuvos visuomenės istorinė patirtis XX a.“, įvykusioje Lietuvos nacionalinėje Martyno Mažvydo bibliotekoje birželio 14–15 dienomis Apie Antrąjį pasaulinį karą, jo pradžią, partneriškus Maskvos ir Berlyno santykius iki karo, Suomijos pasipriešinimą Sovietų Rusijai. Apie tarptautinį Lenino vardo universitetą, Hitlerio Užsienio institutą (Auslands Institut) Berlyne. Aptariama Antano Sniečkaus veikla. Apie Hitlerio 1941 m. birželio 22 d. pradėtą operaciją „Barbarosa“. World War II ended more than seventy years ago. A lot of books have been written, many films produced and released on this subject. But what has not been said yet, asks the author paraphrasing historian Norman Davies.

Straipsnyje, remiantis archyviniais dokumentais iš Lietuvos šaulių sąjungos ir Lietuvos kariuomenės fondų ir naujausiais istoriografiniais tyrimais, kritinės analizės metodu tiriama Lietuvos šaulių sąjungos (LŠS) veikla Antrojo pasaulinio karo išvakarėse ir Šaulių sąjungos padėtis po 1940 metais įvykusios sovietinės okupacijos. Sovietinė vadovybė Lietuvoje buvo suinteresuota kuo greičiau nuginkluoti šaulius kaip jėgą, galinčią sukurti politiškai nepageidaujamą pasipriešinimą. Straipsnyje analizuojama, kaip vyko LŠS likvidavimo procesas, ir procedūros, susijusios su turto perėmimu bei ginkluotės surinkimu iš šaulių rinktinių. The article, based on unpublished archival documents from the Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union and the Lithuanian armed forces repositories, and recent historiographic publications, deals with the challenges faced by Lithuania and the Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union, and their military plans on the eve of the Second World War. The Soviet authorities in Lithuania were concerned with disarming the riflemen as quickly as possible, seeing them as a force capable of putting up politically undesirable resistance The article analyses the liquidation of the Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union after the Soviet occupation in 1940, discusses the issues of seizure of property of the Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union and seizure of armaments from the Riflemen’s units.

Tyrimo problema. Šiuo metu didelė dalis jaunimo renkasi modifikuotus maisto produktus, kurie daro žalą organizmui. Sovietinės okupacijos laikotarpyje gyvenę žmonės neturėjo didelio maisto produktų pasirinkimo, todėl valgė tai, ką užsiaugindavo ir pasiruošdavo namuose. Labai svarbu skatinti jaunų žmonių sveikus mitybos įpročius, siekiant pagerinti bendrą sveikatą, sumažinti ligų išsivystymą. Tyrimo objektas: jaunimo mitybos įpročiai. Tyrimo tikslas: ištirti Vainuto miestelio senjorų ir jaunimo mitybos įpročius nuo sovietinės okupacijos iki šiuolaikinės visuomenės. Tyrimo uždaviniai: 1. Išanalizuoti mokslinę literatūrą apie sovietinės okupacijos ir šiuolaikinio jaunimo mitybos įpročius skirtingais Lietuvos istorijos laikotarpiais; 2. Ištirti Vainuto miestelyje gyvenančių senjorų, kurie išgyveno sovietinę okupaciją, mitybos įpročius; 3. Ištirti Vainuto miestelio šiuolaikinio jaunimo mitybos įpročius; 4. Palyginti sovietinės okupacijos ir šiuolaikinio jaunimo mitybos įpročius. Tyrimo metodai ir kontingentas: Tyrimas buvo atliktas 2018 m. nuo kovo 28 d. iki balandžio 22 d. Vainuto miestelyje. Anoniminės anketos išdalintos jaunimui nuo 18─23 m. bei senjorams nuo 70 m. ir vyresniems. Anketos klausimai sudaryti pagal standartizuotą suaugusių Lietuvos žmonių gyvensenos tyrimo anketą (Grabauskas ir kt., 2013). Senjorams ir jaunimui buvo pateikiama po 16 klausimų. Senjorų buvo prašoma pildyti anketą pagal jaunystėje susiformavusius valgymo įpročius. Rezultatai. Tyrime dalyvavo 110 senjorų (atsako dažnis 78 proc.), iš kurių 52 vyrai ir 58 moterys. Jaunimui buvo pateikta 130 anketų. Užpildė ─ 100 anketų (atsako dažnis 76,9 proc.), iš kurių 46 vyrai ir 54 moterys. Tiriamųjų respondentų duomenys atskleidė, kad senjorai jaunystėje dažniausiai 1─2 dienas per savaitę vartojo žuvį (67,3 proc.) bei varškės sūrį (74,5 proc.), 3─5 dienas per savaitę valgydavo šviežias daržoves (38,2 proc.) ir mėsą (54,5 proc.). Jaunimas dažniausiai nė karto per savaitę nevartoja varškės sūrio (82 proc.) ir žuvies (43 proc.), mėsą dažniausiai valgo 3─5 dienas (48 proc.) per savaitę, o 1─2 dienas (52 proc.) per savaitę ─ daržoves. Tačiau tyrimo duomenimis, didelė dalis jaunimo renkasi 1─2 dienas per savaitę mėsos produktus (34 proc.), saldainius arba šokoladą (41 proc.), saldžiuosius gėrimus (37 proc.), greitą maistą (45 proc.). Senjorai jaunystėje (100 proc.) nevartojo mėsos produktų, saldainių, saldžiųjų gėrimų bei greitai paruošiamų maisto patiekalų., Study problem. At present a significant part of young people are choosing modified foods that harm the body. People who lived during the time of Soviet occupation did not have a great deal of food choices, so they ate what they had grown and preapared at home. It is very importatnt to promote healthy eating habits for young peope in order to improve overall health and reduce the development of diseases. The subject of the study: the dietary habits of young people. Aim of the final theses: to investigate the eating habits of seniors and young people in Vainutas town during the period from the Soviet occupation to today’s society. Objectives of the final theses: 1. To analyze the scientific literature on nutrition habits of people in different periods of Lithuanian history, during the period of Soviet occupation and today’s youth. 2. To study the eating habits of seniors living in Vainutas town who survived the Soviet occupation. 3. To study the eating habits of today’s youth in Vainutas town. 4. Compare the eating habits of people during the period of Soviet occupation and today’s youth. Research methods and contingent: The study was conducted from March 28 to April 22, 2018 in Vainutas town. Anonymous questionnaires were distributed to young people from 18 to 23 years old and for seniors from 70 years old and older ones. The questions were compiled according to a standardized questionnaire for adult lifestyles in Lithuania (Grabauskas and others, 2013). There were 16 questions for seniors and for the young people. Seniors were asked to complete a questionnaire according to their eating habits. Results. The study involved 110 seniors (78% response rate), of which 52 men and 58 women. Young people had to complete 130 questionnairs. Completed 100 questionnairs (76.9% response rate), of which 46 men and 54 women. The data of the surveyed responses revealed that seniors in their youth mostly consumed fish (67.3%) and cottage cheese (74.5%), 1-2 days a week. 3-5 days a week they ate fresh vegetables (38.2%) and meat (54.5%). Young people usually do not consume cottage cheese (82%) and fish (43%) during the week. They eat meat 3-5 days a week (48%), and 1-2 days a week they eat vegetables. However, according to the survey, a large proportion of young people (34%) choose meat products 1-2 days a week, sweets and chocolate (41%), sweet liquor (37%), fast food (45%). Senior in their youth did not consume meat products, sweets, soft drinks and fast- food meals (100%).

This speech discusses the withdrawal of the Russian troops from the Republic of Lithuania mostly based on some personal recollections and the integration of research conclusions reached so far in the scholarly literature. The paper outlines the international environment which made the withdrawal of Russian troops from Lithuania possible, the goals of the Lithuanian side and the peaceful means to achieve them as well as the responsibility of foreign occupations resting upon the shoulders of Russian state then and now, as the legal heir of the Soviet Union. This speech is to be perceived as an exercise of historical memory.

