Search

RALEIGH, N.C. -- A crowd gathered here on Monday to denounce the killing of a black man shot earlier in the day after a foot chase with a police officer. [...]

In an end-of-session nail-biter vote, the House passed a short-term increase of the debt limit Wednesday, setting the stage for a February showdown on deficit spending. It was not a [...]

Speaker Nancy Pelosi said the House will vote on a jobs bill Wednesday, and she believes President Barack Obama could sign it before his State of the Union address. Pelosi [...]

House leaders warned members there could be a rare Saturday session as the end-of-year maneuvering between the two chambers grows increasingly complex. House Majority Whip James Clyburn (D-S.C.) surveyed members [...]

House Democrats reached a deal on a thorny provision in financial overhaul legislation that held up debate on Wednesday, Rep. Barney Frank (D Mass.) said. Centrist Democrats, particularly the New [...]

Democrats launched a coordinated offensive Tuesday in support of the financial regulatory overhaul on the floor this week, emphasizing the measure's popularity with voters. They have recast the issue as [...]

President Barack Obama's decision to ramp up the war in Afghanistan will put Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) between a rock and a hard place. Someday. Maybe. Confusion reigned Wednesday about [...]

House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) said on Monday that the Bush administration "turned tail" in Afghanistan during their time in office. "I get angry when I hear Vice President [...]

The $300 million Medicaid fix that Sen. Mary Landrieu got inserted into the Senate healthcare bill wasn't the first "Louisiana Purchase" of the healthcare debate. Before Rep. Joseph Cao (La.) [...]

The Rev. Jesse Jackson's public rebuke of Rep. Artur Davis has injected race into a healthcare debate marked by disputes on immigration, abortion and euthanasia. As the rhetoric intensifies on [...]

More than 100 Democratic lawmakers are demanding that the health insurance industry explain reports that companies are raising rates sharply in advance of President Barack Obama's healthcare overhaul. The industry [...]

The Rev. Jesse Jackson on Wednesday night criticized Rep. Artur Davis (DAla.) for voting against the Democrats' signature healthcare bill. "We even have blacks voting against the healthcare bill," Jackson [...]

House Democratic leaders are considering imposing a new tax on stock transactions to fund a jobs bill, leadership sources tell The Hill. Rep. Ed Perlmutter (D-Colo.) has been making the case for such a Wall Street tax, and House leaders have started paying attention as they look for a way to pay for the jobs bill, leadership sources said. The idea is attractive because it's very small, likely 0.25 percent of each trade. And since Wall Street is perceived by many as having caused the economic slump, brokers have little political standing to try to stop it. It also has the support of the nation's largest labor union. The AFL-CIO, one of the Democratic Party's most powerful allies, suggested the idea in August. The group's policy director, Thea Lee, estimated the tax could raise between $50 billion and $100 billion per year. Small-and medium-sized investors would hardly notice a transaction tax, but major trading firms may see it as a significant threat to their profits. Leading financial lobbyists say the tax would harm the economy. "It would impact all Americans, from retirees to [the] self-employed to parents saving for their kids' education. It would place permanent handcuffs on the economy," said Scott Talbott, senior vice president at the Financial Services Roundtable, which represents 100 large financial companies. "It would clip the wings of the economy just as it is starting to recover," he added. Rep. Peter DeFazio (D-Ore.), a senior member of the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, said that in addition to the transaction tax, there is talk of using money from the $700 billion Wall Street bailout and other sources. But leaders aren't looking at an increase in the gas tax. "There's very little talk about user fees," DeFazio said. Leaders said they are trying to pass a jobs bill before leaving for Christmas, at least in the House. And the legislation could include a renewed emphasis on highway construction. Committee Chairman Jim Oberstar (D-Minn.) said that transportation will be a "centerpiece" of the jobs legislation. DeFazio said that though only 4 percent of the stimulus package earlier this year went to transportation, it created 25 percent of the jobs. "We're a proven job-generator," DeFazio said. "The big problem has been the White House, and if the White House is getting on board, I don't think there will be a problem." Republicans said that if Democrats want to create jobs, they should look at ideas that GOP lawmakers have been pressing for months. "Republicans have been working for months now trying to forge solutions as to how to get Americans back to work," said House Minority Whip Eric Cantor (R-Va.). Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) has asked key committee chairmen for ideas on job creation, said House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.). There has been debate over whether to do one large, catchall bill or several topic-specific bills. Hoyer said he expected the work of several committees to be wrapped into one bill. Hoyer declined to give a dollar figure for what Democrats are planning, but he said he expects Democrats will, at a minimum, extend unemployment benefits and COBRA health insurance assistance for the unemployed. Other options include aid to states to preserve public-sector jobs and tax breaks for creating jobs. Democrats have consulted extensively with a group of economists, but Hoyer said there have been "differences of opinion" on what tactics are most effective. The action comes after a report from the Labor Department that showed unemployment hitting 10.2 percent in October. The jobless rate is expected to continue to rise in coming months. The 26-year high in the unemployment rate has spiked concerns among Democrats at the White House and in both chambers of Congress, particularly with midterm elections less than a year away. Hoyer rejected the characterization of the House effort as a "second stimulus," saying it will be more narrowly targeted than the $787 billion stimulus. The massive stimulus bill also has become a target for conservatives angry at the surge in federal spending. The jobs bill could raise those arguments again from Republicans who oppose public spending and conservative "Blue Dog" Democrats who want to see the spending offset by cuts in programs or by tax hikes "When you have a sick economy, you have to do something to fix it," said Blue Dog Rep. Dennis Cardoza (D-Calif.). "But there are real and legitimate concerns about the deficit." But Hoyer indicated that the spending might not be offset, because increasing taxes would counteract the effort to boost the economy. "The challenge we have is to stimulate the economy and not depress it at the same time," Hoyer said. The Senate is also expected to work on a jobs initiative, though it is unclear when the Senate might take up legislation. That chamber is expected to be busy with healthcare reform for the rest of 2009. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) told Democrats at their weekly policy lunch last week that he plans to bring up a jobs measure, but did not say when he would do so. The administration announced last week that it would hold a jobs summit, specifying on Monday evening that the summit will take place on Dec. 3. Obama will follow that event with a trip to Allentown, Pa., for a forum on jobs, part of a "Main Street tour" announced by the White House, in which Obama will travel to a number of cities and towns over the next few months. Alexander Bolton and Silla Brush contributed to this article.

