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This paper explores the role of cultural heritage in shaping competing civilisational identities amid the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. As its case studies, it focuses on the relatively recent restorations of two significant mosques, the Blue Mosque in Yerevan (capital of Armenia) and the Govhar Agha Mosque in Shusha (capital of Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan), respectively. Referring to primary references in Persian, Azerbaijani, Turkish, Armenian, and Russian, the paper elaborates historical, cultural, and political narratives surrounding these edifices and their restorations. This situates heritage conservation within the South Caucasus's intricate historical and geopolitical landscape. Within this context, the function of heritage extends beyond national cultural symbolism. Responding to a transnational dimension, heritage functions as an instrument in geopolitical manoeuvring by both Armenia and Azerbaijan and in relation to rising and influential regional powers, Iran, and Turkey. Here the distinct function of heritage is shaping civilisational identities: it projects scales beyond the nation-state and is integral to various other forms of bilateral and multilateral agreements, including military and economic. As such, disputes over these two heritage sites and others like them, echo broader geopolitical and civilisational tensions at regional scales. Thus, heritage is at once the battleground for national-territorial and civilisational claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main question of the article is: considering the developments in the South Caucasus, especially after the Second Karabakh War in 2020 and the conflicts between these two actors in 2023, which led to the capture of Nagorno-Karabakh by Baku; What approaches should the Islamic Republic of Iran take towards this Region, especially in relation to Armenia?To answer this question, by using the basics and components of aggressive neoclassical realism theory, policy prescriptions will be discussed. The findings of the research, emphasizing the necessity of adopting comprehensive nationalist approaches, enumerate the importance of changing the way Iran's political elites look at the events of this region and emphasize on things such as: taking seriously the threat of the Baku-Israel alliance and establishing a deep multi-dimensional Relationship with Armenia. The research method is matching the theory with the case and extracting relevant prescriptions and the method of data collection is also in the form of a library. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this paper, we use survey data from the South Caucasus countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia) to document the presence of gender gaps in the labor market and examine its consequences. To do the analysis, we use a numerical general-equilibrium occupational choice model with heterogeneous agents in entrepreneurial ability. We then introduce the observed gender gaps in labor-force participants, employers, and self-employed. We find that entrepreneurship gender gaps cause an average GDP loss of 6.2%, while gender gaps in labor-force participation cause an average GDP loss of 9%. Armenia (2007) displays the largest total loss and Georgia (2007, 2014) the smallest ones. We also decompose the gender gaps and their associated costs by households with different education levels and with and without dependents at home. Our results indicate that most of the income losses are driven by households with high education and those with dependents, especially those with both children and elderly at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The measures taken by states against security threats and risk areas change over time, and securitization theory provides an important framework for understanding this change. This theory explains how states identify specific threats and take extraordinary measures. The Karabakh conflict can be examined as a regional example of the securitization process. The Armenian occupation of Karabakh was seen as a serious national security factor for Azerbaijan and led to various diplomatic and military efforts. After the Second Karabakh War, Azerbaijan's national security strategies underwent a dynamic transformation. In this period when the geopolitical balance of power in the South Caucasus needs to be reassessed, analyses in the light of securitization theory are an important tool for understanding Azerbaijan's security policies. In particular, the anti-terrorist operation carried out in September 2023 highlights Azerbaijan's efforts to ensure its national security and the importance of international cooperation in the fight against terrorism. With the support of the media and political leaders, public support was secured and the operation's compliance with international law and its contribution to regional stability were emphasized. Operations to restore constitutional order in Karabakh have yielded important results in terms of prosecuting war criminals and ensuring justice. This process is seen as a legitimate security measure to protect Azerbaijan's national security. The study explains Azerbaijan's changing national security strategies in the aftermath of the Second Karabakh War and its sustainable peacebuilding efforts within the framework of global power competition. The results emphasize that Azerbaijan needs to have a comprehensive national security vision to adapt to geopolitical realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mountainous topography of the Armenian Highlands and the South Caucasus accentuates the importance of valleys as areas of habitation and as conduits among these interspersed settlement areas. The Vedi River Valley of Armenia, located along the southeastern edge of the Ararat Plateau (Plain), serves as one such important transportation route in and through these highland areas. At the center of the mouth of this valley sits the prominent Vedi Fortress, ideally situated for defense of this route and landscape. The site was first fortified during the Late Bronze Age, perhaps during the centralization of power by a local polity contained within the valley. Burned down and abandoned at the end of the Iron Age I, the fortress would then see varied reuse through several later periods given its prominent location and proximity to other local power centers. Of particular importance is its refortification during the Early Medieval (Late Antique) period, when Armenia was under Sasanian Persian suzerainty. This article presents the results of archaeological fieldwork in this valley and at the fortress, followed by a discussion of the landscape's fortification and refortification during these two periods. The Vedi River Valley provides a case study for examining control, mobility, and the negotiation of local and remote power within the specific contained landscape of a river valley in mountainous terrain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the history of defense cooperation of Azerbaijan-Georgia-Türkiye and the main factors rationalizing this cooperation, as well as another regional cooperation platform project proposed to be formed within the framework of new geopolitical realities in the South Caucasus as a result of the Second Karabakh War. The purpose of the research work is to reveal the importance of the trilateral defense cooperation of AzerbaijanGeorgia-Türkiye in the South Caucasus region with a fragile security environment and to analyze the possibility of the creation of another new proposed regional cooperation platform (3 (Türkiye, Russia and Iran) + 3 (Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia)). The research work using the comparative analysis method emphasized the need to organize the reliable protection of the energy-transport-communication projects jointly implemented by Azerbaijan-Georgia-Türkiye and to have the power to adequately respond to any threat that may arise in the region. Meanwhile, it was concluded that there is little possibility of the creation of another cooperation platform at the current stage and it was highlighted that the sides of Azerbaijan-Georgia-Türkiye should systemize the organization of coordination work at a high level between the relevant state institutions and the point that they should further strengthen their position to participate in future regional platforms.