It is natural that the states (and the nations) aim to expand their boundaries. As a consequence of this action, we have large (and small) countries. This is done through various means (beginning with the armed invasion and ending with cultural imposition). Often the influence and territorial expansion are reached by secret deals. Therefore, a number of political groups are concerned that the documents signed would remain forever unknown. To such documents belong Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact secret protocols, signed in Moscow on August 23, 1939. Formally, it is possible to say about the following: Molotov and Ribbentrop signed the Soviet-German friendship and mutual assistance agreement. Publicly nothing concrete is said about secret protocols. They can be interpreted: the two countries – the USSR and Germany – agreed to avoid armed conflicts with each other and to look for ways to help each other. This is a usual document in diplomatic history. Then such an idea was propagated.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama 1941 m. Birželio sukilimo ir 1944 m. prasidėjusio partizaninio karo dalyvių socialinės sudėties aspektai, jų pasipriešinimo identitetą formavusios ir kolektyvinį veiksmą mobilizavusios socialinės struktūros. Daugiausia dėmesio skiriama Šaulių sąjungos įtakos antisovietinio pasipriešinimo organizacinių vienetų kūrimuisi, sudėčiai ir raidai tyrimui. Analizės objektu pasirinktos Šiaurės rytų Lietuvos socialinės struktūros. The Riflemen’s Union’s influence on the mobilization and structural dynamics of insurgent formations which participated in the anti-Soviet June Uprising (1941) and the Guerrilla War (started in 1944) is investigated in the article. Therefore, social compositions of the aforementioned anti-Soviet insurgent entities as well as social networks, which shaped their insurgent identity and enabled the mobilization of collective movement, are analyzed. Social structures of the North-eastern Lithuania (in 1918–1940 particular territories belonged to Lithuanian Zarasai district, Rokiškis district, and Polish Braslaw district) have been chosen as the subject of research. The application of a partial collective biography method as well as social network analysis and statistical methods have revealed that mobilization of Lithuanian armed anti-Soviet resistance movements took place under the direct influence of social networks which emerged in the socio-political milieu during the period of interwar and the Second World War. Anti-Soviet resistance units were mobilized on the basis of preexisting networks of the Riflemen’s Union, and other later networks emerged from the previous ones. Thus, patterns of successful collective action and cooperation were integrated into anti-Soviet units. Hence, it is reasonable to conclude that traditions of Lithuanian paramilitarism, self-guarding, and self-defense, which originated in the period of Independence War (1918–1920) and were propagated during the interwar period, were ideologically and genetically related to anti-Soviet resistance and self-guarding in 1941–1944, and to Guerrilla War (since 1944).

The article deals with the stories about destruction of crosses and shrines in Soviet times. Most stories have elements of magic that are associated with the fate of the destroyers of monuments. By telling such stories, people expressed their concern, their religious and ethical attitude towards acts of vandalism connected with crosses and shrines. These stories show, who destroy sacral monuments are acting against the moral norms of the community and will be punished by God for it.

Straipsnyje tiriamos Lietuvos katalikų dvasininkų (taip pat dviejų vyskupų) sugrįžimo iš tremties bei įkalinimo vietų aplinkybės, sovietų valdžios pastangos reglamentuoti grįžusiųjų statusą, taip pat bažnytinės vadovybės galimybes pasinaudoti politiniu „atšilimu“, prasidėjusiu SSRS 1953 m. Tikslinamas režimo represuotų ir grįžusių dvasininkų skaičius, žuvusiųjų sąrašas. Nors grįžimas iš lagerių buvo susijęs su daug vilčių kėlusia destalinizavimo epocha, aukščiausi Lietuvos valdžios pareigūnai, saugumas iš esmės nepakeitė savo požiūrio į Katalikų Bažnyčią. Iš lagerių grįžę kunigai buvo diskriminuojami, nusižengę sovietiniams įstatymams – vėl baudžiami, nors ir daug mažesnėmis bausmėmis. Lietuvos vyskupijų vadovų pastangos bent jau pasiekti, kad šios konfesijos padėtis būtų sulyginta su kitų SSRS religinių bendruomenių (kurios turėjo spaudą, vienuolynus ir pan.), sieta su politiniais įpareigojimais. Tad nors sunkiausi laikai Katalikų Bažnyčiai praėjo, savarankiška bažnytinė bei socialinė veikla ėmė keltis į pogrindį. The article addresses the circumstances of return of Lithuanian Catholic priests (including two bishops) from exile and imprisonment sites, the efforts of the Soviet government to regulate the status of returned individuals as well as the possibilities of the church leadership to take advantage of the political "thaw" which started in the USSR in 1953. It updates the number of priests who were repressed by the regime and returned from it as well as the list of victims. Even though the comeback from prison camps was related to the promising era of de- Stalinization, the high-ranking officers of the Lithuanian government and the security did not essentially change their approach towards the Catholic Church. Having returned from prison camps, priests were discriminated while those disobeying the Soviet laws were repeatedly punished, though the punishment was considerably milder. Efforts made by the leaders of Lithuanian dioceses to achieve that the situation of this confession would be equalled to other USSR religious communities (which had their press, monasteries, etc.) were associated with political commitments. Hence, even though the hardest times to the Catholic Church were over, independent church and social activities started moving to the underground.

Vilniaus (Verkių) Kalvarijos – tai šventoji vieta, kur dešimtis, net šimtus kilometrų maldininkai eidavo pėsti, kad galėtų pakartoti Kristaus Kryžiaus kelią ir taip patirti begalinę Dievo palaimą. Kryžiaus kelią XVII a. įsteigė vyskupas Jurgis Bialozaras. Šiandien Vilniaus Kalvarijų Kryžiaus kelio pamaldumo praktika apima 35-ių stočių Kryžiaus kelio, Vilniaus Šv. Kryžiaus Atradimo bažnyčios centrinio altoriaus ir relikvijoriaus su Šv. Kryžiaus relikvija garbinimą. Kryžiaus kelias liudija tragišką istoriją. Nuo sovietmečio pradžios buvo uždrausta lankytis šioje teritorijoje, o 1962 m. koplyčias įsakyta sunaikinti. Straipsnyje aprašomas Vilniaus Kalvarijų atsiradimas, gyvavimas ir tragiškas likimas. Taip pat aptariamas jų atkūrimas, kai Lietuva 1990 m. atgavo nepriklausomybę, kartu ir tikėjimo laisvę. Straipsnyje atskleidžiama šio unikalaus ansamblio architektūros ir gamtos vienovė. The Calvary of Vilnius (Verkiai) is a sacred place. Pious pilgrims made journeys of hundreds of kilometres on foot to repeat the Lord’s Way of the Cross. Verkiai Calvary has been established in the 17th century. The founder was bishop of Vilnius Jerzy Biallozor. Today the ensemble of Verkiai Calvary consists of the Finding of the Holy Cross Church and 35 martyrdom path stations. The sanctuary escaped closure for many years under the Soviet rule. Almost all stations were completely destroyed in 1962. The article discloses the story of the origin, life and tragic fate of these stations. In 1990, after Lithuania regained the independence and the freedom of religion, the rebuilding of the stations started.

Straipsnyje pateikiami svarbiausi vyskupo Vincento Borisevičiaus gyvenimo faktai, liudijantys jo tikėjimo misiją šiame pasaulyje. Pristatomos šeimos vertybės, perduotos Vincentui Borisevičiui: tikėjimo dorybė, įsitikinimų tvirtumas. įvertinamos vyskupo Vincento Borisevičiaus kaip kankinio paskelbimo šventuoju galimybės. Aiškinamasi, ar vyskupo Vincento Borisevičiaus gyvenimas atitinka kriterijus, kurie nustatyti beatifikacijos ir kanonizacijos procedūriniuose reikalavimuose. The theme of this study “Analysis of the personality of bishop Vincentas Borisevičius and possibility of his beatification” has not been analysed yet in any theological literature. The theme of martyrdom is widely spread both in Holy Writ, Magisterium documents of the church and in works by fathers of the church. Bishop Vincentas Borisevičius’ life and work analyses have been made not once. However life, work, martyrdom and death facts of this bishop have not been analysed in any research studies in the light of requirements for candidates into the Saints. In the introduction of the study there are all sources of information, main reference books as well as written research studies related to this theme presented. This article shows how Vincentas Borisevičius’ life testified his belief till the end of his days and how facts of his life correspond to criteria of beatification especially the moments of inquiry in Soviet courts where Vincentas Borisevičius showed a true, clear and categorical testimony which led him to death. This study is based on documents of Church teachings, historical sources as well as other literature related to the theme of this study. During the study it appeared that personal virtues and values of Bishop Vincentas Borisevičius were alive in his life, activity and in the face of death. The tragedy of the end of his life is martyrdom as a reality of the testimony corresponding to beatification criteria that are being raised in such cases.

Straipsnyje analizuojamos buvusios ginkluoto pasipriešinimo sovietinei okupacijai 1940 m. perspektyvos. Aptariamas Lietuvos kariuomenės „R“ planas, kuris buvo parengtas karinio konflikto su SSRS atvejui. Atskleidžiama, kokiose pozicijose Lietuvos kariuomenė planavo pasitikti iš rytų ir pietryčių puolantį priešą. Pateikiamos teorinės įžvalgos, kokio lygio galėjo būti pasipriešinimas sovietinei okupacijai, kokiomis kryptimis ir kokiu tempu galėjo vystytis kariniai veiksmai. The article analyses the former prospects of armed resistance to Soviet occupation in 1940. It discusses Plan "R" of the Lithuanian Armed Forces prepared for the case of a military conflict with the USSR. The article reveals the positions in which the Lithuanian Armed Forces were planning to confront the enemy from the east and southeast. It provides theoretical insights on the likely level of resistance to the Soviet occupation, the directions and pace at which military actions could have taken place.

