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The foreign historiography of China's foreign policy is dominated by the works of American scholars. This situation did not develop immediately and can be explained by several reasons. First, the defeat of Chiang Kai-shek and the victory of the Chinese Communists were perceived by the US authorities as a “loss of China”. Responsibility for it was not least assigned to American sinologists, who often provided consulting services to the Kuomintang. In addition, Americans, including officials and scholars, had no direct contacts with Chinese citizens until the early 1970s.The first such contacts appeared in 1971–1972, including among some journalists (in the context of R. Nixon's visit to China in February 1972) and a small number of China’s scholars (for example, John Fairbank in 1972, received by Zhou Enlai). After the establishment of diplomatic relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China on January 1, 1979, American sinologists received full access to the country of study, and the quantity and quality of sinological works began to grow exponentially. The article examines the main works by the most famous experts on the foreign policy of the PRC. It can be stated that before the presidency of Donald Trump, the United States had a predominantly positive attitude towards China and its foreign policy, and only later did the point of view about the growing contradictions between Beijing and Washington prevail.

Japanese poster is an integral element of modern graphic culture, which has become famous due to the professional skills of its authors and recognisable visual appearance. This is also how it is perceived in Russia, where since the mid-1960s Japanese poster art and its creators have occupied a special place. The article reconstructs the historiographical trajectory of the description of Japanese posters in the USSR on the basis of reviews of international graphic biennales in the socialist republics. Based on archival materials and periodicals, the author reconstructs the event field of representation of Japanese contemporary posters in the USSR and Russia, including all the main exhibitions of local and international significance, as well as the key features of the Soviet and post-Soviet periods of perception of this phenomenon. The appendix to the article contains a list of exhibitions of Japanese poster art in the USSR and Russia from 1974 to 2021.

The article examines the channels of Soviet-Chinese cooperation in cinematography in the 1950s. As in other sectors of the national economy, in the film industry Soviet specialists assisted Chinese colleagues in restoring work in the first years after the formation of the PRC. They established professional contacts and a mechanism of bilateral cooperation, which took place in the form of joint filming of documentary, feature, scientific and educational films, mutual exchanges of films, newsreels, festivals and film weeks, and delegation exchanges. In the shortest possible time China managed to establish its film production and join the global film business. The Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China shared an ideological platform and an understanding of the importance of cinema as an essential tool for propaganda and education of the people. Cinema helped Soviet and Chinese viewers get acquainted with each other’s history and modern life, to deepen mutual understanding and friendly relations, which have undoubtedly benefited inter-State relations. However, under the influence of political factors by the end of the 1950s the cooperation began to decline and came to the end in 1962.

This essay examines two mutually exclusive positions on the origins and development of the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party (KPRP). The first is the position of the Pol Pot ‒ Ieng Sary group: the revolutionary movement in Cambodia developed and won independently. The second is the position of the healthy forces of the KPRP: the Cambodian revolution is a part of the revolutions in Vietnam and Laos. The revolutions in the three countries ‒ Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia ‒ took different paths and triumphed at different times, allowing Pol Pot's group to claim that the Kampuchean revolution had no connection with the Indochinese Communist Party. After France conquered Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia in the second half of the 19th century, the three countries became part of the Indochina Federation, with Vietnam playing a leading role. The author shows that the national liberation movement in Cambodia developed within the framework of the Indochina Union. The Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), created by Ho Chi Minh in 1930, also included Cambodian communists, so at that time the relations between the anti-colonial forces of Cambodia and Vietnam were of a close fraternal nature. Thanks to the help of the Workers' Party of Vietnam and the CPSU, the revolution in Cambodia was ahead of events in Vietnam and Laos. The anti-people actions of the Pol Pot regime caused wide discontent among the population. Pol Pot's authorities made public the essence of their conflict with Vietnam, declaring at press conferences and in the mass media that Vietnam was seeking to include Kampuchea in the Indochina Federation controlled by Vietnam. In 2017, Cambodia and Vietnam signed a framework agreement to connect the economies of the two countries. In 2022, Cambodia, with the support of Vietnam, became the chairman of ASEAN. 2022 was declared the Year of Vietnam- Cambodian Friendship. The allied experience of Cambodia and Vietnam can be useful for modern Russia.

The article is devoted to the 28th conference of Korean studies experts from Russia and the CIS countries, which took place on March 28-29, 2024 in the Institute of China and Contemporary Asia RAS (Moscow). The korean scholars from leading scientific institutions in Russia and the CIS countries examined a wide range of political, economic, cultural, and historical issues related to the Korean Peninsula. The article highlights the main theses presented at the conference by the speakers, the number of whom exceeded 30 people this year. It is noted that much attention was paid to the analysis of the current political situation on the Korean Peninsula; prospects for cooperation between the Russian Federation and the DPRK; economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Korea under sanctions; analysis of the domestic and foreign policy of the current administration of the Republic of Korea; relations between the PRC and both Korean states. A separate plenary session was devoted to the topic of Koryoin, as well as works on the study of Korean culture and art.

The article analyzes the main problems and prospects for economic development of the Russian macro-region of Greater Siberia in the context of the main trend in the Russian foreign economic activity in recent years – the “pivot to the East”. In particular, the difficulties of developing cross-border cooperation between the Far Eastern regions of the Russian Federation and the adjacent regions of neighboring countries – China, Mongolia, and North Korea are highlighted, and possible ways to overcome them are analyzed. The author also describes factors that can either contribute to the accelerated pace of economic development of the macroregion of Greater Siberia, or slow it down. The article aims to contribute to the scientific and expert discourse on the issues of building effective economic relations between Russia and its eastern partners in the medium and long term.