The rapid growth of public debt in developing countries in recent years and the increasing risks associated with this process emphasize the importance of research in this area. The article examines one of the key aspects of public debt management — the structure of creditors’ debt portfolio. The object of the study is the public debt of four countries of Central Asia and three countries of the South Caucasus. The states of this region are important foreign economic partners of Russia, their contribution to mutual trade and realization of joint projects is growing. Their role in the global and regional economy is also expanding, including participation in major transport and logistics projects designed to increase the connectivity of Eurasia. The study is based on the data of international organizations on the total volume of public debt, debt to individual external creditors and the dynamics of macroeconomic indicators. The article examines changes in the structure of the main groups of creditors for each country over three long-term periods and analyzes similarities and differences in the observed structural shifts. It also decomposes the indicator of public debt dynamics and estimates the contribution of the economic growth factor and the effects of changes in countries’ debt to certain groups of creditors. The study identified the following key trends in public debt structural changes: 1) the declining role of bilateral loans from developed and developing countries since the 2000s; 2) the continued strong influence of debt raised from international financial organizations and development banks in most countries throughout the period under study; 3) in a number of countries, a gradual increase in market sources of debt financing (domestic and Eurobonds); the increasing role of loans from China — in the Kyrgyz Republic and the Republic of Tajikistan, etc. The study identifies reasons for these structural changes, and concludes with a discussion of the risks associated with the observed shifts in the structure of public debt.

Education for sustainable development in universities is shaping the agenda in this area, demanding continuous improvement in quality. There is a trend towards integrating sustainability issues and the implementation of sustainable development goals into higher education. Universities responsible for educating SD professionals must teach knowledge and develop skills in line with the SDGs. However, there is insufficient attention to this in educational programs; more often it is implemented through disparate initiatives. The article presents research conducted in universities in the countries of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan), South Caucasus (Georgia, Armenia) and the European Union (Italy, Bulgaria, Poland). The awareness of students and teachers about the SDGs, the problems of implementing SD were assessed, and ways to solve these problems were analyzed. Countries were divided into clusters for comparative analysis. The results show that students generally have limited knowledge about the global sustainable development goals, while teachers have a higher level of awareness. The article examines the contribution of education to raising students' awareness in the countries studied and their attitudes towards integrating sustainability into the curriculum. The questionnaire showed that the educational intervention significantly influences students' intention to engage in sustainability. Overall, students demonstrate positive attitudes towards incorporating sustainability issues into their education. The results of a study conducted in higher education institutions in Central Asia, South Caucasus and the European Union showed that students are generally unaware of the sustainable development goals, their information received through the Internet, media and university studies is insignificant, while teachers are better informed. Students and teachers expressed the greatest concern about environmental, social and economic problems. At the same time, students of engineering, technical and medical fields are more informed about the SDGs compared to pedagogical and socio-humanitarian fields. To increase awareness, universities are encouraged to integrate sustainability education into various disciplines, conduct seminars, round tables, promote student participation in projects and research, and promote international cooperation and knowledge sharing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the history of defense cooperation of Azerbaijan-Georgia-Türkiye and the main factors rationalizing this cooperation, as well as another regional cooperation platform project proposed to be formed within the framework of new geopolitical realities in the South Caucasus as a result of the Second Karabakh War. The purpose of the research work is to reveal the importance of the trilateral defense cooperation of AzerbaijanGeorgia-Türkiye in the South Caucasus region with a fragile security environment and to analyze the possibility of the creation of another new proposed regional cooperation platform (3 (Türkiye, Russia and Iran) + 3 (Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia)). The research work using the comparative analysis method emphasized the need to organize the reliable protection of the energy-transport-communication projects jointly implemented by Azerbaijan-Georgia-Türkiye and to have the power to adequately respond to any threat that may arise in the region. Meanwhile, it was concluded that there is little possibility of the creation of another cooperation platform at the current stage and it was highlighted that the sides of Azerbaijan-Georgia-Türkiye should systemize the organization of coordination work at a high level between the relevant state institutions and the point that they should further strengthen their position to participate in future regional platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sergei Parajanov, famously and sardonically, noted in various ways that he was an Armenian, born in Georgia, educated in Moscow, and