House Democratic leaders, worried they've appeared unresponsive to rising unemployment because they were absorbed by healthcare, are aiming for a legislation solution by Christmas. That focus follows a similar shift in the Senate, where Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) told colleagues he also plans to bring up a jobs measure, The Hill reported first last week. The House change began Monday night when leaders scheduled AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka and Robert Kuttner, co-editor of The American Prospect, to address the House Democratic Caucus. And it could end with an economic package on the floor sometime in December, Democratic sources said. But some leadership aides cautioned that leaders are still debating whether to do one large package or a series of smaller bills. And they say the Obama administration has yet to get on board. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] One way or another, aides say, House Democrats' message from now to Christmas will be about jobs. "We continue to look for opportunities to build on the recovery package and other actions Congress has taken to bolster the economy," said Nadeam Elshami, spokesman for Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.). Leaders want members to have something to take home with them to show that they're working on the economy. But they have to balance that against growing discomfort among voters about skyrocketing government spending. The main idea for job creation is finding some sort of compromise on a highway-construction bill that Democrats have been haggling over for months. House Democrats have fought resistance in the Senate and at the White House for a massive, long-term expansion of the highway authorization bill. They haven't been able to agree on how to raise the money for a $500 billion bill. One idea would be to do a shorter-term bill without a revenue stream, a Democratic aide said, adding to the deficit. Lawmakers are also discussing more small-business tax breaks intended to create new jobs. But other pieces being considered--extending unemployment benefits again, paying the health benefits of unemployed workers, providing aid to state Medicaid programs and extending popular tax breaks--might help the economy, but are less likely to chip away at the unemployment rate. And aides say the debate between centrist and liberal Democrats about how to pay for the proposals is already heating up. What everyone agrees on, though, is that it won't be called "stimulus." Democrats aggressively tried to change the name of their $787 billion spending and tax cut package from stimulus to "recovery" in the middle of the debate earlier this year. No House Republicans voted for the stimulus, and the GOP has said the rising unemployment rate shows that the legislation isn't working. Pelosi had rejected the idea of legislation dubbed "stimulus" earlier this fall. But then she took time out from the healthcare debate in late October to meet with a band of economists for ideas on ways to spur the economy. Obama signed into law last week many of the ideas discussed during that forum: the homebuyer tax credit, unemployment benefits and a tax "carryback" for businesses. Since that meeting, House leaders and many rank-and-file members were consumed with passage of the healthcare bill. Now that the healthcare debate has moved to the Senate, the House has much less to do and can return to economic issues. The Senate may not be far behind. Last week Reid told colleagues they will take up a new job-creation bill in the wake of the 10.2 percent unemployment rate. Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.) told The Hill that Reid didn't specify what would be in the bill, but said that it was going to be "one of the priorities" for the Senate. And the AFL-CIO has been pressing for aid for state and local governments and more spending on roads and public works. Many of those were taken out of the stimulus bill earlier this year in order to win Senate passage. Unemployment is at a 25-year high and is expected to remain in double digits into next year. Adding to that, many Democrats were unnerved by losing gubernatorial elections in New Jersey and Virginia, two states President Barack Obama carried in 2008. Along with difficult votes on climate change and healthcare legislation, that has many centrists worried about 2010's midterm elections. Walter Alarkon and Jared Allen contributed to this article.

