Search

Abstract The violent attacks on African immigrants and refugees in marginal settlements surrounding South Africa's largest cities in May 2008 occasioned a rush of mostly well-intentioned attempts by journalists, public [...]

ABSTRACT Operational strategy and operational theory are two concepts within the levels of war that do not always receive sufficient attention. Russia revived the operational level during the early 20th [...]

ABSTRACT Among the many controversies surrounding the United States' military invasion of Iraq in 2003 is the role played by the private security industry in providing a wide range of [...]

ABSTRACT At the start of the 21st century Africa is still unstable and rent by wars leading to famine, brutality, disease and failing economies. Major Western and many African nations, [...]

1. INTRODUCTION The South African military establishment was formalised as the Union Defence Force (UDF) as early as 1912. It changed its name to the South African Defence Force (SADF) [...]

Victory smiles upon those who anticipate the changes in the character of war, not upon those who wait to adapt themselves after changes occur Guilo Douhet ABSTRACT This article * [...]

Queen's South African medals awarded to six Australian veterans for service in the South African War are discussed. Short biolgraphies of the veterans are included..

ABSTRACT On Tuesday 22 September 1998, the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) -- joined later by the Botswana Defence Force (BDF) -- entered Lesotho, violently ending a six-week old [...]

The South African mercenary group Executive Outcomes (EO) has provided security services to African governments since 1993. It has developed a reputation for performing tasks that governments hesitate to do such as taking sides and firing upon contractually designated enemies. The EO was formed after the end of South African military involvement in Angola and Namibia in 1988 and is made up of former combat soldiers.

The democratic transformation of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) following Nelson Mandela's election as President, is incomplete as the military status threatens the region's stability. The new South African government hopes to curb the militarization of South African society. But the SANDF, a fusion of seven military forces, has persuaded the Government to support an expansion in defence expenditure and arms sale. The excessive budgetary allocation to SANDF coupled with the problems of demobilization have added to the overall instability in South Africa.

In April of 1994, South Africa held its first-ever democratic election - a profound step in a promising new direction. Whether that step will in fact lead to full democracy is still in question. Renowned for a legacy of internal, ethnic turmoil born of apartheid, and for years of destabilizing its neighbors in one of the more violent and unstable regions of the world, South Africa's future is a key variable for both regional stability and a more just and stable international order. At present, certain characteristics have emerged from South Africa's ongoing democratic transition that, despite the promise of apartheid's historic dismantlement, are less than reassuring. Political and economic exigencies have made it difficult for South Africa to purge itself fully of the hard-line security structure and extensive military industrial capabilities of the former apartheid regime, although the Mandela government has made promising moves in both areas. Much remains to be done, however, if the 'new' South Africa is to contribute to both regional and global stability., Impelled by the United Nations arms embargoes levied against it in the 1960s and 1970s, apartheid South Africa developed a formidable domestic arms industry in support of an equally formidable [...]

The most difficult task faced by post-apartheid South Africa is the construction of a new and representative defense force, which means the integration of formerly conflicting forces. These are: the Unkhonto we Sizwe (MK) of the African National Congress; Azanian People's Liberation Front(APLA) of the Pan African Congress; and the South African Defence Force (SADF) with the 'Homeland armies.' All these have women in their ranks. However,the women in the army are beginning to be excluded, even in the debate regarding reconstruction.

One of the crucial elements of democratization efforts currently under way in South Africa is the establishment of a democratic pattern of civil-military relations. The important issues in this transition process are control and composition of a future South African armed forces. Influential variables that have an impact on this process are military professionalism, the corporate interests of the armed forces, the threat of violence, the method of democratization, and support for reform both within the military and in the larger society. This article outlines the political interaction of actors and influences in an effort to increase our understanding of this essential component of democratization., South Africa's democratization process took another major step forward with the success of the all-race elections held in April 1994. Despite formidable obstacles, changes in political, economic, and social relationships [...]

Factors which gave rise to and led to the early demise of South Africa's National Peacekeeping Force (NPKF) are examined. The NPKF was conceived in anticipation of the security requirements for the country first democratic elections. However, lack of time and disunity among its diverse elements militated against the NPKF's effective discharge of its mandate. As a consequence, South Africa's formation of a truly national army has also been hindered.

The participation of women in the process of militarization, the position of women in the conventional and the guerrilla armies and how the controversy of the connection between equal rights and the participation of women in armies have been heightened by the South African experience were examined. No essential link between gender equality and demilitarization was noted.

This article assesses three security trends in a transitional South Africa: the role of the police, the military's relation to state power, and what has not happened. Budgetary allocations to and the size of the South African Police have been vastly increased and the SAP-command structure has been regionalized. Although the military's confidence remains high, its grip on state power has been weakened. That the causes of these trends cut back to at least the last 10 years and that these trends now coincide with a new political will, has convinced many South Africans that minority rule will end soon. Yet civilian leadership has failed to act fully on evidence of scandalous behavior by members and units of the security establishment. Although it could be argued that this failure is explained by the fear that the transition to majority rule will be ruined at the last moment, it does little to strengthen the conditions of democracy in the long run.

South Africa considers regime change in Zimbabwe, as it would help in reintroducing political stability to Africa. Multilateral diplomacy and pre-emptive military action is examined in order to reintroduce political stability to Africa.

The violence that has convulsed South Africa over the last several years could jeopardize the run-up to elections in April. So, the Transitional Executive Council wants to set up a […]

South African President F. W. de Klerk made headlines on March 24, when he admitted to a joint session of parliament that South Africa had once had a supply of [...]

The role of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the South African Police as intervening forces in the civil conflicts are compared. The United States and South Africa who interposed as the 'Third Force' in the factional struggle have a number of similarities.

South African President F.W. de Klerk confirmed on March 24 what international atomic experts had long suspected--that South Africa had produced weapons-grade uranium and used it to manufacture a nuclear [...]