The Congregation of Marian Fathers of the Immaculate Conception of the Most Blessed Virgin Mary is a fraternal community of priests and non-priests, the members of which are encouraged to spread God’s glory by Christian love and apostolic legation and seek evangelical perfection for themselves. The special aim of the Congregation is to earnestly strive for all the people living on the earth or the ones who are in the purgatory to achieve eternal happiness in the care of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The Congregation pursues this aim especially when obtaining education and teaching others, carrying out the holy service and helping priests in dioceses. One of the most important activities which is suitable for monks is to infuse faith in people’s hearts and spread virtuousness. Missions and recollections are important means for this purpose. The first Marian monastery in Lithuania was founded in 1750, in Marijampolė. After 150 years the Marian monastery vanished due to unfavourable historic circumstances, the old monks nearly died off and there were no new callings. In 1909 the Blessed Jurgis Matulaitis reopened the Congregation. The most favourable period of time for the activity of the Marian Congregation was the independence of Lithuania. During the interwar period the province of Lithuanian Marians united 165 members. The Marians settled down in several Lithuanian towns. During the first Soviet occupation conditions for pastoral care were unfavourable for the Catholic Church and congregation due to Soviet politics in respect of religion – some churches were closed, the property of churches and monasteries was nationalized and the victimization of priests and monks was started. Some monks were exiled and imprisoned. However, the Marian Congregation was still doing the work of pastoral care in different places of Lithuania. The biggest amount of remaining information comes from the archive of Marijampolė house which is kept in the National Central Archive of Lithuania. The Marians conducted recollections, preached sermons at the wake and gave sacraments. When Lithuania was occupied by Nazi Germany the life of the Church and Congregation revived. Monks who had been scattered in different corners of the country came back home. They found it plundered and devastated. The formation houses started to work again, the requirements of the Regulations and the usual order of recollections were observed, and the senior of the provinces started visiting the old and the newly opened houses of monks. The occupation authorities allowed monks to work in their previous workplaces, they also granted the suits of some congregations and they gave back the nationalized gymnasiums. The Marian gymnasium was not given back but the Nazis allowed teaching religion in primary schools of Lithuania, although they controlled the appointment of the teachers. Most of the prohibitions of the Soviet authorities were cancelled but the activities of the Church and the Marians were constantly controlled by the Nazis. At this time the Marians developed their activities of pastoral care to a large extent in the whole diocese of Vilkaviskis, i.e. they conducted recollections, performed missions, taught religion at schools, they appointed chaplains, made the work of the fraternities more active and administered sacraments. At the time of the Nazi occupation, as well as at the time of the interwar, parish priests were visiting their parishioners and blessing their home. In conclusion, it is worth pointing out that at the time of the Nazi occupation the conditions for the activities of pastoral care were better than the ones at the time of the Soviet occupation.

Nepriklausomybės metais Lietuvoje nemažai dėmesio skiriama išeivijos istorijos tyrimams. Tačiau XIX a. pabaigos – XX a. pradžios lietuvių išeivijos JAV istorija iki šiol sulaukia mažai dėmesio. Viena iš priežasčių – archyvinės medžiagos stoka. Straipsnyje mėginama analizuoti, kodėl mūsų laikus pasiekė palyginti mažai senosios lietuvių išeivijos (pirmosios emigracijos bangos) paveldo rinkinių, kaip buvo mėginama kaupti ir išsaugoti paveldą išeivijoje JAV, koks buvo tokių rinkinių turinys remiantis dviejų išeivių – Juozo O. Širvydo ir Aleksandro Račkaus – surinktais rinkiniais. Since regaining independence in 1990, the history of Lithuanian emigration has become a significant object of scientific research but the old Lithuanian emigration to the USA from the end of the 19th century up to 1948 remains analyzed very little. One of the main reasons is the lack of archival materials. The aim of this study was to analyze the first attempts to collect and preserve the heritage of the old emigration. The limited amount of periodicals, archives and author’s personal research show that the attempts to establish a heritage preservation institution failed due to the foreseen challenges of sustaining such organisation abroad. Some heritage has survived because it was gathered in personal archives and later transferred to religious institutions. A significant amount of activists saw it as an unreliable way of preservation; therefore, many of them entrusted their collections to other Lithuanian institutions during the 1918–1940 independence. Most of them were transferred to the Vytautas Magnus University in Kaunas. The Soviet occupation of Lithuania in 1940 brought new challenges to preserving the heritage. With the wave of new immigrants who arrived to the USA after 1948, the World Lithuanians’ Archive in Chicago was established, and the heritage of the old emigration was collected by collectors such as B. Kvirklys and K. Pemkus. Nevertheless, a significant amount of collections was lost after their owners’ death.

Straipsnyje išsamiai nagrinėjamas Suomijos ir Švedijos oficialusis ir visuomenės požiūris į Baltijos šalis per pirmąsias dvi okupacijas 1940-1944 m. Pagrindinis dėmesys skiriamas Baltijos šalių sovietinės okupacijos ir aneksijos pripažinimo Šiaurės šalyse problematikos analizei. 1940 m. birželio mėn. pavergto Baltijos šalių suvereniteto faktas Šiaurės šalyse buvo vertinamas dvejopai. Švedija pripažino Lietuvos, Latvijos ir Estijos inkorporavimą į Sovietų Sąjungą de facto, pasirašydama keletą susitarimų su Maskva, kuriuose buvo gvildenami Baltijos šalių turtiniai, pilietybės ir karo pabėgėlių klausimai. Tyrimas atskleidė, kad Švedijoje Sovietų Sąjungos veiksmai Lietuvoje nebuvo suvokti kaip okupaciniai. Švedijos vyriausybės atstovų deklaruotos simpatijos Baltijos šalims buvo asmeninio pobūdžio ir nepaveikė šios šalies oficialiosios pozicijos. Tačiau Švedijos spaudoje pasirodžiusiuose pranešimuose iš tiesų buvo bandyta pažvelgti nesaistant trijų Baltijos šalių likimo nei su nacių Vokietija, nei su Sovietų Sąjunga. Nepalankiai susiklosčius tarpusavio santykiams su Sovietų Sąjunga Suomija neskubėjo vertinti pakitusio Baltijos šalių status quo. Šios šalies vyriausybė laikėsi nebylios Baltijos šalių okupacijos ir aneksijos nepripažinimo politikos. Nacių įvykdytą Baltijos šalių okupaciją Šiaurės valstybės traktavo kaip nenuspėjamos Antrojo pasaulinio karo eigos rezultatą. Okupacinių jėgų įsitvirtinimo ir kaitos Baltijos regione klausimui Suomijos ir Švedijos spaudoje buvo skiriamas tik fragmentiškas dėmesys. The article thoroughly analyses official and public standpoint of Finland and Sweden in relation to the Baltic countries during the first two occupations in 1940-1944. The article mainly focuses on analysis of problems regarding recognition of Soviet occupation and annexation of the Baltic countries by the Nordic countries. The Nordic countries acknowledged the sovereignty fact of the Baltic countries, which were subjugated in June of 1940, in two ways. Sweden recognized incorporation of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia to Soviet Union de facto by signing a few agreements with Moscow regarding property, citizenship and war refugees of the Baltic countries. The research revealed that the actions of Soviet Union in Lithuania were not perceived as occupying in Sweden. Sympathy, which was declared by representatives of Swedish government to the Baltic countries, was of personal nature and did not influence the country’s official position. However, the reports in the Swedish press tried not to bind the fate of the three Baltic countries neither with Nazi Germany nor with Soviet Union. Due to adverse relations with Soviet Union, Finland did not hurry to estimate the changed status quo of the Baltic countries. The country’s government had the policy of silent non-recognition of the Baltic countries’ occupation and annexation. The Nordic countries treated Nazi occupation of Baltic countries as a result of unpredictable course of the Second World War. Finnish and Swedish press paid only fragmentary attention to consolidation and changes of occupation forces in the Baltic region.