arrested in Kiev for Ukrainian nationalism. He was also the quintessential idealized Soviet subject of the Caucasus. Parajanov directed a series of highly experimental films that are impossible to categorize. He began work on his Confession (Ispoved') an autobiographical script exploring his upbringing, as an Armenian, in Tiflis/Tbilisi. Parajanov began to film Confession in 1989, but became ill before more than a fragment was filmed. This essay examines Confession in an effort to decipher Parajanov's self-image as an Armenian/Soviet director from Tbilisi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South Caucasus region has increasingly become a focal point of geopolitical interest, particularly in light of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. This article examines the strategic importance of the Zangezur Corridor, a proposed transportation route designed to connect Azerbaijan's western regions with the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic. The study identifies the internal and external factors influencing the development of this corridor, which promises to enhance regional connectivity and integrate the South Caucasus into the broader Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (Middle Corridor). Internally, the article discusses the political and economic challenges that Azerbaijan, Armenia, and neighboring countries face in realizing the corridor's potential. Externally, the research explores the influence of geopolitical actors such as Iran, Türkiye, and Russia, whose interests and interventions have shaped the corridor's trajectory. By analyzing the interplay between these internal and external factors, the article seeks to provide a nuanced understanding of the Zangezur Corridor's potential to transform regional dynamics, highlighting both the opportunities and challenges that lie ahead in the pursuit of greater regional stability and economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to study various factors of Russia's foreign policy in the South Caucasus during the 44-Day Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) war of 2020 and in the post-war period. Russia's mediation efforts to end the war in Nagorno-Karabakh and establish peace are considered. Particular attention is paid to the deployment of Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh and the military-political significance of this initiative and the consequences, as well as the main reasons for the failure of this peacekeeping mission. The article also analyzes the multi-vector foreign policy pursued by regional states in the South Caucasus, in particular Türkiye and Iran. In this context, the prospects for Russian-Turkish cooperation in the South Caucasus, in particular, in the process of settling the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, are highlighted. This also makes a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of the United States, European Union (EU) and France in the region significant. The article examines Russia's ability to maintain its military and political influence and expand its economic presence in the South Caucasus. Issues that have hindered the establishment of peace and stability in the South Caucasus were also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "Reticulata irises" are dwarf irises highly appreciated in horticulture, which are characterised by their tuberiform bulbs, with a single fleshy inner tunic clothed mostly with reticulate or reticulate-hairy outer tunics, and basal leaves bifacial, angulose or finely sulcate in section. The aggregate is often accepted as a taxonomically compact group to which the name Iris subg. Hermodactyloides (Iris sect. Reticulatae) is often applied. It includes between 10–22 taxa (species and subspecies) occurring disjunctly from central Türkiye and the Transcaucasus throughout the Middle East to western China. Molecular work shows that Iris subg. Hermodactyloides, is polyphyletic as frequently delineated. Alternatively, analytic treatments accept two genera, Alatavia and Iridodictyum, exhibiting clear differences in morphology, biogeography, and phylogenetic connections. Recently, new field prospection across scarcely prospected vast territories led to the description of many new taxa in the "Reticulata irises." In this context, an updated synopsis of the bulbous genera Alatavia (four species) and Iridodictyum (18 + 2 species) is reported. For each accepted taxon, main synonyms, type indication, chromosome numbers, distribution areas, and taxonomic or nomenclatural remarks are reported. Further, five new specific combinations are introduced, and also four neotypes, two lectotypes, two second-step lectotypes, and one epitype are designated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to study various factors of Russia’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus during the 44-day Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) war of 2020 and in the post-war period. Russia’s mediation efforts to end the war in Nagorno-Karabakh and establish peace are considered. Particular attention is paid to the deployment of Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh and the military-political significance of this initiative and the consequences, as well as the main reasons for the failure of this peacekeeping mission. The article also analyzes the multi-vector foreign policy pursued by regional states in the South Caucasus, in particular Türkiye and Iran. In this context, the prospects for Russian-Turkish cooperation in the South Caucasus, in particular, in the process of settling the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, are highlighted. This also makes a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of the United States, European Union (EU) and France in the region significant. The article examines Russia’s ability to maintain its military and political influence and expand its economic presence in the South Caucasus. Issues that have hindered the establishment of peace and stability in the South Caucasus were also discussed.