The article analyzes problems in China-US relations in the spheres of economic and humanitarian cooperation. Major trends of their bilateral interaction in these areas are examined as concrete manifestations of the countries’ opposing strategic goals. The author traces the relationship between the political strategies of Beijing and Washington that determine their actions toward each other, including the “two policy clusters” or ”packages” as major paradigms governing the PRC's foreign policy course on the American track. The article provides a comparative analysis of China-US trade turnover, the volume of mutual export and import and their sci-tech component, as well as the volume of mutual direct investment in recent years, taking into account the impact of the “trade war” and COVID-19 pandemic. The article analyzes reasons for decline in the role of the two countries’ “soft power” in humanitarian cooperation and observes the dynamics of China-US academic exchanges and tourist flows intensity, weakening of bilateral interaction in the field of cinema and shrinking of Confucius Institutes operating in the US. It is concluded that despite the stagnation of bilateral ties in economic and humanitarian areas, China and the US are still linked by a network of complex interdependence in various aspects of their economies and societies, which will determine their bilateral interaction stability in those areas where cooperation is most beneficial.

Cooperation in the energy sector, and practically in the field of hydrocarbons, is traditionally and reasonably considered as an important area of multidisciplinary interaction between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China. In terms of its substantive forms, the energy dialogue has a multifaceted character, includes cooperation in mineral exploration, production technologies, capacity generation, investment support for relevant projects. Nevertheless, as it was objectively developed in practice, one of the main elements of cooperation turned out to be the supply of hydrocarbons from Russia to China, which has been increasing since the beginning of the century. This situation reflects the natural complementarity of the economic complexes of the two countries, which, in turn, serves as one of the basic foundations for the compatibility of the national interests of the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China. Paying attention to the circumstances above, the author examines the specific practice of cooperation in the field of hydrocarbon supplies, including the documents signed and the projects already implemented or being discussed. The focus is made on the current situation, when, in the context of large- scale sanctions pressure from the West, the task of reorientation of domestic energy exports to the East, including to China, is being considered systemically important for Russia. Pointing out the existing difficulties, the article contains a conclusion about the overall positive prospects for Russian-Chinese hydrocarbon cooperation.

The article examines the monopoly of the CPC on power as a system-forming political institution of the PRC, which showed its ineffectiveness in the active phase of the C ultural Revolution, was then restored in the fight against its proponents, and met competition from supporters of the democratization of the system of government in the late 1970s. Part of the political leadership of the PRC, represented mainly by relatively young party and state officials, considered the democratization of the system of government as a condition for transforming the system of domination into a system of democratic politics that would ensure the country's comprehensive development. This position was welcomed and support ed by the intelligentsia, urban educated youth and some of the cadres of the party and state apparatus, but met powerful res istance from the “veterans” of the Communist Party, concerned about the threat of losing control over the political activity of the masses. On March 30, 1979, Deng Xiaoping proclaimed the “four basic principles,” which became a factor in the consolidation of the CPC leadership on a “protective” position and defined a “corridor of opportunity” for pursuing a course of “reform and opening-up” for decades to come. At the same time, one of the four principles – “upholding the leadership of the Communist Party” – turned into the ideological basis of the institution of the CPC monopoly on power, which to this day plays a key role in the institutional political design of the PRC.

Yokai demons occupy a very important place in the culture and history of Japan. Yokai are the treasured key to the cultural code of Japanese nation , without which it is impossible to comprehend Kokoro – the Soul of Japan. The rapid fascination with Japanese demonology in the West and in Russia is by no means accidental, and the history of the Western world’s acquaintance with Japanese yokai is full of breathtaking stories. The article tells about the history of the study of Japanese demonology in the West and in Russia, and analyzes the reasons and features of the mass fascination with yokai in the world. A detailed overview of sources includes translations of works of fiction and studies devoted to yokai. The article pays special attention to the differences in the perception of Japanese demons in Western countries and among the Russian audience. The author sees the reason for this in the difference in mentalities – the Ango-Saxon ratio versus the Russian mythological consciousness.

The relevance of this article is due to the changes in Russian-Chinese relations that are taking place under the influence of the military crisis in Ukraine and Western sanctions applied against Russia and China. The purpose of this study is to analyze the problems and prospects of cooperation between Moscow and Beijing in the political, trade, economic and humanitarian spheres. The author used the following research methods: generalization, structural synthesis, deductive and comparative analyses. Their application allowed us to come to the following conclusions. In the context of the ongoing crisis in Ukraine, Russian-Chinese r elations are being tested for strength, as they are subject to comprehensive sanctions pressure from the “collective West”. Despite this pressure, relations between Russia and China demonstrate the growth of political interaction in the international arena. In the field of trade and economic relations, Moscow is trying to compensate for its economic and financial weakness by actively attracting Chinese investments and products. However, Russia is a less significant partner for Beijing compared to the European Union and the United States. To eliminate these problems, governments, economists and scientists from Russia and China are working together to activate the development of economic cooperation between the countries. Along with political and economic cooperation, humanitarian interaction between Moscow and Beijing is extremely important. It is aimed at confronting Western ideology and strengthening mutual understanding between the peoples of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China, as well as strengthening cooperation within the framework of the EAEU, SCO and BRICS.

The article describes the state of the modern port industry on the sea coast of the People's Republic of China, highlighting its features and characteristics. The author analyzes the form ation and development of large-scale, intensive and modern groups of seaports in China, whose economic structure, volume, cargo flows and turnover are significantly differentiated. The article discusses the strategic role of the government in developing the modern transport and logistics systems of the PRC, creating an effective institutional system and improving the regulatory framework. The author comes to the conclusion that Chinese seaports are developing in the direction of increasing scale, intensif ication and modernization, enhancing the efficiency of transportation and creating a modern logistics system that meets the requirements of sustainable and rapid development.