Dievo gailestingumo kultas ir malonėmis garsėjantis Gailestingojo Jėzaus paveikslas dar neįvesdinti į Lietuvos mokslinę istoriografiją. Tai pirmasis bandymas aptarti paveikslo ir kulto sklaidos pradžią Lietuvoje ir tarp lietuvių. Nagrinėjama Gailestingojo Jėzaus paveikslo ikonografija, jo kartotės ir perkūriniai. Pristatomos pirmosios Eugenijaus Kazimirowskio paveikslo kopijos įvairiose Lietuvos bažnyčiose. Aiškinamasi, kokios buvo garsiojo atvaizdo gerbimo ir Dievo gailestingumo kulto legitimavimo aplinkybės per pirmąjį paveikslo gyvavimo dešimtmetį. Aptariami XX a. 5 dešimtmetyje išleisti spaudiniai, propaguojantys paveikslą ir maldingumą Gailestingajam Jėzui. The Church of Lithuania announced 2011 the year of the Mercy of God. All over Lithuania believers were encouraged to become open to divine mercy and to show human mercy. 2011 was the year when the painting The Merciful Christ (Divine Mercy image) painted in 1934 by artist Eugeniusz Kazimirowski after the visions of St. Faustina and held in the Sanctuary of the Mercy of God in Vilnius made a pilgrimage across Lithuania and to the Lithuanian diasporas abroad. The journey of the famous image began in the Vilnius Cathedral with the consecration of the copies of the painting. These copies made their way to the most remote parishes and were solemnly received, worshipped and became sites for prayer. We can assert that upon the end of the festive year the image of The Merciful Christ found in the original painting became generally established in Lithuania. Incidentally, due to active propaganda another image of The Merciful Christ, created in the years of World War II by Adolf Hyla and called Krakowian, gained spread in this country and in all Catholic countries. It should be noted that the way of Kazimirowski’s painting to Lithuanian believers was uneven and full of interruptions. The following stages of the cult of The Merciful Christ in Lithuania can conventionally be distinguished: non-public (first years of existence of the painting), upsurge (the 1940s, i. e. years under Soviet and Nazi occupations), subsiding (years of Soviet stagnation), revival (the 1980s, i. e. first decade of independent Lithuania), and thriving (current period). The contribution of Lithuanian historians and scholars of religious and art studies to the research of the cult of the Mercy of God and the painting famous for its graces is rather modest. The majority of publications repeat the data of research by Polish scholars, in particular Rev. Henryk Ciereszko, a biographer of Rev. Michał Sopoćko. The current paper is the first attempt to discuss the beginning of the spread of the painting itself and its cult in Lithuania and among Lithuanians. The iconography of the painting The Merciful Christ, its copies and remakes are analyzed in this paper. The first copies of Kazimirowski’s painting held in various churches of Lithuania (Karkaziškė, Kretinga, Vadžgirys, Vaiguva, Vilnius, and elsewhere) show that the Vilnius image enjoyed popularity in the first half of the 1940s, a dramatic decade for Lithuania. Quite often these copies, like the original, had to endure a nomadic fate in a later period. The authoress of the paper aims to establish the circumstances of worship of the famous image and legitimization of the cult of the Mercy of God in the first decade of existence of the painting. The first publications popularizing the painting and the piety to the Merciful Christ that came out in Lithuania are discussed in this paper, namely small booklets containing the famous image, its description, and the crown and novena of Mercy published in Vilnius and Kaunas in 1940–1942. These publications appeared both in Polish and Lithuanian languages. The booklets published in Lithuanian went through several editions. A closer look suggests that there might have been some counterfeits among them. The intensity of the new cult is also revealed by the devotional pictures that became widespread in the years of World War II, which are also discussed in the paper.

In this paper, Homi Bhabha's notion of the “third space” will be applied to images and topics of fluctuating identity in Marius Ivaškevicius' novel “Žali” ("The Greens", 2002) which is a fascinating example of the productive discussion of dichotomous constellations for Lithuanian and European culture. His novel deconstructs the myth of the Lithuanian partisan war against the Soviet army in the years between 1944 and 1953. The antagonism between the Reds and the Greens is being broken up by topoi of equivalence, likeness and repetition as well as continuing identity games. It represents the artistic opening-up of a “third space” where dualism and essentialism are overcome. This “third space”, the Other, is represented as an intellectual space which benefits from the knowledge of both sides of the existing antagonisms by the author. Hence it appears that Russians as well as Lithuanians are both victims and perpetrators, subjugated to totalitarian power structures. Equivalence and likeness as well as the changeability of identity are the basis to see the Other in an open and processual circle of interpretation.

Following the casing of international tensions between East and West, i. e. during a period of detente, the free Lithuanians in the West (or the political Lithuanian diaspora) were very concerned about the prospects for Lithuania's liberation. The article reveals the ambiguous assessments of the impact of the Helsinki Conference (1975) on the struggle of Lithuanians in the West for Lithuania's freedom and shows a search for a new quality for Lithuania's liberation movement pending the Belgrade Conference (1977). The subject of the research is the most active Lithuanian organizations involved in the process and political activities, such as the Supreme Committee for the Liberalion of Lithuania (SCLL, lith. VLIK), the Lithuanian American Council (LAC, lith. ALT), and the World Lithuanian Community (WLC, lith. PLB). The SCLL was the first Lithuanian political organization in the West, which drew attention to the process of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, and by way of memorandums expressed the expectations of the diaspora for the freedom of the Baltic States, After official assuranee by the United States that the agreements in Helsinki would not change the stance of that country towards the Baltic States, ihe SCLL began constructive assessment of the principles of the Helsinki Final Act. They therefore set themselves the task, for the forthcoming conference in Belgrade, of implementing their political aspirations and testifying to the struggle of Lithuanians in the West for Lithuania's freedom. The LAC, which supported the position of the liberation of Lithuania decisively, treated the Helsinki Final Act as providing new opportunities for their political activities. Convinced that the United States would continue its policy of non-recognition of the incorporation of the Baltic States into the USSR, LAC studied the essential legal and political aspects of the Helsinki Final Act and saw possible evolutionary internal developments of the Soviet Union. In preparation for the Belgrade Conference, LAC collected facts demonstrating violations of human rights and freedoms in Lithuania by the Soviets and this had the result of bringing Lithuanian expectations to international prominence. The WLC treated the Helsinki Final Act as the legitimisation of the USSR hegemony in Eastern Europe and therefore was sceptical about the liberation of Lithuania. However, in the long run – after a favourable resolution on the Baltic Stales by the US Congress and the new ideas proposed by the World Lithuanian Youth Association for liberation activities – the WLC drew attention to the violations of human rights in the Baltic States and found new arguments to support the struggle of Lithuanians in the West for Lithuania's freedom, Lithuania's Liberation Movement, which united the main political organizations of free Lithuanians in the West, arranged two conferences (in 1974 and 1975) during the period in question, devoted to liberation work. The liberation activity was mapped and prospective directions were outlined. Although there were various opinions, the necessity to coordinate the activities was agreed at the conferences. The liberalion work was strengthened by bilateral meetings of the organizations (in 1976 and 1977). [...]

Straipsnyje aptariami 1939–1941 metų Vilniaus istorijos puslapiai, brėžiami Vilniaus krašto kultūrinės raidos vektoriai. Darbe tyrinėjamas lenkiškojo Vilniaus virsmas lietuviškuoju Vilniumi, o pastarojo virsmas sovietiniu Vilniumi. Šiame tyrime dėmesys sutelkiamas į kultūrinį ir meninį gyvenimą, kuriame atsispindėjo dramatiškos istorinės permainos. Straipsnyje rekonstruojama istorinė kaita, kai Vilnius – buvęs Antrosios Lenkijos Respublikos kultūriniu centru – tapo lietuvišku Vilniumi, o 1940 vasarą – sovietų okupuotos Lietuvos sostine. Aptariamas politinis ir istorinis kontekstas, kuris darė įtaką polietninio miesto kultūriniam gyvenimui ir įtampų kupinam dialogui tarp dviejų tautinių komponentų – lenkiškojo ir lietuviškojo. Meninis miesto gyvenimas, kultūros institucijų ir lenkų bei lietuvių spaudos raida apžvelgiama pasiūlytos periodizacijos kontekste: Vilniaus kraštas su dalimi vakarų Baltarusijos pirmosiomis Sovietų okupacijos dienomis (rugsėjo 17 – spalio 27); Vilnius nepriklausomos Lietuvos politinėje struktūroje paskutiniais jos gyvavimo metais (1939 spalio pabaiga – 1940 birželis); Vilnius pirmaisiais Sovietų okupacijos mėnesiais prieš įstojant į SSRS (1940 birželis–liepa); Vilnius kaip LTSR sostinė iki SSRS įstojimo į Antrąjį pasaulinį karą (1940 rugpjūtis – 1941 birželis). Šiais kritiniais momentais keitėsi kultūrinė padėtis, senasis lenkų Vilnius susidūrė su naujuoju Lietuvos Vilniumi, sukurtu „lituanizacijos“ priemonėmis, o pastarasis su komunistinio Sovietinio Vilniaus projektu. The paper discusses Vilnius history of 1939–1941 and outlines vectors of Vilnius Region cultural development. It explores the transformation of Polish Vilnius into Lithuanian Vilnius and subsequently into Soviet Vilnius. The study focuses on cultural and artistic life that reflects dramatic historical changes. The paper reconstructs historical change when Vilnius – the former cultural centre of the Second Republic of Poland – became Lithuanian Vilnius, and in the summer of 1940 – the capital of Lithuania occupied by Soviets. It discusses the political and historical context which influenced the cultural life of polyethnic city and the highly tensed dialogue between the two ethnic components: Polish and Lithuanian. The artistic life of the city, the development of cultural institutions and Polish and Lithuanian press is viewed in the context of given periodization: Vilnius Region with part of Western Belarus during the first days of Soviet occupation (17 September – 27 October); Vilnius in the political structure of independent Lithuania in the last years of its functioning (end of October 1939 – June 1940); Vilnius in the first months of Soviet occupation before incorporation into the USSR (June–July 1940); Vilnius as the capital of the Lithuanian SSR before USSR entered World War II (August 1940 – June 1941). At these critical moments the cultural situation changed, the old Polish Vilnius faced the new Lithuanian Vilnius created by “Lithuanianisation” measures, and the latter faced the Communist Soviet Vilnius project.