When President Barack Obama called the public health insurance option a "sliver" of healthcare reform, and a top White House lieutenant deemed it "not essential," House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) [...]

Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) predicted she will get the votes needed to pass healthcare reform as Republicans scrambled Thursday to obtain a cost estimate they believe could derail the bill. Pelosi insisted "we will" get the 218 votes Dems needed for passage. She must find supporters within her 258-member caucus because Republicans are united against it. "It's coming together," said House Majority Whip James Clyburn (D-S.C.), adding that scheduling the vote for Saturday night helped because, "it's always easier to whip when people want to go home." President Barack Obama did some lobbying of his own Thursday, inviting members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus to the White House to discuss their concerns about covering immigrants. The president's big push comes Friday morning when he is to give a final pep rally to Democratic members in the Cannon House Office Building. Meanwhile, Republicans are pressing Rick Foster, Medicare's chief actuary, for a score of the House bill before the weekend vote. Reps. Dave Camp (R-Mich.) and Wally Herger (R-Calif.) have requested the cost estimate, but Foster told The Hill on Thursday that it is unclear if he will finish it within the next couple of days. Herger said that he's "putting all the pressure we can" on Foster to get the numbers. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) has put the cost of the measure at $894 billion over 10 years, noting that it would reduce the deficit by $30 billion over the same time period. Republicans believe the price tag of the bill is much higher. In an e-mail to The Hill, Foster said, " We're trying to have it ready before the House vote, but I don't know if we'll succeed. There are a number of new or modified provisions in the bill ... and the legislative language has only been publicly available for a short time." House Republicans believe a high score from Foster may convince some on-the-fence Democrats to reject the bill. Republicans are not the only ones rallying members to vote no. Rep. Gene Taylor (D-Miss.), a Blue Dog who declared his opposition months ago, told Fox News on Thursday, "I've been spending a lot of time with my members who are kind of going from pillar to post saying, 'Look, we don't need this; we can't afford this. Let's think it through. Let's do some bullets that make the system better rather than this shotgun approach." Meanwhile, as the newest member of the House, Rep. John Garamendi (D-Calif.), was finishing his first speech to the chamber on Thursday, Rep. Mike Doyle (D-Pa.) was pacing. Doyle was anxious for the speech to end so he could resume his lobbying of anti-abortion rights Democrats. As Garamendi concluded his address, Doyle sprang into action and was soon talking to Rep. David Wu (D-Wash.). "It's a process," Doyle said as he bolted from the House floor and ducked into a leadership meeting in the suites of the Speaker. "Everybody has a different concern." Doyle is a senior lawmaker, but he usually doesn't attend leadership meetings. What's different this time is that Doyle is an abortion-rights opponent who wants to get the health overhaul passed. That has made him a key broker in the final days of whipping, or rounding up votes, for one of the toughest votes for Democrats since they won control of Congress in 2006. "He wants to see healthcare for this country, but he's pro-life, and he doesn't want to see taxpayer funds go to abortion," said Rep. Brad Ellsworth (D-Ind.), who wrote the compromise legislation for which Doyle was trying to win votes. "But how do we get that ball moving forward?" A host of concerns have come up as the countdown to a Saturday night vote ticks down. In addition to abortion, Hispanic members are concerned that illegal immigrants will be excluded from buying insurance on the bill's exchanges. Blue Dogs are concerned about the cost. And vulnerable members in conservative districts are wringing their hands over Tuesday's election results, in which Republicans reclaimed two governors' mansions from Democrats. The abortion compromise was turning into a contest of wills, with the U.S. Conference of Bishops on one side and Pelosi, a devout Catholic and a supporter of abortion rights, on the other. Ellsworth said at least three Democratic abortion-rights opponents have agreed to support his language, but many others won't because the bishops don't support it. "Other members felt like they needed the ... blessing of the Catholic bishops," Ellsworth said. And the bishops, whose representatives he met with Thursday morning, are insisting on an amendment authored weeks ago by Rep. Bart Stupak (D-Mich.), which would block any subsidies from paying for abortion. Abortion-rights supporters said that could mean that insurers might have to end abortion coverage in order to get access to the customers in the exchanges. Ellsworth has come under attack from some quarters of the anti-abortion-rights community for drafting what they consider a weaker alternative to the Stupak language. One group accused Ellsworth of "bayoneting" them "in the back." But Ellsworth defended himself, saying he believed Stupak's amendment wouldn't pass, and the bill as it stands might pass, which he didn't find acceptable. Stupak, however, believes he would have a majority of members support his measure if it were granted a floor vote. "When you're going into battle, you need to have a contingency plan," Ellsworth said. Doyle worked the floor on Thursday like a candidate at a Rotary Club. As a vote on unemployment compensation wound down, Doyle waved Ellsworth to his seat. Their conversation was so consuming that Doyle almost didn't register a subsequent vote in time. Doyle lobbied Democratic abortion-rights opponents one by one, including Reps. Steve Driehaus (Ohio), Tim Ryan (Ohio), Jim Langevin (R.I.) and Joe Donnelly (Ind.). Then he went to talk to Pelosi. Doyle talked with his hands, and Pelosi put her hands on her hips and frowned. After that, Doyle sat down with Clyburn. Asked if the conversations were going poorly, Doyle said, "No. You misread that one." But he didn't give a different reading before ducking into the Speaker's hallway. Nearby, Rep. Lois Capps (D-Calif.), an abortion-rights supporter, who brokered the abortion language in the pending bill, talked with Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio). And Rep. John Dingell (D-Mich.), the sponsor of the healthcare package, was leaning over Rep. Lincoln Davis (D-Tenn.), an abortion-rights opponent, who had said he couldn't support the Ellsworth language. Rep. Diana DeGette (D-Colo.), one of the chief deputy whips, walked the floor with a clipboard. Bob Cusack, Molly K. Hooper and Jeffrey Young contributed to this article.