In recent years, the drug situation in China has generally stabilized, and according to official Chinese statistics, the number of drug addicts is reducing. However, China remains one of the key sources of synthetic drugs and precursors to other countries. The spread of narcotic drugs (synthetic opioids, cannabinoids, methamphetamine and others) threatens all countries. An important factor is that the Chinese government is able to control the large number of pharmaceutical manufacturers in the country , thus making it difficult for new types and modifications of drugs and psychoactive substances to appear on the market. In recent years, the PRC leadership has taken a number of effective steps to combat the uncontrolled production and distribution of illegal drugs, in particular, the state tightens control and regulation of the production of synthetic psychoactive drugs. China has strict laws against drug trafficking, which also serve as an effective deterrent against the distribution and consumption of illicit substances. Due to these measures, the international drug business is forced to move laboratories for the production of synthetic drugs from China to other nearby countries such as Myanmar and India. The situation with the international drug trade in the modern world requires concerted action at the interstate level. The interaction between law enforcement agencies of the SCO (the Shanghai Cooperation Organization) member states is a good example of cooperation in this area. One of the priorities of this organization is the fight against drug crime. At this stage, it is necessary to further deepen cooperation between the law enforcement agencies of the SCO countries to identify established drug trafficking channels, fight against drug trafficking in the dark web and prevent the emergence of analogues to various psychotropic substances prohibited by law.

Tokyo’s negative attitude towards Moscow’s policies in connection with the start of Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine led to a sharp deterioration in relations between Russia and Japan, which the Russian Foreign Ministry characterizes as “degradation” and “dismantling of bilateral ties”. Recently, Japan has begun to play a more active role on the international arena , including within the G7, criticizing Russia and introducing political and economic sanctions against it. In response, Russia also began to impose sanctions against Japan, which caused the collapse of relations. However, the degradation of political and economic relations has not yet led to the destruction of humanitarian ties between the countries, although it has noticeably hit them. It seems that maintaining humanitarian ties in such a difficult political situation can play a positive role in achieving constructive cooperation between the countries in the future.

The presented historical essay is dedicated to the events of the Vietnam War (1955–1975), in which the author participated as a war correspondent of TASS. From the perspective of an eyewitness, he describes realities of the journalist's work in Hanoi, from where correspondents from different countries sent information reports on the fighting. The essay shows vivid examples of the role that interpersonal relationships played in the international journalistic environment and how they were reflected in the personal fate of the author. The article describes in detail how the situation in Hanoi changed from a local perspective during different periods of the war and what factors influenced the promotion of correspondence in the USSR and competing countries. Of particular value are the unique photographs from the author's archive, which illustrate the narrative and make the material especially interesting from the point of view of history, including the history of the development of the Russian media, as well as in parallel with modernity.

This review discusses the book “Singapore is still not an island” by the veteran of Singaporean diplomatic service Bilahari Kausikan. According to the reviewer, this work forms a broad canvas of knowledge and presents a dynamic picture of international relations. The author introduces the reader to a multidimensional, multifactor world of current political and partly economic processes and outlines a unique set of markers (phenomena) that define the DNA of the modern era. His analysis allows us to see its entire “genome”. He uses an inductive method, developing his narrative from the particular to the general, describing the core of Singapore’s foreign policy and placing it within regional and global trends.

Nowadays, the Korean Peninsula is a long-term source of tension in the Asia-Pacific region. The international community is particularly concerned about the DPRK ’s nuclear missile program and Pyongyang’s tests, which a number of countries view as a serious threat to the regional security. Therefore, many international actors became involved in the situation around the Korean Peninsula. For several decades, certain countries have been making intensive efforts to solve this problem. Apart from China and Russia, Japan, the United States, and South Korea play a significant role in this process. The author analyzes the current situation on the Korean Peninsula, examines the degree of influence of the DPRK problem on the situation in the region and possible consequences for regional security. The article examines Japan’s policy towards North Korea, to counter which Tokyo is pursuing a course of strengthening the Japan–US alliance and increasing sanctions pressure. The North Korean factor is highlighted in the Japan –US–South Korea triangle. The author analyzes the role of trilateral defense cooperation, which has seen a significant expansion. The article describes various approaches to resolving the situation on the Korean Peninsula and identifies the most optimal scenario.

The article deals with the problem of discrimination of ethnic Koreans living in Japan (Zainichi Koreans), who face it in various forms – from psychological harassment to direct intimidation and insults. The author shows the historical background of this problem and comes to the conclusion that the ambiguous legal status of Koreans in Japan, the biased attitude of the Japanese towards Koreans, the issue of “hate speeches” that has aggravated in the last decade, the discrimination of “Korean schools” in Japan and other aspects of the problem are largely determined by the negative historical legacy in Japanese relations with the countries of the Korean peninsula. The division of the Korean peninsula also has its influence, which is reflected in the split of the Korean diaspora and mutual hostility between its two poles, oriented towards the North or the South of Korea. The Japanese dislike of North Korea, which in their eyes is a source of direct military threat, manifests itself in the discriminatory policy of the government and local authorities towards “Korean schools”, which exclude these schools from the public financial support system.

Turbulence in global energy markets, caused, among other reasons, by anti-Russian sanctions, has led to additional challenges for the energy security of Japan, a country whose dependence on fossil fuel imports remains critically high. Despite the relative success in the development of renewable and hydrogen energy, as well as the implementation of plans to increase the share of nuclear power plants in the structure of electricity generation, Japan will not be able to count on energy self-sufficiency in the next 10–15 years, and these factors form mandatory conditions for reducing energy security risks. This is reflected not only in the diversification of suppliers and in the conclusion of mutually beneficial contracts with them, but also in strengthening the policy for the widespread utilization of “clean” energy sources, often even without taking into account the economic feasibility of such steps. In addition, significant funds are invested in achieving better energy efficiency indicators by improving intelligent control systems.