Gilinantis į Europos Sąjungos (ES) integracinius procesus aiškėja, jog ES ateitis priklausys nuo to, koks požiūris į nacionalinius, etnokultūrinius bei politinius tapatumus įsivyraus tarp šios bendrijos politikos formuotojų. Domėtis tapatumais paskatino ES Konstitucinės Sutarties nesėkmė, sukėlusi svarstymų apie naują Europos „išradimą“ ar „pagrindimą“ bangą. Keltas esminis klausimas, kas yra Konstitucinės Sutarties subjektas ir kokie įžvelgiami europinio demoso bruožai. Išryškėjo ES būdinga demokratijos ir legitimumo stoka, tad tolesnė integracija įsivaizduotina kaip tos stokos šalinimo vyksmas. Kaip tai įmanoma vyraujant politinei denacionalizavimo nuostatai, kuri buvo įtvirtinta dedant naujos Europos pagrindus? Politinę denacionalizacijos nuostatą palaiko išplitę postnacionalinio tapatumo, europinio konstitucinio patriotizmo, taip pat besąlygiško svetingumo diskursai. Europinio demoso problemos ypač suaktualėjo ES išsiplėtus. Naujai priimtų valstybių visuomenėms bei tautoms būdinga kitokia istorinė patirtis, stipresni nacionaliniai jausmai, kurie padėjo išsivaduoti iš sovietinės okupacijos. Svarbus ir kitas dalykas – naujųjų narių visuomenės yra sukaupusios sovietinės denacionalizacijos patirtį. Į tas jausenas būtina atsižvelgti svarstant europinio demoso kūrimo planus. Prieinama prie išvados, jog socialinis europinės visuomenės turinys turi būti kaupiamas ir kuriamas ne atmetant nacionalines jausenas, o pasitelkiant prisirišimą prie tautos, kultūros, kalbos bei istorinių mitų, tad kyla būtinumas keisti politinę denacionalizavimo nuostatą. A closer observation of EU international processes shows that EU future depends upon which attitude towards national, ethno-cultural and political identities is going to prevail between these community policy actors. The interest in various identities was inspired by the EU Constitutional Treaty failure, which encouraged a great deal of discussions on the “discovery” and “foundations” of the new Europe. The essential question, i.e. what is the subject of the Constitutional Treaty and what are the features of the envisaged European demos, has been raised. The lack of EU democracy and legitimacy emerged; therefore, further integration should be foreseen as an elimination of this lack. The question is how this can be done in the face of the prevailing attitude of political denationalisation, which was anchored together with the very foundation of the new Europe. The attitude of political denationalisation has been recently supported by discoursed of post-national identity, European constitutional patriotism and unconditional hospitality. Problems of European demos have emerged after the EU enlargement. Societies and nations of the newly accepted states have another historic experience, stronger national feelings, which help liberate these states from the Soviet occupation. Another aspect is also very important, i.e. societies of the new member states have accumulated certain experience in Soviet denationalisation. They should be taken into consideration when contemplating on the plans of creation of European demos. The author concludes that the social content of the European society must be accumulated and created not by ignoring national feelings but by using the links to the nation, culture, language and historical myths.

Straipsnyje apžvelgiama pagrindinių Lietuvos laisvinimo organizacijų Vakaruose - ALT, VLIKb, LLK ir PLB - politinė veikla XX a. VII deš. Tuo laikotarpiu Vakarų ir Rytų santykiai sušvelnėjo ir atrodė, kad Rytų Europoje įsitvirtina status quo. Tačiau lietuvių išeivija toliau stiprino Lietuvos laisvinimo sąjūdį, konkrečiais veiksmais vienydama visų tautiečių išeivių jėgas. XX a. VII deš. atrodė, kad Lietuvoje "įšaldoma" sovietinė okupacija. Tačiau lietuvių išeivija - laisvoji lietuviją - nenurimo ir toliau būrėsi į Lietuvos laisvinimo sąjūdį, kuris nagrinėjamu laikotarpiu vis stiprėjo. Vadovaujama padėtis Lietuvos laisvinimo darbe teko VLIK'ui, kuris veikė kaip lietuvių tautos atstovybė. Nagrinėjamu laikotarpiu ginti Lietuvos laisvės bylą ėmėsi dar vienas laisvosios lietuvijos darinys - PLB. Tai lėmė iškelti du uždaviniai tautos gyvastingumui palaikyti: atkurti Lietuvos valstybės nepriklausomybę ir išsaugoti prigimtines tautos teises. LLK, vienintelė "grynai egzilinė" organizacija Vakaruose, įsitraukęs į Lietuvos laisvinimo procesą, reiškėsi Pavergtųjų Europos tautų asamblėjoje. Nepavykus įsteigti vienos Lietuvos laisvinimo organizacijos, bet išlaikant laisvinimo sąjūdžio kryptingumą, septintojo VII deš. vid. šiame sąjūdyje besireiškiantys veiksniai kartu su LDT sutarė derinti savo darbus ginant Lietuvos laisvės bylą. 1966 m. jaunoji baltiečių karta įkūrė dar vieną visuomeninę organizaciją - BATUN, kuri veikė Niujorke ir teikė JTO bei atskirų valstybių atstovybėms prie jos informaciją apie sovietų okupuotų Baltijos šalių nepriklausomybės siekius. In the 7th decade of the 20th century, with the relations between East and West undergoing changes and the frozen ground of the cold war warming up. It seemed that the Soviet occupation in Lithuania became frozen. The Lithuanian émigrés rallied into Lithuania's Liberation Movement, which got strengthened further on in the period under study. This is confirmed by the increasing number of emigrants uniting into homeland liberation organizations and their activity. Alongside the Lithuanian American Council (ALT), Supreme Committee for Liberation of Lithuania (VLIK), Lithuanian Freedom Committee (LLK), which became manifest in this activity, the World Lithuanian Community (PLB) also emerged. [...] The important work of the World Lithuanian Community for the whole Lithuanian émigré was to gather young people to the World Lithuanian Youth Congress in 1966, where the approach to strive for Lithuania's freedom and independence was approved. LLK that remained the only "purely exile" organization in the West got involved in Lithuania's liberation process and manifested itself in the Assembly of Captive European Nations (ACEN). With VLIK failing to set up one Lithuania's liberation organization, but seeking to maintain the purposefulness of the liberation movement, together with the Lithuanian Diplomatic Service (LDT) in Chicago agreed to coordinate their works in defending Lithuania's independence case. In the period under study, the aim for uniting was strengthened by the émigré of the Soviet occupied Baltic nations. First of all, the common concern for the freedom of their countries in 1961 united ALT and the corresponding Latvian and Estonian American organizations into the Joint Baltic American National Committee (JBAC). A new committee that was set up in the same year, the combination of Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian USA émigrés - the Committee for Support of Resolutions (RRK) also involved in their activities the American politicians and intellectuals. The consistent work of that Committee was the achievement in 1966 that the USA Congress adopted a resolution (H. Con. Res. 416), supporting the independence case of the Baltic nations. In 1966, the Baltic young generation emerged, which established another public organization - BATUN (Baltic Appeal to the United Nations), which operated in New York and supplied information to the UNO and representations of the individual states under it about the goals for the independence of the Baltic countries, occupied by the Soviets.