Beetles (Coleoptera) have been surveyed in Armenia and other Transcaucasian countries since the first half of the 19th century. Based on the literature reports and our new data, available information was gathered on the occurrence in Armenia of one of the beetle families, the ladybirds (Coccinellidae). 84 species of Coccinellidae have been reported from this country in the literature and/or collected during our recent field survey. Two of them, Anatis ocellata (Linnaeus, 1758) and Tytthaspis sedecimpunctata (Linnaeus, 1761), have not been reported in the literature but were present in our field samples, so they can be considered species new to Armenia, and signify new country records. In addition to the 84 species unambiguously reported from Armenia, 14 were broadly reported from larger regions that include that country (Transcaucasia, the Caucasus) or its parts (the Araks valley). The recognized Coccinellidae fauna of Armenia is slightly poorer than the faunas of other Transcaucasian countries (Azerbaijan and Georgia): there are 92 species currently known to occur in Azerbaijan and 90 species in Georgia. Interestingly, the Armenian fauna contains more Caucasian endemics (10 species) and fewer non-natives (1 species) than the faunas of Azerbaijan (4 endemics and 2 non-natives) and Georgia (6 endemics and 6 non-natives). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of "coopetition" as a strategic approach for enhancing tourism development in the South Caucasus region, comprising Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. The region holds significant tourism potential but faces infrastructure gaps, limited awareness, safety standards, and accessibility. Additionally, political instability, including the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict and the ongoing occupation of Georgian territories by Russia, has hindered growth. Fortunately, recent peace efforts between Azerbaijan and Armenia offer opportunities for collaborative tourism initiatives, potentially boosting economic stability. Through an assessment of tourism intelligence, competitiveness, and regional dynamics, the study identifies key areas where these countries can both compete and cooperate to attract high-value tourists. Coopetition offers a strategy for enhancing the region's competitiveness through joint marketing, shared tourist routes, and improved cross-border infrastructure while also allowing each country to utilize its unique strengths in niche tourism products. At the same time, coopetition also poses risks, such as unequal benefit distribution and coordination challenges in aligning policies, among other issues. The analysis concludes that by balancing competition with strategic cooperation, the South Caucasus countries can boost regional tourism, attract high-value visitor segments, strengthen their global market position, and contribute to lasting peace in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Artvin Coruh University International Journal of Social Sciences (ACUSBD) is the property of Artvin Coruh University International Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Eurasian Inquiries / Avrasya Incelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Journal of Eurasian Inquiries / Avrasya Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Analyses de Population & Avenir is the property of Population & Avenir and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the relationship between nomenklatura membership, wealth accumulation and political ties across the post-Soviet region from the 1990s to the mid-2010s. It introduces the Post-Soviet Oligarchs (PSO) dataset, containing the sociodemographic characteristics of the super-rich across the former Soviet republics. While the article finds partial support in favour of the nomenklatura capitalism hypothesis, statistical analysis also points to distinct regional patterns of wealth and political inequality. Thus, the most extensive overlap of wealth and power is observed in the authoritarian regimes of Central Asia and the South Caucasus, where ties to the Soviet regime facilitated the exertion of political influence after 1991, enabling in turn wealth accumulation. By contrast, in democratising contexts, the political connections of the super-rich point to a mutually dependent relationship between the economic and political realms, with wealth featuring as a major power resource. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yazidis/Ezidis are the members of a batini religious structure which intense debates occur around their names, origins and beliefs. Their belief that the angel (Malak Tawus) who did not prostrate to Adam was God's active and executive deputy, caused Yazidis to be known as "devil worshipers" around them. This situation lay behind the Yazidis to be declared as a disbelieving community and to be in constant tension with their environment. In the 19th century, Ottoman modernization period, the transition from traditional military methods to compulsory military service also affected the Yazidis. On the other hand, at the beginning of the same century, they cooperated with the Russians against the Ottoman Empire from the time when the Russians took Eastern Anatolia under their control. They supported the Armenians during World War I and right after. For this reason, they had to migrate from the regions under Ottoman rule. In the study, the information will be given about the reasons for Yazidis' migration to Transcaucasia, where they migrated from, the places they settled and their population in that period. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and their situations in the period after its dissolution will be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TURKAV Institute of Public Adminsitration Journal of Social Sciences / TÜRKAV Kamu Yönetimi Enstitüsü Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of TURKAV Institute of Public Adminsitration Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes the strategic prospects for creating stable conditions for attracting additional volumes of foreign investment in the Armenian economy, which is due to the lack of own funds for sustainable social and economic development. The relevance of issues related to the role and place of foreign investment in Armenia, occurring due to the globalization of the world and regional economy, creating or limiting conditions for the movement of capital, has increased sharply in light of the sharp intensification of the policy of attracting foreign investment in the South Caucasus region. The practical experience of the transition period of the market economy of Armenia is summarized, as the country became more dependent on the level of regional and global integration. At this time, flows of foreign capital emerged not only in the form of government borrowings, but also in the form of diaspora transfers, assistance from international organizations, and the creation of joint ventures with Armenian entrepreneurs. Restrictions on obtaining high technologies, both in the form of goods and technical documentation, and in the form of direct investment, were gradually lifted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research question is how national governments and civil societies reflect Russian involvement in the decision-making process of South Caucasus countries in 2022–2024? The structure of the research includes two sections: 1) Strategic interests of the countries of the South Caucasus and Russia in 2022–2024; 2) Changing the role of Russia in the South Caucasus in 2022–2024. In result of the research it was revealed that opting for a policy of normalization Georgia cannot renounce its territory (Abkhazia and South Ossetia). Azerbaijan has been the most consistent among the Caucasian countries in challenging Russian hegemony in the region. This trend intensified after the beginning of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine: Azerbaijan increased humanitarian aid to Ukraine; pro-Ukrainian sympathies in Azerbaijani society were expressed through a number of leading media outlets that openly supported Kyiv. Baku unilaterally reviewed the ceasefire agreement - 2020, mediated by Russia. Amid the international isolation of the Kremlin, Azerbaijan began to play a much larger role for Russia. Baku is important link in the chain of diplomatic and economic ties of Putin's regime. Russia tries to maintain productive relations with Baku, even at the expense of its long-time ally Armenia. Yerevan revises its foreign policy, favouring a pro-Western vector. In Yerevan, the pro-Russian opposition organized rallies against the current government. Moscow and Baku both gained mutual benefits: Russia destabilized the situation in Armenia, and Azerbaijan restored its territorial integrity. However, these actions of Moscow struck at its influence in the region, marginalizing Russia and its "guarantees." The Caucasus provides a clear example of Russia's inability to continue playing the role of a major power: it simply lacks the strength and means.