The article examines the views of Japanese Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009–2010) on Japan’s foreign policy and its role in the international community. Hatoyama’s views and rhetoric are analysed within the context of Japan’s political elites’ longstanding search for alternatives to the Yoshida doctrine, which underpinned Japan’s grand strategy throughout the Cold War. While Hatoyama’s attempts to modify Japan’s diplomatic approach have often been considered incoherent or naive, the article argues that, drawing partially from the concepts regarding Japan’s role on the international stage that were introduced in the 1990s, Prime Minister consistently advocated development of a new strategy. Its parameters were different from both the Yoshida doctrine and the emerging course towards a more robust security policy, which was fully implemented under the second administration of Abe Shinzo (2012–2020). This strategy was based on Japan’s proactive role in upholding global stability through non- military means, reducing its dependence on the US, deepening integration in East Asia, and achieving friendly ties with China.

The article is devoted to the analysis of characteristics and evolution of China’s perception of sovereignty in the context of the current change in the balance between globalization and sovereignty in accordance with the pendulum model. The purpose of this study is to consider the differences between the Chinese and European ideas of sovereignty and to identify modern trends in the PRC’s approach to this concept. The theoretical part of the work briefly describes the history of the origin and development of the idea of sovereignty and notes the danger of directly transferring Western terms to Chinese reality. The authors analyze the transformation of Chinese approaches to sovereignty from a historical perspective. It is emphasized that the most active development of this concept begins after the formation of New China. The practical part of the article considers Chinese sources, namely the speeches of the leaders of the PRC – the reports of Hu Jintao in 2012 and Xi Jinping in 2017 and 2022. Based on the analysis of the common aspects and differences of these reports, the authors tried to identify the main trends and changes in the perception of sovereignty by the Chinese government over the past 15 years. The conclusion underlines the particular importance of further research on sovereignty in the context of current international tensions and emphasizes the need to understand the historical and modern Chinese approach to sovereignty for the successful implementation of Russian foreign policy.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the perception of difficult historical experience in bilateral relations by China and Japan, which dates back to the middle of the 19th century when both countries faced strong pressure from the Western world. The chronological framework of the study thus covers the period starting from the “Opium Wars” in China and the Meiji Restoration in Japan, makes a focus on the war of 1937–1945, which is viewed as the culmination of the crisis in bilateral relations, and ends with the current situation, when both countries are still trying to comprehend this difficult period of their history. The purpose of the study is to identify the role of the Western component in the mutual perception of recent historical experience by China and Japan, examining this perception through the prism of the West-East opposition. The first part of the article describes the process of Japan and China, searching for their national identities after facing with the growing pressure from the West in the second half of the 19th – early 20th century. The second part sheds light on the role of the Western component in the formation of historical memory in Japan and China, related to the recent war between them. The study demonstrates significance of the Western factor for understanding the origins of the crisis in Sino-Japanese relations and the assessment of its consequences for each country. It should be definitely taken into consideration for better understanding the current state of Sino-Japanese relations as well as the interpretation of historical past in both countries.

The article provides a general evaluation of the Russian direction of Japan’s foreign policy as of late 2023 and analyzes the factors that determine its contents. It considers the speeches of the Prime Minister of Japan, the sections of the Japanese Foreign Ministry’s publications which focus on Russia-Japan relations, analyzes the state of economic ties given the sanctions imposed by Japan on Russia, and studies the place of Russia in Japan’s National Security Strategy, adopted in late 2022. The author comes to the conclusion that, despite the obvious influence of the U.S. on the Japanese position regarding Russia, one can hardly speak of Washington bluntly imposing its views on Tokyo. Rather, we find an already established consensus regarding this issue between Japan and the U.S. Meanwhile, the “foreign pressure” is not limited to interaction with the United States, as cooperation with multilateral formats of the “collective West” starts to play an increasingly important role for Japan. From the point of view of domestic politics, the situation also facilitates the continuation of Tokyo’s anti -Russian course, as, within the country, those expressing alternative points of view are de-facto subject to ostracism and “cancelling.” But, even given all these negative factors, one can still glimpse some signs of pragmatism in the Russian direction of Japan’s foreign policy. This lets one hope that, should the Ukrainian crisis be resolved, the Japanese leadership will not put obstacles in the way of normalization of Russia-Japan relations.

This article deals with the problem of discrimination against foreigners in Japan. Discrimination against foreigners is historically conditioned by the ethnic nationalism characteristic of the Japanese, the manifestations of which are widespread nowadays. This is confirmed by the fact that Japan is one of the few developed countries without national legislation prohibiting racial discrimination. Foreigners remain on the margins of social life in Japan because existing policies do not allow them to make the transition from temporary migrants to a recognized, integrated minority. This unfriendly attitude of the Japanese toward foreigners cannot be acceptable in the context of Japan's level of socio-economic development. Therefore, it is important to draw attention to the problem of racial discrimination by all means and to counteract this phenomenon in every way possible. To this end, a study was conducted to identify the main forms of discrimination against foreigners in Japan. According to the study, all the foreigners surveyed had experienced discrimination to some degree or another in Japan. The most common forms of discrimination against foreigners include housing discrimination, employment discrimination, age discrimination, ethnic discrimination, and race discrimination. Specific examples of discrimination against foreigners include being placed in poor housing, being forced to work in harsh working conditions, and being forced to change their natural appearance. At the same time, foreign respondents are practically unable to resist discrimination against them, which is akin to the phenomenon of trained helplessness. Foreigners very rarely engage in conflicts in Japanese society, understanding the futility of their actions. The high level of discrimination against foreigners and the higher prevalence of discriminatory behavior compared to other countries suggests that urgent national and local measures should be taken in Japan to reduce the forms and intensity of this discrimination, in particular, as a matter of priority, a law to protect immigrants' rights and to simplify the procedure for legal immigration into the country.