Jurgio Jankaus archyve – trys jo dienoraščių sąsiuviniai, kuriuos pats rašytojas pavadino „Ne dienoraštis. Pasikalbėjimas su savimi“. Dienoraštis rašytas nuo 1979 m. iki pat mirties, dažnai su ilgalaikėmis pertraukomis, fragmentiškas. Dienoraščio autorius nekėlė tikslo registruoti visų kasdienio gyvenimo įvykių. Didesnė dienoraščio tekstų dalis skirta atsiminimams. Pats rašytojas dienoraštyje aiškina ir komentuoja, kodėl jam taip svarbu nuolat grįžti į praeitį, reflektuoti praeities įvykius, juos fiksuoti ir vertinti praėjus daugiau nei keturiasdešimt metų. Praeities atsiminimų fragmentai J. Jankaus dienoraščiuose pasakojami itin detaliai. Dabarties gyvenimo įvykis tarsi impulsas nuolat prikelia, pažadina praeities prisiminimą. Todėl dienoraštyje nepaisoma laikotarpio chronologijos: rašytojas leidžiasi tiek į okupacijos bei karo metų, tiek ir į ankstyvosios vaikystės ar paauglystės prisiminimus. Atmintyje prikeltas įvykis pasakojamas su visomis detalėmis kaip nuoseklus, išbaigtas kūrinys. Publikacijoje pateikiami J. Jankaus dienoraščių fragmentai, rašyti 1979-1989 m., fiksuoja pirmosios bolševikinės okupacijos laikotarpio, taip pat karo metu išgyvenimus ir įvykius. Autorius vaizdingai, su intriga pasakoja susidūrimą su Sovietų Sąjungos valdžios pareigūnais tuo metu, kai jis dar dirbo provincijoje, buvo Raudonės pradžios mokyklos vedėjas ir mokytojas. Kiti tais pačiais metais rašyti dienoraščio puslapiai fiksuoja rašytojo karo metų patirtis Kaune, nuolatinį balansavimą tarp dviejų ugnių, baimę, lietuviškų kultūros įstaigų padėtį vokiečių okupuotame Kaune. An archive of Jurgis Jankus consists of his three diaries that were called “Not a diary. Talking with myself”. He wrote the diary from 1979 till the death, usually with long pauses and fragmentary. The author of the diary did not have an aim to register every-day life events. The major part of it is about memories. The author explains and comments on why it is so important to him to get back to the past and to reflect on the past events, to fix and evaluate them after more than forty years. The fragments of Jankus memories are told in very detail. The current events are as an impulse that reminds the memories. Therefore, the diary is not chronological: the writer writes about the occupation and war, his early childhood and adolescence. The remembered events are told with every detail as a consecutive and completed creative work. The publication contains the fragments of Jankus diaries that were written in 1979–1989 and were about the first Bolshevik occupation and the experiences and events during the war. The author vividly and grippingly narrates his encounter with the Soviet officers when he was working in the provinces and was a head and a teacher of Raudonė primary school. Other pages of the diary of the same year are about his experiences in Kaunas during the war. It is about a constant balancing between two fires, fear, and the state of Lithuanian cultural institutions in Kaunas that were occupied by Germans.

Laikotarpis tarp 1918 – 1939 m. yra paženklintas lietuvių ir lenkų santykiuose pasireiškiančiu nepasitikėjimu ir priešiškumu, kurį sukėlė Vilniaus klausimas. Visos pastangos tariantis dėl Lietuvos ir Lenkijos diplomatinių santykių atnaujinimo buvo bergždžios. Situacija pasikeitė 1938 m. Lietuvai priėmus Lenkijos ultimatumą, tačiau prasidėjęs Antrasis pasaulinis karas sugriovė planus galutinai normalizuoti dvišalius santykius. Lietuvos Respublikos prezidentas Antanas Smetona buvo gana palankiai nusiteikęs lenkų atžvilgiu. Dėl šios priežasties į Vakarus pasitraukę lenkų politiniai sluoksniai iš karto sureagavo, išgirdę apie pastarojo atvykimą į Lisaboną. Darbe yra publikuojami 1941 m. pradžioje Lisabonoje įvykusių susitikimų rezultatus, lietuvių ir lenkų santykių praeities, dabarties ir ateities vertinimus atspindintys dokumentai, kurių kopijos per Alfredą Erichą Senną ir Egidijų Aleksandravičių buvo gautos iš Hooverio instituto (JAV, Kalifornija). The period of 1918–1939 is marked with distrust and animosity in the relationship between Lithuania and Poland. It was influenced by Vilnius issue. All attempts to agree upon the diplomatic relations between Lithuania and Poland were unsuccessful. The situation has changed in 1938 when Lithuania accepted a Poland's ultimatum. However, the World War II had destroyed all attempts to finally make the bilateral relationship normal. President of the Republic of Lithuania Antanas Smetona had a favourable attitude towards the Polish. Therefore the Polish politicians who withdrawn to the West had reacted quickly after the news that Smetona was coming to Lisbon. The work contains the results of the meetings that took place in Lisbon at the beginning of 1941. From the viewpoint of the present and the future, these documents are a reflection of the past relationship between Lithuania and Poland. With the help of Alfred Erich Senn and Egidijus Aleksandravičius, their copies were sent from the Hoover Institution (the USA, California).

Lietuvos visuomenė ir lietuvių tauta praeito amžiaus paskutinių dviejų dešimtmečių sandūroje išgyveno nacionalinio išsivadavimo proveržį, kuris trumpam apėmė visus visuomenės sluoksnius ir paskatino ne tik nacionalinio tapatumo kaitą, bet ir individualių tapatumų perkūrimą. Atgauta nepriklausomybė reiškė ir atgautą valstybingumą - Lietuva atkūrė okupacijos nutrauktą istorinį ryšį su prieškario valstybe ir tapo tarptautinių santykių subjektu. Visuomenę ir tautą ištikusių pokyčių spartą bei esmingumą paskatino ūmus visuomeninės santvarkos pasikeitimas, eurointegracinių procesų apimtis, taip pat ir globalizacijos nulemti veiksniai. Tapusi NATO ir Europos Sąjungos nare Lietuva ne tik užsitikrino savo saugumą, bet ir susikūrė pagrindą europietiško nacionalinio tapatumo savikūrai. Tačiau visuomenėje vykstančių virsmų bei procesų pobūdis verčia kelti klausimą, ar visuomenė suvokia nacionalinio tapatumo savikūros reikšme ir ar esama politikos, kuri skatintų tokią savikūrą? Šis klausimas ir yra pagrindinė tolesnių svarstymų gairė. The article focuses on the impact that the liberation from the Soviet occupation made upon the national identity and its understanding. The arguments that this liberation was of the kind of national liberation movement are presented. This movement was fueled by the national feelings and the striving for the reconstitution of national state. The notion of nation is scrutinized and the problem how and why the national aspirations clashed with the political attitude of denationalization established at the level of EU's integration is examined. The attitude of denacionalization is related to the establishing of EU and its development. The artele proceeds by interrogating the role of Lithuanian political elite in the formation of the politics of national identity. It elaborates the standpoint that national identity must be viewed both as socio-cultural construct and as many-sided process of self-creation substantial for individuals and communities and depending on the guidelines of politics of identity is presented. The following conclusions are made: first, though the Constitution and Citizenship law fix the principles of Lithuanian nation and Lithuanian origin, political elite went away from the questions of national identity formation and in their activities lean upon the experience of the Soviet denationalization policy; second, under the conditions of ever broadening eurointegration the need for the political programs of national identity's self-creation is growing