This paper examines the subsistence economy in the South Caucasus during the Early Chalcolithic (c.4700–4300 BC) through bioarchaeological analyses of the Bavra Ablari rock shelter site. This region, rich in biodiversity and characterized by a variety of climates and landscapes, has a history of agropastoral occupation dating back to the beginning of the 6th millennium BC. Up to now, archaeological studies have mainly focused on the valleys and lowlands, leaving the mountainous areas less explored. Recent excavations at Bavra Ablari, located at an altitude of 1,650 m, have enabled new bioarchaeological analyses to be carried out, providing data on the faunal and botanical assemblages of this period. These analyses reveal a mixed agro-pastoral exploitation, with a predominance of caprine (sheep and goats) rearing and cultivation of cereals, such as barley and einkorn. Faunal remains and evidence of hunting and fishing reveal extensive use of several biotopes. The study highlights the importance of pastoralism, attested to as far back as the Neolithic period, with herds moving seasonally to higher pastures in summer. Early Chalcolithic occupations, such as those at Bavra Ablari, show the persistence of pastoral activities in these mountainous regions despite severe winter conditions and suggest seasonal occupation of the site.

To study the diversity of agromizids (leaf miners) in the South Caucasus, the species external morphological features, their host plants, the development of larvae and pupae and to assess the degree of crop infestation by leaf‐miners.The study was carried out within the framework of the scs 21‐002 scientific program “Leaf miners as pests of agricultural plants (Diptera: Agromyzidae): the latest control measures”. Type samples were fixed in 75 % ethyl alcohol and deposited in the Agrarian Scientific Research Laboratory of the Scientific Centre of Zoology and Hydroecology. Species were identified by examining the male genitalia. The degree of damage of the host–plant was determined based on intensity indicators.As a result of this research, a new species of the Calycomyza genus was discovered in the South Caucasus fauna. Larvae of C. jucunda (Wulp, 1867) were found on the leaves of Beta vulgaris, a host plant mentioned for the first time here. As a Nearctic species, it was also first discovered in the southern Caucasus.The study of the male genitalia indicates expansion of the biogeographical distribution of Calycomyza species, as most of them are found in the Nearctic and Neotropical regions. In terms of intensity, C. jucunda is classified as a less dangerous species for agricultural crops.

The article examines the issues of Iran’s regional strategy in the South Caucasus and its relationship with Russia in the post-Soviet period. The important role played by these countries in the region, considering their geopolitical position and resources, is revealed. The novelty of the work stems from the upto-date analysis of events in the South Caucasus, including political and economic aspects. In light of the rapidly changing situation in the region, special attention is also given to highlighting new regional strategies and dynamics of interaction between countries. The study is conducted using methods of critical analysis of sources, a systemic approach, and comparative-historical analysis. The main facts and events related to Iran-Russia cooperation in the field of regional security, partnership relations in the energy and trade sectors are examined. When analyzing official documents, the historical context is taken into account, and regional events are considered in a logical sequence. The research results reveal the forms and methods of Iran’s policy implementation in the South Caucasus, as well as its interaction with Russia. These findings also allow for an assessment of the influence of both countries on complex political and economic processes in this region.

The success of the EU in the South Caucasus region is limited due to the lack of insufficient commitment, inefficient tools, lack of comprehensive policy design taking into account the needs and priorities of the regional actors. The EU seems to restore its image and increase its visibility in the region after the II. Karabakh War in 2020. Post-war geopolitical context necessitates a durable security-building as a result of a peace agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The EU’s efforts show that it is in the process of re-defining a pro-active role in shaping the meditation and peace-making processes. The outcome will not only determine the nature of the EU’s involvement into the region but also the efficiency of its normative power in the future.

Introduction. In the context of the complex geopolitical situation that has developed in the South Caucasus in the post-Soviet period, the problems associated with the security of this region have become much more complicated. Among them, an important place was occupied by issues of energy security, the solution of which increasingly depended on the political phenomena and processes taking place in the South Caucasus. The importance of studying this sphere of regional relations, which has become the focus of research attention, has increased. Of particular interest is the study of the role and place of Russia and Iran in regional relations in the South Caucasus, their participation in solving energy problems, which turned out to be among the current priorities of their policy in the South Caucasus direction.Materials and methods. The paper analyzed the publications of domestic and foreign researchers devoted to the problems of regional security in the South Caucasus. Documentary materials were involved, reflecting the rivalry of the leading Western countries with Russia and Iran for economic positions in the region, in particular, the development of hydrocarbon resources of the Caspian Sea and routes for their delivery to Europe. The work used problem-chronological, comparative and systemic methods to identify the degree of study of issues related to energy security in the South Caucasus.Analysis. The article specifies the factors influencing the energy policy of Russia and Iran in the South Caucasus, reveals their approach to solving complex issues that have accumulated in the energy sector. It is proved that in the course of a constructive dialogue between the two countries, favorable conditions were created for the development of strategic partnership in the South Caucasus.Results. The paper concludes that the resistance of the United States and its Western allies to the interests of Russia and Iran in the South Caucasus resulted in their wish to strengthen partnerships, strengthen the joint struggle against Western influence in the region and create conditions for its peaceful, safe and stable development.