The aspects of cross-cultural communication play a key role in matters of interaction between the employees in Asian international companies. It is also important in business relationships between representatives of the Asian and Western (including Russian) business cultures. At the same time, the aspects of such interaction in the business environment of the Russian Federation have their own characteristics and challenges for the Asian side. To analyze this phenomenon, a study was conducted among the senior management of Japanese companies with many years of experience of working and living in the Russian Federation in order to identify the key aspects of cross-cultural interaction in the field of business communication. The study identified five aspects that were mentioned by all respondents: prejudices and stereotypes of Japanese employees, teamwork (individualism vs collectivism), teamwork (work vs personal time, relationship with management, implications of the decision-making process.

The article focuses on the processes of presenting contemporary Japanese photography in Russia from the early 1990s to the early 2020s. The end of the Soviet period, in which Japanese photography had its own expositional peculiarities, brought new opportunities and significantly expanded the geography of exhibition, as well as increased the number of cultural initiatives aimed at presenting Japanese art, including photography. The article outlines and analyzes the dynamics of Japanese photography exhibition in Russia and provides a brief overview of the largest and most significant exhibition projects in Moscow and St. Petersburg. The specifics and trajectory of Japanese photographers' shows in different regions of Russia, including touring projects, are also noted. In addition, the author gives information about the participation of Japanese photographers in international art fairs in Moscow and considers the role of magazines in popularizing photography from Japan. The appendix to the article contains the most complete list of exhibitions of Japanese photographers in Russia from 1993 to 2023.

The essay tells about a landmark event in Russian-Vietnamese relations – the opening of a bronze monument to the leader of the Vietnamese people Ho Chi Minh on June 30, 2023 in St. Petersburg on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of his first arrival in Russia. Thanks to Ho Chi Minh, Russian-Vietnamese relations from the very beginning acquired the character of “relationships of special solidarity”. The author reveals the personality traits of Ho Chi Minh and his ideology. First of all, it is historical optimism and absolute faith in the victory of a just cause – the freedom and independence of Vietnam, as well as humanity and rare modesty. He had truly unlimited authority among his people, but it was not a cult of personality. The author concludes that Ho Chi Minh deeply studied the practical experience of the October Revolution, which allowed him to blaze a path in leading the Vietnamese revolution that most closely corresponded to the peculiarities of the political development of Vietnam and the national mentality. Ho Chi Minh initiated the strategy of a united front of national liberation. The Viet Minh Front, created by him in May 1941, was open to all Vietnamese patriots, regardless of their class and social affiliation. It was under the flags of the Viet Minh that the August Revolution of 1945, one of the most bloodless revolutions in world history, won. The author shows the significance of Ho Chi Minh’s political activity alternately in Russia and China in 1923–1940, and then the decisive role of the two socialist powers in the victorious end of the long-term war of Resistance of the Vietnamese people against the colonialists. Therefore, Ho Chi Minh, according to the author, had a hard time with the steady deterioration of Soviet-Chinese relations in 1950–1960. This was reflected, in particular, in his Political Testament. The essay shows that in the years preceding the victory of the August Revolution in Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh spent more than six years in the USSR. After becoming the President of the DRV, he also repeatedly visited the Soviet Union. It is no coincidence that he was called both in Vietnam and in Russia a man who “laid the foundation of fraternal friendship” between the peoples of our countries and contributed in every possible way to its development and strengthening.

Thailand's foreign policy approach is currently characterized by international experts as “bamboo diplomacy”. This concept implies that just as bamboo is both strong and flexible, Thai policy is consistent and adaptable, responsive to changes in the world. The conflict between China and the United States over influence in Southeast Asia and the Russia-Ukraine crisis have put Thailand under severe pressure, forcing the kingdom to be even more attentive to its policy of balancing between the sides, potentially altering the Thai position on the global stage. This article will examine the factors influencing Thai foreign policy strategy and its future prospects after the 2014 coup d'état. The main scholarly methods used in the article are comparison and analysis.

As a new legal product, Omnibus Law was designed as a breakthrough to answer the overlapping and disharmony issues of law in Indonesia. This study used a normative research method, namely statutory approach (Statute Approach) and conceptual approach (Conceptual Approach). The results of the study indicated that the establishment of the Omnibus Bill on Family Resilience was intended to contribute to creation of a better order, protect families and build a harmonious and successful society, raising a better generation. The main purpose of this study was to analyze the Omnibus Law on Family Resilience which presages the existence of private rights and also creates legal uncertainty in the society, causing legal chaos. The study identified several problems that emerged from this bill. Firstly, there is no valid data related to the reasons for its necessity. Secondly, the bill contradicts the above regulations, especially related to private rights. To address these two problems, there is a need for a reconsideration of this law.

The article examines the topic of development and implementation of generative artificial intelligence (AI) in Vietnam, one of the rapidly developing countries in East Asia. The Vietnamese government, stimulated by its economic success, is paying more and more attention to the development and financing of the AI industry every year. The government's national strategy aims to transform Vietnam into one of the leaders in the field of artificial intelligence in the region and even in the whole world. The work on creation and application of AI is gradually becoming a national concern in Vietnam. As an example, the author considers Vietnam Artificial Intelligence Day on the topic “Artificial Intelligence: The Power of Life” – a major event to promote AI technologies, which was held in September 2023 in Ho Chi Minh City, the main economic center of the country. The activities of the Joint Russian-Vietnamese Tropical Research and Technology Center are also outlined in the context of its contribution to solving the AI problem.