The House is headed toward a rare Saturday evening vote as Democratic leaders scramble to placate party factions threatening to defeat the healthcare bill over hot button issues such as [...]

House Republicans are accusing Democrats of breaking a pledge to make the healthcare legislation public for three days so they can resolve a feud between liberals and centrists over abortion [...]

The dozens of investigations of lawmakers revealed last week by an accidental ethics committee leak show that Democrats are living up to their pledge to make Congress more ethical, House [...]

Centrist Democrats in the House are moving toward the "yes" column on healthcare reform, triggering optimism among leadership officials that they will soon have the votes to pass their $894-billion [...]

Speaker Nancy Pelosi is to unveil a health overhaul bill Thursday that includes the public health insurance option favored by her party's centrists. Pelosi (D-Calif.) will introduce a plan similar to what a group of Blue Dog Democrats negotiated in July to get a healthcare bill out of the Energy and Commerce Committee. The proposal calls for the officials who run the public plan to negotiate rates individually with physicians and hospitals. "It looks like that's what it will be," Rep. Tim Walz (D-Minn.) said Wednesday night after leaving a meeting where leaders laid out the bill to those Democrats in their second term in Congress. Pelosi calls them the "majority makers" because their election gave Democrats control of the House. Pelosi has made it clear she personally supports the so-called "robust" public option that is tied to Medicare-based payment rates, as does a solid majority of the 256 House Democrats. But it has become apparent in recent days that such an option doesn't have the 218 votes she needs to pass it with no Republican support. Liberals have noted that while it's clear their version doesn't have the votes, there hasn't been a full vote count on the centrist compromise. Winning with negotiated rates assumes that House liberals wouldn't dare block President Barack Obama's signature health initiative. But on Wednesday, as defeat became apparent, Liberals did not reiterate threats to defeat the bill if it included the negotiated rates in conference. "I am not rolling over," said Rep. Raul Grijalva (D-Ariz.), co-chairman of the Congressional Progressive Caucus. "I will insist on a Medicare-plus-5 [percent] amendment on the floor so that the full caucus can vote on it. We are hopeful that the Rules Committee will allow this amendment, which has tremendous public support, to be voted on for the record." They will also get a chance Thursday to press their case for a public option in the final bill to Obama in a White House meeting. Many liberals have been irritated by Obama's wavering on the necessity of a public option. Asked if her caucus would be prepared to balk at supporting a public option with negotiated rates--a threat they made in writing at the beginning of July--Grijalva's fellow co-chairwoman, Rep. Lynn Woolsey (D-Calif.), said: "When we see what the bill says, we'll decide if we can support it." Woolsey added that while Progressives don't intend to sign off on just anything that's handed to them, "this isn't walk-away time." The negotiated rates plan is estimated to cost about $85 billion more than the Medicare-based reimbursements. To cut the number of uninsured without surpassing the $900 billion limit set by Obama, the bill will expand eligibility for the Medicaid healthcare program for the poor. The bill will also include an income surtax on the wealthy to pay much of the cost of the plan. Other issues, most notably a stalemate between abortion-rights supporters and opponents, remain to be resolved before a vote planned for next week, said Rep. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), assistant to the Speaker. The public option has caused a bitter split between the party's liberal wing and its centrists. Pelosi has been caught in the middle, favoring a public option but not wanting to risk losing the healthcare overhaul with a risky vote. The Congressional Progressive Caucus vehemently pushed the Medicare-based public option, saying it was the best and cheapest way to expand coverage and lower costs. Most of its members support a full single-payer plan, and felt they'd compromised enough with the "robust" option. Many centrist and rural Democrats say hospitals and physicians in their districts are already underpaid by Medicare. Other centrist Democrats, along with Republicans, oppose the public option entirely, contending that it would put private insurers out of business. There are 47 Democrats who oppose the "robust" public option, according to a whip survey that leaked Tuesday from a meeting between liberals and House Majority Whip James Clyburn (D-S.C.). The survey also indicates that 20 members are "leaning yes," 12 are "undecided" and eight are "leaning no." That leaves 168 members, a clear majority of House Democrats, as yes votes. Liberals have contended that Clyburn and other leaders gave in too easily. And the names on the list do raise questions. For example, Rep. Jason Altmire (D-Pa.) is listed as a no. But Altmire says he's told leadership he's fine with a Medicare-based public option. He opposes the bill as it stands because of cost and because it includes an income surtax. Rep. Loretta Sanchez (D-Calif.) is listed as "leaning no," even though she and Rep. Jane Harman (D-Calif.) co-authored an op-ed earlier this month supporting the "robust" option. It was titled, "Why We're Breaking With the Blue Dogs on the Public Option." In July, 60 liberal lawmakers threatened to vote against the bill if it included the "negotiated rates" language, though some signers indicated privately that they wouldn't really vote to block the bill. It wouldn't take all 60 to defeat the bill. One whip count has shown that 23 mostly centrist Democrats intend to vote against the bill regardless, according to a lawmaker involved in the counting. That means that another 13 hard-line liberals voting against the bill could defeat it.

Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) has only lost one major vote since becoming Speaker. And with a roll call expected on a landmark healthcare bill as early as next week, she [...]

Speaker Nancy Pelosi's (D-Calif.) drive for a public option in healthcare reform ran into turbulence Thursday when a survey of her caucus showed she needs more votes to pass such [...]

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's decision to tack left in the healthcare debate has prompted complaints from centrists and started a high-stakes votecounting operation. House Majority Whip James Clyburn's (D-S.C.) whip [...]

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) has chosen to put the public option favored by the liberal wing of her party in the healthcare bill that goes to the House floor, [...]

Sponsors of a bill to revoke the antitrust exemption of the health insurance industry will try to add it to the House healthcare overhaul when it comes before the Rules [...]

Say hello to "Medicare Part E"--as in, "Medicare for Everyone." House Democrats are looking at re-branding the public health insurance option as Medicare, an established government healthcare program that is [...]

Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) on Thursday told fellow Democrats the time has come for all members of the party to say where they stand on the government-run health insurance program. [...]

Speaker Nancy Pelosi is seeking to modify the House healthcare legislation to bring centrists around to the more liberal government-run insurance option, hoping that will give her the strongest negotiating [...]

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has agreed to insert into the House healthcare bill language that would allow young adults to stay on their parents' health plan until they are 26 [...]

Speaker Nancy Pelosi is not among those praising Sen. Max Baucus (D-Mont.) for bringing his healthcare bill in well under President Barack Obama's $900 billion limit. Pelosi (D-Calif.), an advocate [...]

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) on Thursday hit back at the Republican group that said a general should "put her in her place." "It's really sad they don't understand how [...]

Liberal leaders told House Democrats on Wednesday that they have nearly enough votes to pass their preferred version of a government-run health insurance option, but the party's official vote-counter isn't [...]