In this paper, we use survey data from the South Caucasus countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia) to document the presence of gender gaps in the labor market and examine its consequences. To do the analysis, we use a numerical general-equilibrium occupational choice model with heterogeneous agents in entrepreneurial ability. We then introduce the observed gender gaps in labor-force participants, employers, and self-employed. We find that entrepreneurship gender gaps cause an average GDP loss of 6.2%, while gender gaps in labor-force participation cause an average GDP loss of 9%. Armenia (2007) displays the largest total loss and Georgia (2007, 2014) the smallest ones. We also decompose the gender gaps and their associated costs by households with different education levels and with and without dependents at home. Our results indicate that most of the income losses are driven by households with high education and those with dependents, especially those with both children and elderly at home.

There is growing recognition that diversity and representation matter to the intellectual health of fields and disciplines. This article takes stock of knowledge production on the Caucasus region, paying particular attention to the question of who has "voice" in academic debates on the North and South Caucasus. Through analysis of publications in, and the editorial boards of, "leading" International Relations (IR) and Area Studies journals, we examine the biographies of scholars, the topics covered, and citation levels. We demonstrate the marginality of the Caucasus within IR and limited representation for scholars educated and employed in the region within Area Studies, as well as distinct differences according to background in the topics covered. This research provides a foundation for further exploring disciplinary inequalities and their consequences in relation to the Caucasus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Persian Gulf-Black Sea International Transport and Transit Corridor is a multimodal and combined network of ships, rails, and road freight routes connecting Iran, Armenia, Georgia, Bulgaria, and Greece. Iran is the trustee of the agreement and has played the central role in establishing a transit route to the Black Sea region as 'Tehran's forgotten bridge to Europe' since its inception in 2016. Nonetheless, the Persian Gulf-Black Sea Corridor faces significant obstacles and challenges: resolving Iran's nuclear issues, resolving disputes between Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan, and stabilizing the security situation in the Black Sea following the Ukraine war, all of which reduce its efficiency and quality. In these circumstances, connecting the Iranian railway to the Caucasus and Armenia and building Armenia's North-South highway and the deep port of Anaklia on Georgia's Black Sea coast can stretch the capacities of the Persian Gulf-Black Sea Corridor. It can also strengthen the Wider Black Sea Region and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The international system in transition and the uncertainty in it, has caused the dynamism of most regions in the world. The South Caucasus region is not exempt from this situation. The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war and its subsequent develpements, especially the 2023 Karabakh war, marked a path of no return for the South Caucasus region, so these developments had a significant impact on the actors of the South Caucasus. Research question: What effect did the second and third Karabakh war in the South Caucasus region between Armenia and Azerbaijan have on the regional interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Research Hypothesis: It is hypothesized that Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020 and 2023 respectively, has increased the dynamics of competition, threat and escalation of tension against Iran, while there are not many opportunities for it. Methodology: In this article, a comparative research approach has been used, which is realistic using a study model and the geopolitical approach in the framework of regional studies. Using geopolitical components such as politics, power, geography, economy (geoeconomics), culture (geoculture), geopolitical relations and balance of power. Data analysis is done in a descriptive-analytical way. The method of collecting information in this research is done by the library method. Results and discussion: Since the early 2000s, Russia's policy towards the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis has changed. Therefore, Russia's attitude toward the South Caucasus has changed from a sphere of exclusive Russian influence to a space in which it must both cooperate and compete with other regional powers. Moscow prefers to cooperate with Iran and mostly Turkey to respond to the growing challenges. In this situation and due to the fact that Azerbaijan is close to Russia and Armenia is far from Russia, the second Karabakh war started. But the third Karabakh war took place in a situation where Russia's power vacuum was evident in the South Caucasus after Moscow's involvement in the Ukraine war. The Karabakh war of 2020 and 2023 in the national dimension between Azerbaijan and Armenia caused the position of the victorious and defeated actors of the first Karabakh war to be reversed. In the regional dimension, new geopolitical relations and balance of power emerged in the South Caucasus. Conclusion: The findings of the research proved the hypothesis raised in the article. The 2020 and 2023 Karabakh war once again showed the geopolitical dynamics of the South Caucasus. These wars have significantly changed the geopolitical relations of regional players and led to the formation of a new balance of power in the region. Azerbaijan has strengthened and Armenia has become very weak. However, with the cease-fire of the Second Karabakh War, Russia was able to marginalize the western axis, which further weakened the role of the West, the United States, the European Union and especially the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (Minsk Group). But by entering the war with Ukraine and creating a power vacuum in the South Caucasus region, Russia saw its power in this region challenged by Turkey. In this way, the second and third Karabakh war marked Turkey's return to the region and pushed Iran to the sidelines of regional developments. Therefore, the 2020 and 2023 Karabakh war destroyed the fragile state of neither war nor peace that Iran was in favor of maintaining in the South Caucasus. In these wars, Iran could not play a role in regional developments to expand its influence and presence; Therefore, it led to the escalation of tension with the Republic of Azerbaijan, the intensification of competition with Turkey, and the seriousness of the threat of Israel's presence along Iran's borders. In the new balance of power that has been formed in the South Caucasus region, the Islamic Republic of Iran has a low role and position in the South Caucasus. It seems that Iran has been marginalized by Russia on the one hand, on the other hand, due to the role of western sanctions in preventing Iran's action in the region; Iran has not been able to play a serious role and pursue its historical-civilizational interests in the South