The article is devoted to the round table “70th Anniversary of the Korean Armistice Agreement”, which was held on July 31, 2023 at the Institute of China and Contemporary Asia of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Experts in Korean studies, political and public figures from Russia, the DPRK and the Republic of Korea from various scientific, state and public organizations discussed a wide range of historical issues related to the situation on the Korean peninsula in 1950-1953, presented an assessment of the Armistice Agreement and conclusions from the Korean War from the modern perspective. It was noted, in particular, that the United States currently continue their hostile policy against the DPRK, which creates a tense situation on the Korean peninsula.

The article traces the history of the creation and current activities of the periodical edition/journal published by the ICCA RAS “China in World and Regional Politics. History and Modernity”. The author describes the scientific merits of the founders of the periodical – prominent Russian scientists A.G. Yakovlev and B.T. Kulik, and characterizes the stages of its development: from an internal collection of scientific articles of one department to a scientific journal recognized both in Russia and abroad. The article presents topics of the research, which results appeared on the pages of the journal, names their leading developers and emphasizes the fact that the range of the analyzed problems is very broad and it continues to expand in accordance with the requirements of the current situation and scientific research carried out by the ICCA RAS.

The article analyzes the place of Asia-Pacific (understood as East and South East Asia) in Japan’s economic strategy. We show that the region has occupied a crucial place in Japan’s strategy at the time of Abe’s second term as the country’s prime minister (which started in late 2012) as a result of the rapid economic growth in China and ASEAN, and, in particular, as a reaction for China’s “Belt and Road Initiative”. Japan’s “Partnership for Quality Infrastructure” is the country’s principal alternative for China’s infrastructure projects. Japan’s regional economic strategy is closely intertwined with the country’s broader strategic vision, including such projects as “Free and Open Indo-Pacific”. Japan presents itself as an intermediary between the developed and the developing countries of Asia. Its role in the regional economic integration depends in large part on the dynamics of China and the US’ bilateral relations.

The article explores the influence of the economic policy uncertainty on investment decisions in China and Russia. Both countries are important actors in the global economy and attract significant amounts of foreign investment. However, uncertainty in the economic policy can influence the decision of investors. The author explores various factors that can create uncertainty in the economic policies of both countries, including changes in tax regulation, monetary policy, legal system and trade relations. The article also analyzes the impact of such uncertainty on investment, including reduced investor confidence, increased risks and difficulties in long-term planning. The author highlights the features of China and Russia’s economic policy, assesses the level of uncertainty faced by investors, and analyzes the response of the investment community to such uncertainty. The role of government in removing or reducing economic policy uncertainty and stimulating investment is also considered. The study is based on an analysis of economic data, statistical indicators and previous studies in this field. The article's findings and conclusions provide practical suggestions and recommendations for improving the investment climate in China and Russia, including measures aimed at reducing uncertainty and increasing attractiveness to foreign investors.

The article is dedicated to the new stage of the policy of the Japanese authorities and companies, aimed at the accelerated development of the sector for production of advanced semiconductors (chips) and making the country one of the world leaders in this field. The author considers the current state, structure and features of the production of chips in Japan and the main directions for the development of this sector in the coming years. The influence of the geopolitical situation in East Asia and the decision of the country's authorities to pursue the accelerated development with the help of the new Rapidus holding, designed to become one of the key elements in moving towards the intended goal, are analyzed. The article also considers features and prospects of Japan's cooperation with the United States, China and its closest neighbors. In conclusion, the author states that Japan's progress towards the intended goal within the declared time frame will take place in the face of increased competition from the main chip manufacturers. However, the main concern against the backdrop of growing economic difficulties will be the lack of funds for the implementation of large projects, which may lead to a slowdown in implementation and adjustment of the outlined plans.

The article analyzes the features of development and the main vectors of transformation of the historical Indonesian memory within the framework of the public historical and educational organization “Jejak Islam Untuk Bangsa” as one of the segments of the cultural trend in the modern Muslim Ummah. It is shown that the activity of Muslim intellectuals is comparable with the same roles and contributions of secular agents of historical politics and actors in memorial culture. The author analyzes the contribution of the Ummah to the functioning of historical memory. It is assumed that Muslim intellectuals actively use the symbolic resources of the historical imagination, constructing negative images of the Others, which has fundamental importance for the modern culture of collective historical memory in Indonesia. The article shows the role of ideological contradictions in the pluralistic Indonesian society, which affect the memorial practices and strategies of Muslim intellectuals significantly. It is assumed that the model of the collective memory of the Ummah in particular stimulates the development of the policy of memory in general, actualizing the trends of the sovereignization of the history of Islam in Indonesia, contributing to its activation and inspiring indirect legitimization of radical sentiments and ideas. In general, the presented article shows that the historical politics with the participation of Muslim intellectuals generates various collective memories legitimized in different memorial cultures, including attempts to sovereignize the history of Islam in the wider contexts of the political collective memory of Indonesia. It is shown that the Muslim historical imagination stimulates the simultaneous and parallel co-development of secular and Islamic memories based on opposing memorial cultures.

After the defeat of the Japanese Empire in World War II, the country began to actually rebuild its political system and raise the economy destroyed by the war, relying on the Constitution of 1947. Clause 9 of the Japanese Constitution assumes that the country does not have a full-fledged armed forces, which led, on the one hand, to enslaving dependence of Japan in the field of security on the military-political alliance with the United States, and on the other hand, to building Japan's relations in the international arena, in fact, only with the help of “soft power”, which had no alternative to “hard power” in the form of forceful methods of influencing their opponents. Such “soft diplomacy” led to the positioning of Japan as a peace- loving country, winning the hearts of people with positive examples in the fields of culture, science and technology, successfully practicing “soft power” in the interests of its development. In recent years, the tense situation in the world has required Japan to increase the level of protection from external threats, which Japan sees primarily in the actions of China and the DPRK. As a result, Japan has come up with a more independent security and defense policy from the United States, relying on other countries and organizations, as well as revisiting its global role in the international arena. The process of change, leading to the formation of a real “hard power” in Japan, has already been launched and requires thorough expert study.