House members have been told they can expect to have a recess during the week that includes Veterans Day, unless they need to be in Washington for votes on healthcare. [...]

A key Democrat who had advocated keeping the Guantanamo Bay prison open has shifted to developing a uniform detention policy for all suspected terrorists. 'Guantanamo isn't the problem. It's the [...]

In an unusual twist, Republicans on Tuesday sought to provide President Barack Obama with political cover should he decide to send tens of thousands more U.S. troops to Afghanistan. Democrats, however, were reserved and nuanced in their statements after a bipartisan, bicameral meeting at the White House. The meeting demonstrated that if Obama decides not to seek additional troops, he and the Democrats who back him will be criticized for not supporting the decisions of his commanders on the ground. Republican leaders are firmly backing the recommendation by Gen. Stanley McChrystal to send another 40,000 troops, which would be nearly 20,000 more than President George W. Bush sent to Iraq two years ago. Democratic leaders are split, with some endorsing McChrystal's recommendation and others much more skeptical. Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman John Kerry (DMass.) said members urging the president to make a decision need to be prepared to answer questions about how much money they are willing to spend on the effort and how long they are committed to keeping troops in Afghanistan. "Until these questions are answered, I think it'd be irresponsible" to deploy more troops, Kerry said. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) said whether Democrats can support Obama's decision "remains to be seen." But Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) said after the meeting that everyone at the table with the president agreed that "whatever decision [Obama] makes, we'll support it." While no congressional leader has called for a withdrawal of troops, many Democrats want to streamline the mission by targeting just al Qaeda rather than the Taliban. In the middle is Obama, taking heat from both sides of the political spectrum as he weighs a foreign policy and military question. Aides said he will make a decision within weeks. Sen. John McCain (Ariz.), the top Republican on the Senate Armed Services Committee, came out of the meeting forcefully urging the president to send more troops with "deliberate haste." "Many of us are committed to trying to build support for the president if he makes the right decision," said House Minority Whip Eric Cantor (R-Va.). But if Obama rejects McChrystal's call for more troops, Cantor said, Republicans will demand that the president make a "compelling case." It was the first formal White House meeting in six months for Republican leaders, and comes after weeks of harsh exchanges between the two parties about Obama's proposed healthcare overhaul. McChrystal said publicly last week that the U.S. needs a significant troop infusion in the region or else the mission will fail. Pelosi on Monday joined administration figures in criticizing McChrystal for going public with his request rather than sending it quietly through the military chain of command. Vice President Joe Biden, meanwhile, has been the principal voice behind shifting to a more limited mission, hunting down al Qaeda terrorists rather than trying to stabilize the shaky Afghan government. McChrystal's request comes amid the deadliest year in the eight-year war, and just as public support for U.S. involvement in Afghanistan begins to wane. About 30 lawmakers attended the White House meeting, including congressional leaders from both parties and the top Democrats and Republicans on relevant committees. Sources said Senate Armed Services Chairman Carl Levin (DMich.) pushed a more limited mission with more for Afghanistan military training, while House Armed Serves Committee Chairman Ike Skelton (D-Mo.)--who sponsored the House's 2007 disapproval of the Iraq surge--pressed to fulfill McChrystal's request. House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) said that Congress needs to give resources that the White House needs to fulfill whatever mission [Obama] decides upon," a congressional aide with knowledge of the meeting told The Hill. House Appropriations Committee Chairman David Obey (DWis.) told Obama there isn't public support for a long, open-ended operation. Earlier this year, Obey said he would give the White House one year to show significant progress in Afghanistan. House Minority Leader John Boehner (R-Ohio) told the president that Republicans challenged the idea of a "pure counter-terrorist" strategy, the aide said. An administration official said the president "made it clear that his decision won't make everybody in the room or the nation happy, but underscored his commitment to work on a collaborative basis with the understanding that everyone wants what is best for the country." Obama has held two meetings on the war with his top national security advisers. He has two more scheduled for this week on Wednesday and Friday. If Obama were to back McChrystal's request, it appears increasingly likely that Obama would need solid support among Republicans to get the funding to sustain the buildup. There has been increasing Democratic resistance. A majority of Democrats in June supported an amendment by Afghan war opponent Rep. James McGovern (D-Mass.) demanding an exit strategy for the conflict. It was voted down overwhelmingly. Last month, 57 members of Congress, including seven Republicans, signed a letter urging Obama to reject McChrystal's recommendation to send more troops. And last week, many of the signers of that letter signed on to a bill by Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), the only member of Congress to vote against the 2001 invasion. On Tuesday, Hoyer declined to echo Pelosi's statement that there isn't support in the country or Congress for a troop increase. Hoyer said he didn't know whether there was majority support in Congress. Liberal groups have started mobilizing on Afghanistan, though sometimes with less zeal than they showed when protesting the Iraq war under Bush. On Sunday, MoveOn.org urged members to sign a petition telling Obama and Congress that "We need a clear military exit strategy--not tens of thousands more U.S. troops stuck in a quagmire." Republicans are also turning up the pressure. The National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC) lashed out at Pelosi in a release by spokesman Ken Spain saying, "If Nancy Pelosi's failed economic policies are any indicator of the effect she may have on Afghanistan, taxpayers can only hope McChrystal is able to put her in her place." Democrats quickly fired back at the NRCC. Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-Fla.) said, "I think the place for a woman is at the top of the House of Representatives. It's evidence they long for the days when a woman's place was in the kitchen. Now a woman is third in line for the presidency... But it's not surprising, coming from a party that's 80 percent male and 100 percent white," referring to the makeup of the House Republican Conference.