Straipsnyje kritiškai analizuojamas Lietuvos istorikų Č. Laurinavičiaus ir A. Nikžentaičio bandymas perrašyti Sovietų Sąjungos įvykdytos Lietuvos okupacijos ir aneksijos istoriją. Šių istorikų Lietuvos okupacijos istorijos reviziją atspindi bendras Lietuvos ir Rusijos istorikų išleistas dokumentų rinkinys „SSRS ir Lietuva Antrojo Pasaulinio karo metais“ bei kiti minėtų istorikų darbai. Straipsnyje remiantis XX a. tarptautinės teisės dokumentais įvertinama, kad Č. Laurinavičius ir A. Nikžentaitis nepaiso tarptautinės bendruomenės pripažintų okupacijos ir aneksijos terminų. Č. Laurinavičiaus ir A. Nikžentaičio tezė, jog sovietinė Lietuvos okupacija tęsėsi nuo 1940 birželio 15 d. iki rugpjūčio 3 d., prieštarauja istoriniams faktams, Lietuvos Respublikos priimtiems įstatymams bei tarptautinės bendrijos – JAV prezidentų, Europos parlamento oficialiems pareiškimams. Šiame straipsnyje kritiškai vertinama leidinio įvadinio straipsnio istoriografinės nuostatos bei tendencingai paskelbti kai kurie sovietiniai propagandiniai dokumentai Č. Laurinavičius and A. Nikžentaitis consider August 3, 1940, to be the date of the conditional termination of Lithuania's and other Baltic States' occupation. The article, therefore, critically analyzes historiographical attitudes of Č. Laurinavičius and A. Nikžentaitis which, however, distort the history of occupation and annexation of the Baltic States. Pro-Russian attitudes are clearly expressed in the joint document collection The USSR and Lithuania during the Second World War, published by Lithuanian and Russian historians as well as in Č. Laurinavičius' articles. Č. Laurinavičius and A. Nikžentaitis' assumptions that the Soviet occupation ended on August 3, 1940, contradict historical facts, the official declarations of international community (the 2nd half of the 20th century), Lithuanian people's will expressed in the referendum of 1992 and the law passed by the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania which states that the Soviet occupation lasted from 1940 till 1990. Č. Laurinavičius and A. Nikžentaitis' claim that annexation was the end of occupation also challenges international law and existing definitions of annexation and occupation. The international law views annexation as continuing occupation which is not legally recognized or accepted. In his articles Č. Laurinavičius as well as N. Lebedeva, the author of the introductory article of this publication, overlooked the role of the Soviet Union in the occupation of the Baltic States; they only tend to point to the mistakes made by the Governments of the Baltic States which supposedly led these countries to occupation. This anti-Lithuanian stance is grounded on biased historical documents which might give impression to the reader that Lithuania's occupation was a natural consequence of strained relationships between the USSR and Lithuania; these documents do not disclose that this occupation was a conscious Soviets' aggression. The rewritten history of Lithuania's occupation by Č. Laurinavičius and A. Nikžentaitis inflicted considerable harm to all Baltic States, i. e. Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. Firstly, the statement of these historians that the occupation lasted only for about one and a half month invalidates Lithuania's citizens will expressed in the referendum of 1992 as well as the law passed by the Seimas in 2000 that Russia must compensate for the harm caused during the occupation in 1940–1990. Secondly, these statements might also enhance the pressure from Russia, assumingly defending the rights of Russian-speaking population, on Latvia and Estonia because the Parliaments of these countries, on the basis of the Geneva Convention of 1949, did not unconditionally grant citizenship to Russian colonists

Straipsnyje pateikiamoje medžiagoje atskleidžiama, kad sovietinė biurokratija yra ne vien ideologiškai apibrėžta struktūra. Kadangi straipsnyje aptariami reiškiniai iš stagnacijos laikotarpio (1974–1986), sovietinės biurokratijos analizė tarsi lakmuso popierėlis parodo, kad ideologiniai veiksniai vis mažiau lėmė sistemos dinamiką, ir kokį konjuktūrinį modelį palaikė stagnacijos metais nusistovėjusi biurokratinė kultūra. Tokia analizė atskleidžia valstybės aparato nutolimą nuo ideologinių tikslų ir oficialiai įtvirtintų valdymo metodų, apibūdina sovietinės biurokratijos veikimo logiką, kuri formaliai remdama sistemos tikslus, daug dėmesio skiria biurokratų kasdienybėje dominuojantiems veiksniams. Straipsnyje didelis dėmesys skiriamas biurokratijos valdymo stiliui, pateikiami biurokratinio valdymo pavyzdžiai, kurie leidžia kalbėti apie ,,biurokratinės amortizacijos“ reiškinį, kaip lietuviškosios sovietinės biurokratijos prisitaikymo stilių. Čia taip pat naudojama Lietuvos ir Rusijos archyvų medžiaga bei nagrinėjama įvairi dokumentacija, interviu su sovietmečiu atsakinguose postuose dirbusiais asmenimis. Taip pat akcentuojama, kad planinė komandinė sistema apibrėžė sovietinės biurokratijos modelį, kur per nustatytus uždavinius buvo organizuojama sovietinės sistemos modernizacija ir ideologinių reikalavimų sklaida. Analizuojant, kaip organizuojami ir vykdomi planai skirtingais lygmenimis, galima įžvelgti institucinius ir asmeninius interesus. Taip išryškėja neformalioji biurokratija, kuri papildo ar ignoruoja deklaratyvius sistemos tikslus. The material presented in the paper reveals that Soviet bureaucracy is not only an ideologically defined structure. Since the paper discusses the stagnation period (1974–1986), the analysis of Soviet bureaucracy serves as a test-paper to show that ideological factors decreasingly less determined system dynamics and what conjuncture model was supported by the bureaucratic culture during the stagnation period. This analysis reveals estrangement of the state apparatus from ideological goals and officially established governance methods, defines the logic of performance of Soviet bureaucracy which, formally supporting the goals of the system, largely focuses on the factors that dominate in the everyday routine of bureaucrats. The paper pays considerable attention to the style of bureaucratic governance and presents examples of bureaucratic governance that speak about the phenomenon of “bureaucratic amortisation” as the style of conformation of Lithuanian Soviet bureaucracy. The paper uses the material from Lithuanian and Russian archives and examines various documents, interviews with persons who held responsible posts during the Soviet period. The paper also highlights that the command-plan system defined the Soviet bureaucratic model, according to which the modernisation of the Soviet system and dissemination of ideological requirements was organised. The analysis of the organisation and implementation of plans at different levels shows institutional and personal interests. Thus non-formal bureaucracy emerges, which complements or ignores the declarative goals of the system.

Antrasis pasaulinis karas Lietuvoje prasidėjo 1940 metų birželio 14 dieną, kai sovietų kariuomenė peržengė demokratinės, prasidėjusio karo metu neutralia pasiskelbusios valstybės sieną. Nors šiandien kartais teigiama, kad ši okupacija baigėsi tik 1993 metais, kai paskutinis rusų kareivis paliko Lietuvą, tačiau šiame straipsnyje apsiribojama trumpesniu laikmečiu: Lietuvos pasidalinimu, sovietine okupacija, nacių viešpatavimu ir raudonosios armijos sugrįžimu. Darbe dėmesys kreipiamas į tai, kaip šiuos įvykius išgyveno nedidelio Šunskų bažnytkaimio bei jo apylinkių žmonės, į jų socialinę būklę ir parapijos žmonių religingumą. Vis dėlto kai kuriais atžvilgiais Šunskai nukentėjo mažiau nei kitos vietovės, nes čia nebuvo masinio žydų žudymo, nebuvo judėjų bendruomenės ar didelio pokario rezistencinio pasipriešinimo. Parapijos bendruomenė iš dalies buvo palikta didesnėje ramybėje, nes ji įsikūrusi šiek tiek toliau nuo didesnių centrų. Parapija nebuvo išblaškyta, bažnyčia išliko karo veiksmų metu, žmonės meldėsi ir tikėjosi geresnių laikų. Tačiau apskritai žmonės išgyveno visa tai, ką patyrė ir visa Lietuva. Okupacija ir karo veiksmai Šunskų bažnytkaimio bei jo apylinkės gyventojams padarė negrįžtamą moralinę bei ekonominę žalą. World War II started in Lithuania on June 14, 1940 when the Soviet army violated the border of a democratic neutral country. Though some people say that this occupation ended only in 1993, when the last Soviet soldier had left Lithuania, but the article deals with a shorter period: dividing of Lithuania, Soviet occupation, domination of Nazi and the return of the Soviet Army. The attention is focused on how people of a small parish of Šunskai outlived all these events, their social position and religious practices in the parish. Šunskai to some extent suffered less than other places because there was no holocaust as there was no Jewish community; there was no post-war resistance movement. The parish community was rather safe as it appeared to be farther from bigger centers. The parish was not scattered, the church building survived during the war actions, people prayed, hopefully waiting for better times. Nevertheless, people suffered together with all Lithuania. Occupation and war made a great moral and economic damage to Šunskai people and its surroundings.