The article is devoted to the state of Russian-Japanese relations at the level of civil diplomacy for the period of 2022 – the first half of 2023. Special attention is paid to the activities of Japanese public figures and scientists, holding events, publishing printed materials and interviews. Examples are given both from open sources, including Japanese ones, and from resources not accessible from Russia due to the restrictions or because of absence of electronic versions, as well as from the author's personal material. Some names and titles are mentioned and described in works of the Russian researchers for the first time. The analysis of publications and work of Japanese organizations allows us to conclude that despite the extreme aggravation of Japanese-Russian relations, there is a stratum of people in Japan who want to understand Russia's position, develop further ties with it, convey ideas unavailable in Japan due to the one-sided presentation of information related to Russia's special military operation.

Almost 70 years ago, on July 27, 1953 the representatives of the warring parties of the DPRK and PRC – the Supreme Commander of the Korean People's Army (KPA), leader of the DPRK Kim Il Sung and the Commander of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army, General (one of the 10 marshals of the PRC) Peng Dehuai, along with the Commander-in-Chief of the UN Command, American General Mark W. Clark, signed the Korean Armistice Agreement. One of the main participants in the war, South Korea, represented by the President Rhee Syngman, refused to sign it, and since then Seoul has not changed its position on this document. The article examines the circumstances of the outbreak of the Korean War of 1950–1953, its causes, nature, results, as well as the reasons why it remains unfinished up to this day. The author draws historical parallels with other similar conflicts and suggests the prospects and possibilities of a legal end to the Korean War.

The modern global system of international sports creates barriers for the participation of Russian and Belarusian athletes in international tournaments. The need to solve this problem is a topical issue of domestic sports of the highest achievements. The example of international sports events in Japan is the first step in restoring the collapsing international sports ties. In 2023, various international organizations of Japanese martial arts facilitated the participation of delegations of athletes from Russia and Belarus in training camps, seminars and sports camps in Japan. Delegations of athletes from Russia were admitted to the largest international competitions held in Japan. Russian and Japanese athletes conduct joint training, training camps and competitions, developing friendly good-neighbourly relations between the peoples of their countries. The development of cooperation between Russia and Japan in the sports industry is a successful example of the restoration of relations between neighboring peoples in a tense geopolitical situation.

This review analyzes the collective monograph “Japan: Civilization, Culture, Language 2022”. The main object of research for its authors was to identify the traditional foundations of contemporary Japanese society and cultural continuity for the sake of a deeper understanding of the structure and functioning of Japanese society. The result is an analysis of historical events, literary and linguistic trends, economic and legal system characterizing Japan today. The work also pays special attention to the Russian- Japanese relations, examines related issues of history, economy and religion of the XIX – XX centuries. As a conclusion the authors describe scientific challenges facing Japanologists nowadays.

Australia is a sought-after destination for international students, including from countries of the Global South such as Indonesia. Prior to the pandemic, the tertiary education of international students was its second largest export. At the onset of the pandemic, Australia’s Prime Minister told international students they should return home immediately, warning them that they would not be supported by the government if they chose to stay. Throughout 2020 and 2021, Australian media outlets offered shocking reports and images of international students who had lost their homes and were queuing at soup kitchens. Experts feared that these images and the overall treatment of international students would do long-lasting damage not only to the education sector but also to Australia’s people-to-people relations overseas. In this article, we explore the destinies of postgraduate students from Indonesia during the pandemic in Australia. As Indonesia’s closest neighbor, Australia is the preferred destination for Indonesian students studying abroad and Australia has targeted Indonesia as a growth market in recent years. Based on qualitative interview data, we offer a picture of how this cohort of international students “muddled through” the pandemic. We ask what damage may have been done by the Australian government’s closure of its international borders and strict pandemic restrictions to its reputation as a welcoming country and center of educational excellence. What consequences might there be for this vital Indonesia–Australia relationship, in particular, and for the future of student and broader university engagement between the two countries? Our findings show a much more optimistic outlook than expected.

This paper focuses on the largest group of refugees in Malaysia, the Rohingya. Many Rohingya have made Malaysia their home over recent years, even though they have no official legal status in the country. Refugees more broadly are often tolerated as workers but treated as undocumented migrants by the law. When Covid-19 was detected in Malaysia, the government followed a strategy of suppression with targeted lockdowns in areas of Covid-19 outbreaks. As most refugees are forced to work to survive, they hold important front-line jobs. As a result, they were exposed to Covid-19 at higher rates of infection than Malaysians. In this paper we trace the way the Malaysian government, Malaysian people and refugees encountered Covid-19 and how refugees especially became the subject of enhanced securitization and surveillance based on prejudice. We show how the state enacted securitization first on the borders, before it inverted this process and focused on domestic border work, wherein neighborhoods, mosques and markets became central places of immigration control and exclusion for refugees. Based on data collected during ethnographic fieldwork in peninsular Malaysia between 2020 and 2021, we argue that the securitization of refugees and migrant workers, their surveillance and even expulsion and eviction demonstrates continued and heightened scapegoating of refugees and migrants for all Malaysia’s ills. These actions reinforced the stigma and stereotype of refugees being legally undocumented and therefore outside of and too often unwelcome in the Malaysian body politic.