Caucasus. Therefore, the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to maintain its territorial integrity, prevent geopolitical changes in the region and its geo-economic interests in the South Caucasus. It has also tried not to get involved in ethnic movements and internal instability based on geocultural provocations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article is based on the premise that the South Caucasus has often been the scene of competition between regional and extra-regional powers. In the distant past, this rivalry was predominantly limited to three major powers: the Ottoman Empire, the Persian Empire and the Russian Empire. After a period of near-total Soviet rule over this region, other contenders (e.g., China, Europe and the United States) were provided with opportunities to get actively involved in the region in the aftermath of the USSR collapse. At the same time, Iran and Turkey also decided to enter the regional competition to benefit from the power void. The military conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan which occurred soon after the Soviet government fell, gradually enabled some new rival players (e.g., India and Pakistan) to gain a foothold in the South Caucasus. The main reasons for the involvement of the great powers and the other extra-regional players in the South Caucasus are diverse, ranging from mainly economic ones (as in the case of China) to predominantly political ones (as in the case of Iran, Turkey, the U.S. and Russia). Of course, they are all interested in the economic potential of establishing closer trade and investment ties with the regional states. The primary research question is as follows: Why have India and Pakistan been intervening in the conflict zones in the South Caucasus which is located at a distance from their own territories? In the hypothesis, it is argued that the decisions of Pakistan and India to get involved in the interstate conflicts of the South Caucasus is a reflection of the protracted conflict between these two countries over Kashmir. The two South Asian rivals appeared on the scene after the war broke out between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and resulted in Pakistan's decision to send military forces and weapons to help the war efforts of Azerbaijan. This in turn led to India's deep concerns about Islamabad's adventurous moves to improve its power and influence abroad. The victory of Azerbaijan in the war increased New Delhi's worry because the victory of Azerbaijan meant the victory of foreign policies of Pakistan and Turkey, which had unfavorable relations with India. This matter was important from the point of view that the adventures of Islamabad and Ankara were not limited to the South Caucasus, and might have been extended to Central Asia and from there to South Asia. The main concern of India's foreign policymakers was about the expansion of Pakistan's power and influence among the regional states that might then take side with Pakistan in its Kashmir conflict with New Delhi. Furthermore, the geostrategic location of the South Caucasus has been deemed important as a suitable corridor for creating a north-south transport corridor to connect India to Russia and Europe through Central Asia and Iran. The region has the potential to meet some of India's raw material and energy needs, including oil and gas. Utilizing the method of qualitative thematic analysis for hypothesistesting, the findings revealed that the rules of a zero-sum game overshadow the bilateral relations of the countries that are engaged in a protracted conflict over their vital national interest. Pakistan's support for Azerbaijan in its conflict with Armenia was aimed at expanding its influence in a strategic region in the hope of ultimately strengthening its position vis-à-vis India in the Kashmir conflict situation. Not surprisingly, India has acted in a reactionary manner to neutralize Pakistan's foreign policy initiatives by taking side with Armenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shortly after the establishment of African swine fever virus (ASFV) genotype II in 2007, cases of acute fatal infection were observed. However, after several years of circulation in the Eurasian region, the clinical signs of the disease changed. Currently, this disease can occur acutely, subclinically, chronically, or asymptomatically. Cases of the complete recovery of infected pigs, and the disappearance of ASFV from their tissues and secretions have been described. This form of the disease first appeared in Armenia at the end of 2011. This virus was described and identified as the Dilijan2011IMB strain. The goal of our research was to study the main features of clinical, pathological, immunological, virological, and genetic parameters involved in the development of new forms of African swine fever (ASF). Chronic ASF was characterized with low titers of the virus and a decrease in the intensity of hemadsorption. Additionally, a reduced intensity in clinical symptoms and pathoanatomical results was noted. The absolute, but not the relative number of immune cells changes; the neutropenia (in bone marrow and spleen), lymphopenia (in bone marrow), lymphocytosis (only in spleen), lymphoid cell depletion (in bone marrow), and pancytopenia (in bone marrow) observed in the chronic form of ASF were less pronounced compared to in the acute form. When comparing the late stage of chronic ASF to the acute form, the key cytological indicators in the spleen, lymph nodes, and blood were less severe in the chronic stage. Bone marrow failure in the chronic form, expressed in a pronounced decrease in all cell types, generally coincided with the data in the acute form of ASF. The same data were obtained after assessing serum TNF-alpha levels. Thus, we can conclude that the chronic form of ASF occurs due to a less pronounced immune response, as well as a decrease in virus titers in the blood and tissues of infected pigs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the specifics of post-conflict neighborhood relations in the Azerbaijani and Armenian communities in Kvemo Kartli, one of the most ethnically mixed regions in Georgia. The diverse ethnic composition of the region and its historical and political background demonstrate that the non-homogenous, multiethnic local communities coexist, coping with post-conflict experiences. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted between 2020 and 2022, including interviews and field observations, this paper presents how the outbreak of the Nagorno-Karabakh war influenced contemporary Azerbaijani-Armenian relations in Georgia. The results of author's research indicate that local communities developed contrasting approaches and strategies while still maintaining neighborly relations involving antagonistic tolerance. The article poses the question of whether relations in the community are based on the komshuluk system, or whether it is rather the case of antagonistic tolerance. It also reveals in what situations conflicts occur and in what situations good neighborly relations are nurtured. Therefore, the research results also fill a gap in the studies on interethnic relations in Georgia after the Nagorno-Karabakh war. This is also the first study that uses the aforementioned theoretical framework to analyze this particular area in Georgia.