Komunistinėje ideologijoje tautų suartėjimas buvo laikomas natūraliu istoriniu procesu, tad kyla klausimas, ar ši politika nebuvo valdžios agresyviai forsuojama, iškeliant ne natūralius, o „iš viršaus nuleistus“ kultūrinės homogenizacijos projektus. Straipsnyje siekiama įvertinti, ar XX a. 8–9 deš. Sovietų Sąjungos valdžia rusų kalbą pasitelkė kaip sąmoningą nacionalinės politikos, proteguojančios rusišką kultūrą, dalį. Tokios prielaidos analizuojamos nagrinėjant tuo metu Maskvos inicijuotų rusų kalbos mokymo stiprinimo priemonių santykį su viešosios retorikos pokyčiais bei tam tikrų interesų grupių „užkulisiuose“ daroma įtaka tuometinei TSKP CK vadovybei. Rusų kalbos stiprinimo, rusifikacijos politika nagrinėta sovietologijos ar pokomunistinių visuomenių raidos studijų darbuose. Šiam darbui artimiausios yra A. Štromo bei V. Aspaturian pozicijos. Kadangi į pastarojo autoriaus analizę nepatenka 8–9 deš. vykusios rusų kalbos stiprinimo politikos tyrimas, tikslinga rusifikacijos tendencijų analizę pratęsti, papildomai pažvelgiant ne tik į išorinį rusų kalbos stiprinimą, bet ir į valdžios kuluaruose vykusios interesų kovos įtaką nacionalinei politikai. Straipsnyje naudojami šaltiniai, rasti Rusijos ir Lietuvos archyvuose – TSKP CK ir SSRS Švietimo ministerijos dokumentai, LKP CK bei LSSR Švietimo ministerijos dokumentai, apimantys maždaug 1975–1989 m. laikotarpį. Šiame darbe taip pat svarbūs pavienių pateikėjų lietuviškosios nomenklatūros tematika pastebėjimai, to meto liudininkų atsiminimų medžiaga ir sovietinę sistemą nagrinėjusių Vakarų mokslininkų pastabos. Integration of nations was considered a natural historical process in Communist ideology; therefore, a question arises whether this policy was not aggressively forced by the government, emphasising not natural cultural homogenization projects but those “commissioned from the top”. The paper aims to evaluate whether in the 1970s–1980s the Soviet authorities used the Russian language as the part of national policy protecting Russian culture. These preconditions are analysed by examining the relationship of measures strengthening the teaching of Russian, initiated by Moscow, with changes in public rhetoric and the influence on the then leadership of the Central Committee (CC) of the Soviet Union Communist Party (SUCP) exerted at the “backstage” of certain interest groups. The policy of strengthening the Russian language, Russification, has been investigated in the studies of Sovietology or the development of post-Communist societies. The positions held by A. Štromas and V. Aspaturian are closest to this study. Since the study of the policy of strengthening of the Russian language pursued in the 1970s–1980s is not included in the analysis of the latter author, the analysis of Russification tendencies should be continued, additionally looking at the influence of the conflict of interests of the government on national policy. The paper uses the sources from Russian and Lithuanian archives: documents of the SUCP CC and the USSR Ministry of Education, documents of the CC of the Lithuanian Communist Party and the Lithuanian SSR Ministry of Education, covering the period of 1975–1989. The paper also refers to the observations of individuals on Lithuanian nomenclature, the memoirs of the contemporaries as well as the remarks of Western scientists who examined the Soviet system.

Straipsnyje rekonstruojama Rasos šventės istorija - tai, kaip buvo rengiamos pirmosios šventės, kokią prasmę joms teikė šventės organizatoriai bei dalyviai, kaip intensyviai jie išgyveno vasaros saulėgrįžos laiką. Aptariamas to laikmečio kultūrinis kontekstas, šventės tradicijos ir XX a. įvykę jų pokyčiai Lietuvoje ir Latvijoje. Prisimenama, kaip klostėsi vasaros saulėgrįžos švenčių tradicija iki XX a. septintojo dešimtmečio. Daugiausia dėmesio skiriama pradžios akcentui - šventės atgaivinimui 1967 m., kai Rasos šventė pirmą kartą buvo surengta Kernavėje. Taip buvo įgyvendinta būrelio bendraminčių idėja atgaivinti vasaros saulėgrįžos šventės tradiciją ir nemažai tik etnografiniuose aprašuose išlikusių papročių paversti čia pat visų atliekamomis apeigomis, patirti ypatingos vietos ir ypatingo laiko sakralumą. Kernavės Rasos šventės savo dvasią išsaugojo dar gerą dešimtmetį, vėliau pamažu slopo, jėgos vėl įgavo Lietuvos Atgimimo Sąjūdžio priešaušryje. 1987 m. Kernavės Rasos šventėje pirmą kartą suskambėjo Tautinė giesmė - Lietuvos himnas. Rasos šventės atmosfera rekonstruojama iš jos organizatorių ir dalyvių prisiminimų, kuriuose akcentuojama šventėje patiriama dvasinė atgaiva ir vienybės su gamta, žeme išgyvenimas, sakralumo paieškos ir senojo lietuvių tikėjimo gaivinimas. The article presents the reconstruction of the history of Saint Jonas' Festival - how the first festival was arranged, what meaning it was given by the festival organizers and participants, how intensive was their experience when they survived the time of summer solstice. Cultural context of those times, traditions of holidays and their changes in Lithuania and Latvia in the twentieth century have been discussed. The recollections about how the tradition of summer solstice festival used to develop until the sixties of the twentieth century. Main attention is given to the accent of the beginning – the revival of festival in 1967, when Saint Jonas' Festival was first held in Kernavė. So the idea to revive the tradition of summer solstice was implemented by a circle of the fold; and some manners, which lingered on only in ethnographic literature, were turned to the rituals played on the spot, and the sacredness of a special place and special time was experienced as well. The spirit of Saint Jonas' Festival in Kernavė was upheld for full decade and then gradually suffocated, and recreated in predawn of Lithuanian Revival Movement. National Song - Anthem of Lithuania – was first sung during Saint Jonas' Festival in Kernavė in 1987. The atmosphere of Saint Jonas' Festival is reconstructed from the memories of its organizers and participants, where the spiritual refreshment and unity with nature, land empathy, search for sacredness and the revival of old Lithuanian religion is experienced.

Straipsnyje siekiama parodyti XX a.-XXI a. pradžioje Kėdainiuose ir jų apylinkėse įvykusius tautinius bei konfesinius pokyčius. Tai Czeslawo Miloszo gimtinė, jo vaikystės metais XX a. pradžioje Kėdainių regionas, galima sakyti, atitiko daugiakultūriškumo kriterijus (jame gyveno daug žydų, lenkų, rusų). Kėdainiai – ir vienas svarbiausių XVI a. protestantiškosios kultūros centrų. Vėliau Kėdainiai vis labiau darėsi vienalyčiu regionu, kuriame besąlygiškai dominuoja lietuvių kultūra. Kėdainių visuomenė taip pat ir konfesiniu požiūriu yra gana vienalytė (palyginti su katalikiškąja dauguma, protestantai sudaro tik menką procento dalį). Straipsnyje pateikiami gyventojų surašymų duomenys apie regione gyvenusių tautų ir konfesijų kiekybinius pokyčius XX a.-XXI a. pradžioje. Siekiant išsaugoti daugiakultūriškumą, kuris tarpukario laikais buvo pagrindinis šio regiono bruožas, reikia sukurti sąlygas, kad, laikantis šiuolaikinių teorijų diktuojamų kolektyvinės tapatybės kriterijų, priklausymas tautinei grupei ir konfesijai būtų patrauklus jos atstovams. Būtina keisti daugumos nuomonę ir skatinti investuoti į daugiakultūriškumo išlaikymą. Tai svarbu ne tik mažumų atstovams, įvairių kultūrų dalyvavimas visuomenės gyvenime atneša naudos ir jos daugumai. Norint sugrąžinti Kėdainių regionui daugiakultūrinį statusą, būtina sukurti valstybinę programą, galinčią pritraukti Europos fondus, o vietinė valdžia, pasitelkusi išsaugotą kultūrinį paveldą, turi reklamuoti regioną tarptautinėje erdvėje. The paper aims to show national and confessional changes that took place in Kėdainiai and its surroundings in the 20th c. – at the beginning of the 21st c. It is the native land of Czeslaw Milosz. During his childhood at the beginning of the 20th c. Kėdainiai region met the criteria of multiculturalism (it was populated by Jews, Poles, Russians). Kėdainiai was also one of the most important centres of the Protestant culture in the 16th c. Later Kėdainiai increasingly became an indiscrete region with the Lithuanian culture dominating. Kėdainiai society is also rather indiscrete in terms of confession (compared to the Catholic majority, Protestants constitute only a minor share). The paper presents the data of population census about the quantitative changes of nationalities and confessions in the region in the 20th c. – at the beginning of the 21st c. In order to preserve multiculturalism which was the main feature of the region during the interwar period the conditions must be created for the belonging to an ethnic group or confession to be attractive to its representatives, keeping to the criteria of collective identity dictated by modern theories. The majority’s opinion must be changed and people should be encouraged to invest in the preservation of multiculturalism. It is important not only to the representatives of minorities; the participation of various cultures in social life brings benefit to the majority as well. In order to return the status of multicultural region to Kėdainiai, a national programme for the attraction of European funds should be drafted, and the local authorities should use the preserved cultural heritage to promote the region in the international arena.