The protracted refugee situation in Indonesia during the COVID-19 pandemic has increased refugee children's vulnerability due to the non-fulfillment of their fundamental rights, including the right to education. Drawing on data collected through interviews and observation of refugee children during fieldwork in the cities of Batam and Makassar, this paper aims to investigate how and why their access to education has changed during the pandemic. This study finds that, shortly before the pandemic, the Indonesian government provided access to education for refugee children through the issuance of the Circular Letter from the Secretary General of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology Number 752553/A.A4/HK/2019 dated on 10 July 2019. However, the pandemic complicated the accessibility of education for refugee children suggested by the Circular Letter due to lockdown policy and mobility restrictions. The complication is apparent in four aspects of accessibility, namely: access to information, activities in the learning process, environmental support, and the motivation of refugee children. Notwithstanding, this study also finds that the pandemic has induced developments of adaptation strategies through the adoption of online learning among refugee communities to enable wider access to education for refugee children. Therefore, the pandemic may have revealed the urgency for a more rights-based policy on refugee treatment in Indonesia.

The Thai yaoi culture is getting a lot of attention in several parts of the world. Numerous Thai boy’s love (BL) series are a huge hit in Thailand and other countries. Despite the notable success of Thai yaoi and BL culture, there is less attention given to this topic in past studies and literature. Moreover, no study has investigated how yaoi culture may affect travel motivation. Hence, the present study examines the effect of yaoi media consumption on travel motivation of Filipino viewers of Thai boys’ love series. A prediction approach was employed, and partial least squares (PLS) path modelling was used to measure the hypothesized relationships. The study reveals that all dimensions of cultural proximity significantly affect Thai yaoi media consumption, and Thai yaoi media consumption was found to have an influence on emotional involvement and travel motivation. Emotional involvement was also found to significantly affect travel motivation, and, at the same time, act as a mediator between Thai yaoi media consumption and travel motivation. The current research offers novel theoretical insights about media consumption and its relation to travel motivation in the context of Thai pop-cultural boys’ love series.

This paper focuses on the political crises shaping Burmese1 peoples’ im-mobilities during the COVID-19 pandemic. As governments around the world urged people to stay at home to be protected from infection and transmission, throughout 2021 many Burmese people protested the military coup of 1 February and fled Myanmar for safety. I problematize these movements of the Burmese peoples through the complex interplay between the triple C of (ethnic) conflict, COVID-19, and coup. I contend that, in Myanmar, adhering to COVID-19 measures emphasizing (self-)isolation and immobility was impossible as they served the military to suppress peoples’ critique and protests regarding the government’s coup and its mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic. As such, Burmese peoples’ physical movements and political mobilisation were necessitated to fight against an ensuing political disempowerment of the people. In other words, the unfolding of the COVID-19 pandemic in correlation with long-standing ‘ethnic’ conflicts and a military coup required the Burmese peoples to carefully contest an internationally propagated so-called ‘new norm’ of self-isolation at home and other social distancing measures, which bore the risk of suppression and of renewing political isolation experienced since the country’s first military government.

In the debates over environmental impacts on migration, migration as adaptation has been acknowledged as a potential risk management strategy based on risk spreading and mutual insurance of people living spatially apart: migrants and family members that are left behind stay connected through a combination of financial and social remittances, joint decision-making and mutual commitment. Conceptualizing migration as adaptation through the lens of translocal livelihood systems enables us to identify the differentiated vulnerabilities of households and communities. COVID-19 and the restrictions on public life and mobility imposed by governments worldwide constituted a complex set of challenges for translocal systems and strategies, especially in the Global South. Focusing on examples, we highlight two points: first, the COVID-19 crisis shows the limits of migration and translocal livelihoods for coping with, and adapting to, climate and environmental risks. Second, as these restrictions hit on a systemic level and affect places of destination as well as origin, the crisis reveals specific vulnerabilities of the translocal livelihood systems themselves. Based on the translocal livelihoods approach, we formulate insights and recommendations for policies that move beyond the narrow, short-term focus on the support of migrant populations alone and address the longer-term root causes of the vulnerabilities in translocal livelihoods systems.

Studies about disasters have focused on large-scale and extreme weather events. However, slow-onset hazards such as drought-like seasons and monsoons also pose challenges since they are dynamic and experienced differently from place to place. This paper shows how difficulties in livelihood of the agricultural sector can be made evident using a place-based approach for identifying vulnerability in an island setting. A household survey was conducted to gather perceptions of hazard impacts and coping strategies for extreme weather events and pervasive hazards. Results show that the perceived impacts of hazards differ by events, and respondents cope with extreme weather events and pervasive hazards in almost the same ways. The coping strategies include diversification of livelihood and mutual help, a common tradition among Philippine villages. Community-based disaster risk management strategies through indigenous ways also enabled the island community to bridge the interventions of the national government to the local context in terms of reducing risks. In conclusion, a place-based approach adds value to the current way of assessing vulnerability as it shows that social vulnerability is more dynamic in the local context, and social bonding is crucial for coping during difficult times.

This narrative research report summarizes the experiences of Vivid Ethnicity, a mobile anthropological museum of the Museum of Cultural Anthropology at Mahidol University, Thailand, during the lockdowns caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020-2022. Although Vivid Ethnicity was rendered immobile and forced to stop travelling during the pandemic, it developed a hybrid curatorial method to stay connected and engaged with its audiences and research partners in two ethnic villages in Chiang Mai province. A key lesson of this experience is that hands-on information and communication technologies can help maintain a certain proximity with the audiences and research partners in times of physical absence. We also learned that an empathetic mindset on the part of everyone involved in the project, along with a human-centric design, are crucial components of what we call the hybrid curation of cultural practice.