Societal Impact Statement Ecosystem services are underpinned by biodiversity, which is rapidly eroding globally, threatening rural livelihoods and culture. Examining the uses of wild edible plants (WEPs) that are important to rural communities gives insight into the value of a biodiverse landscape to local communities. Here, the importance of considering age groups in future ethnobotanical and conservation studies is highlighted, as this can enhance our understanding on the dependence of use within a landscape, informing more inclusive conservation actions. Summary Wild edible plants (WEP) remain an important aspect of many rural communities across the world, yet the decline in the diversity and knowledge of WEP use is becoming a global concern. In the Biodiversity Hotspot of the Caucasus, there is few cross‐cultural and multigenerational comparisons of plant uses, limiting our knowledge of resource use and dependence within biodiverse landscapes. Here, we investigate the patterns of use for wild edible fruits and nuts in the South Caucasus, focusing on multigenerational differences in harvesting patterns, diversity and use through semi‐structured interviews in Armenia and Georgia. We calculated use values (UV) for each genera harvested and compared the diversity of genera used between age groups. Pearson chi‐square was used to explore the relationship between age‐groups and genera harvested. We found 53% of rural population (n = 220) actively harvest from wild populations, with older age groups harvesting the highest diversity of plants. Twenty‐four species from 16 genera are harvested, with Berberis vulgaris L. and Rosa canina L. shared between both communities. The association between age and diversity of harvested genera was significant (χ2[48, N = 506] = 114.75, p

The study presents an analysis of bilateral relations between the Republic of Azerbaijan (RA) and the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) after the Second Karabakh War (SKW), identifying the sources of tension and new trends in their relations. On the one hand, the participation of RA and IRI in large-scale Eurasian transport and logistics projects allows both countries to play a special role in regional politics, and on the other hand, the full-fledged security of the South Caucasus region, including its current position in the system of international relations, largely depends on the level and quality of Azerbaijani-Iranian relations. The purpose of this study is to identify the features and trends of Azerbaijani-Iranian relations after the Second Karabakh War. The author analyzes the reasons for the aggravation of bilateral relations after the SKW in terms of domestic and foreign policy factors. If ethno-political and religious-ideological factors are considered as domestic political reasons, then the nature of the development of relations between Azerbaijan and Türkiye, Azerbaijan and Israel, and Iran and Armenia is assessed as a foreign policy aspect that led to the deterioration of Azerbaijani-Iranian relations. In addition, conducting military exercises by the two countries near the Azerbaijani-Iranian state border, the position of the Iranian authorities against the opening of the Zangezur corridor, and the attack on the Azerbaijani embassy in Tehran at the end of January 2023 also contributed to the deepening of the escalation between the RA and the IRI. Along with this, a new positive trend is also emerging in bilateral relations. The volume of trade turnover between the two countries has traditionally decreased during crisis situations; however, despite the fact that Azerbaijani-Iranian political relations are currently experiencing the worst period in their history, the development of relations in the trade and economic spheres is observed, which is a new trend in the interactions between Baku and Tehran. Thus, not only the problems caused by the COVID-19 coronavirus infection in the economies of the two countries, but also the intensification of work on transport projects in the South Caucasus create conditions for maintaining and increasing the level of trade and economic relations.

This study examines the strategic use of soft power as an integral component of Türkiye’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus region. The author explores the strategies and mechanisms by which Türkiye projects it’s cultural, economic, and diplomatic influence in the region. It also examines Türkiye’s purposeful efforts to improve its image, authority and significance in Georgia. Paying special attention to cultural diplomacy, educational exchanges, humanitarian aid and economic partnership, the paper reveals how Türkiye seeks to shape its perceptions, develop cooperation and strengthen its geopolitical position. Methodologically, the study is based on case studies of Turkish soft power in Georgia. In addition, the author analyzes the general framework of Turkish policy in Georgia using the historical-descriptive method. The content analysis of Turkish media and other Turkish cultural agents such as TV shows, films, serials, etc. was used to understand how Ankara uses soft power to promote its cultural and political interests in Georgia. Through empirical analysis, the study examines specific examples of Türkiye’s soft power initiatives, including the promotion of the Turkish language and culture, educational scholarships and humanitarian aid. In addition, the study examines the perception of Türkiye’s soft power initiatives by the local population and assesses their impact on regional dynamics. The findings emphasize the multifaceted nature of Turkish soft power and the consequences of its use for Georgia. Given Georgia’s Christian majority, Türkiye relies on secular instruments of its soft power, while not giving up religious influence on the Muslim communities of Georgia.