Republicans are criticizing President Barack Obama for his decision not to meet with the Dalai Lama this week. They say the decision not to meet with the spiritual leader of Tibet during his visit to Washington sends the wrong message to Tibet, China and the world on human rights. Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) has repeatedly criticized China for its human rights record and is scheduled to present the Dalai Lama with an award on Tuesday. Her office declined to comment for this story. "The U.S. is kowtowing to Beijing again by refusing to meet with His Holiness," said Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (Fla.), the ranking Republican on the House Foreign Affairs Committee. "This is a policy turned upside down." The Tibetan spiritual leader has visited the White House each of the 10 times he has come to Washington since 1991. Most of his visits have been informal, but in 2007, President George W. Bush awarded him the Congressional Medal of Honor and became the first president to appear publicly with him. China has publicly opposed any White House meeting, and the administration has sought to improve ties with the rising global power. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said that concern over China's human-rights record should not "interfere with the global economic crisis, the global climate-change crisis and the security crisis." The Obama administration is seeking cooperation with China on a range of issues, from imposing sanctions through the United Nations to control Iran's nuclear program to setting a new economic order for the world by re-balancing trade and savings patterns. "The Chinese are beginning to dictate what the Obama administration is doing," said Rep. Frank Wolf (R-Va.). "Do you think the Chinese will respect this? It's sign of weakness." Other political leaders, including Pelosi, will be meeting with the Dalai Lama during his visit. Pelosi, a longtime China critic, on Tuesday will award him the recently established Lantos Human Rights Prize as part of a Capitol Hill ceremony. The award, named after former Rep. Tom Lantos (D-Calif.), a Holocaust survivor who died in office last year, is intended to honor those who fight against human-rights violations. Shortly after a trip to China earlier this year, Pelosi told an audience at the Brookings Institution: "If we do not speak out on human rights in China and Tibet, we lose moral authority." The focus of Pelosi's visit was climate change, and she came under some criticism for not being more critical of China's human-rights policies during the visit. After her return, she said human rights in China and Tibet remained a "relentless" pursuit of hers, and that she had not seen any improvement during the visit. Pelosi visited the Dalai Lama at his headquarters in exile in India in 1998. Two decades ago, she unfurled banners in Tiananmen Square to criticize Beijing's crackdown on pro-democracy activists. Wolf said the administration can honor the Dalai Lama and still continue discussions with China. "Ronald Reagan called the Soviet Union 'the Evil Empire,'" Wolf said. "But Mikhail Gorbachev still came to his funeral."

Congressional leaders from both parties will head to the White House on Tuesday afternoon to discuss the worsening situation in Afghanistan. The meeting comes amid mounting casualties in the eight-year [...]

Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) is shifting to the center on a government-run public health insurance plan, warming to a version that is being supported by some Blue Dog Democrats. Pelosi's recent public statements and private conversations indicate her willingness to move away from the more liberal proposal, which she had been promoting as being more cost-effective. The centrist view was negotiated with Blue Dogs to move the bill out of the House Energy and Commerce Committee. Liberals want a public option that is tied to Medicare rates plus 5 percent. Blue Dogs and other centrist Democrats want rates to be negotiated individually with providers. Earlier this week, Pelosi said, "The differences are not as great as you may think when you take it down to its different parts." Pelosi brought the centrist option up Thursday with the Blue Dog leadership for the first time. And she promoted the savings it can deliver, saying it is more than the $25 billion originally thought. "I think there are probably more savings in the negotiated rates, as well," Pelosi later told reporters. Her apparent shift comes at a critical time in the healthcare debate, when both chambers are struggling to find enough votes to advance President Barack Obama's signature domestic priority. In a sign of that trouble, House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) announced Thursday that there won't be a floor vote on the healthcare bill in the next two weeks. Centrists, including many Blue Dogs, would prefer that if there is a public option in the healthcare bill, it be based on negotiated rates. Many of those members come from rural districts and feel that Medicare rates already shortchange providers. The Energy and Commerce panel adopted the negotiated-rates version as a way to overcome the objection of several Blue Dog Democrats about Medicare rates and other issues. Pelosi has said there will be a public option in the House bill. She has ruled out cooperatives and a so-called "trigger" fallback option. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Liberal and centrist leaders agree that the debate is moving in the direction of negotiated rates. It's disappointing to liberal leaders, who scrambled Wednesday and Thursday to prove that their Medicare-based version had overwhelming support among Democrats. "The momentum is to pass something," said Raul Grijalva (D-Ariz.). "For some people, negotiated rates is the easiest path. But negotiated rates effectively kills the public option." Liberal leaders brought the names of 150 Democratic supporters of the Medicare-rates approach to a meeting with Pelosi on Thursday, according to a Democratic source. It's not clear if that was enough to get her to shift back to that approach. "Yes, I think there's momentum, " said Blue Dog leader Rep. Stephanie Herseth Sandlin (D-S.D.). "They don't have the votes for a public option with Medicare rates." But Grijalva noted that 46 members recently signed a letter pledging to vote against the centrist plan. In the numbers game of the House, that is significant, because Republicans are expected to unite against the healthcare bill. So if 39 Democrats oppose the plan, it wouldn't get the 218 votes needed to pass. There are 52 Blue Dogs, as well as many other centrist members not in the coalition. "With negotiated rates, you lose votes on the left," Herseth Sandlin said. " I don't know that either public option can get 218 votes." Last week, House leaders promoted Medicare rates, saying they would save $110 billion over 10 years by driving down premiums. Negotiated rates, they said, citing unofficial Congressional Budget Office (CBO) numbers, would save only $25 billion. The level of savings is important, because Obama wants the bill to cost $900 billion or less. So House members need to cut $200 billion from their plan. But Pelosi and Energy and Commerce Committee Chairman Henry Waxman (D-Calif.) on Thursday were promoting the savings from the version with negotiated rates, saying there's more than $25 billion. "There's clearly more savings in a public option tied to Medicare rates," Waxman said. "But if we go to negotiated rates, there are more savings than just the $25 billion identified by CBO." Pelosi told Blue Dog leaders in a meeting Thursday that she wants the CBO to "sharpen its pencil" and find more savings in negotiated rates, Herseth Sandlin said. Even if Pelosi settles on a public option, there are still several more problematic issues to resolve, such as whether to raise taxes on the wealthy to pay for it, and whether the bill would allow taxpayer dollars to go toward abortions. The Senate is not expected to pass a bill that includes a public option, as many leading Democrats in the chamber say they don't have the votes. Though many centrist House Democrats are wary of casting a vote on a bill that won't ever become law, Pelosi wants to include a public option in the House version to pull the negotiations to the left. "We will go to the table with that strength when we are ready," Pelosi said Thursday. "But what happens in conference is another step along the way."

Rep. Alan Grayson (D-Fla.) has accused Republicans of being "knuckle-dragging Neanderthals." In reality, it's their feet they've been dragging. A long period of dithering in the Republican primary to face [...]

A debate among House Democrats over whether to include a government-run health insurance option in the broader healthcare legislation now comes down to a counting exercise. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Answering a [...]

Rep. Alan Grayson (D-Fla.) mocked Republican attempts to compare his "Die quickly" remarks to Rep. Joe Wilson's (RS. C.) "You lie!" outburst and said he would apologize only to the [...]

There's not as much bipartisan agreement on healthcare as Republicans have advertised, House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) said Tuesday. Last week, Hoyer said he wanted to talk to House [...]

Lawmakers are readying tough new sanctions against Iran in the wake of its recent disclosure of a second secret nuclear facility. A parade of bills in both chambers has drawn [...]

Nancy Pelosi didn't set out to wind up in Congress. Once she got there, she didn't set her sights on leadership. But that's not to say that her rise to [...]

House Democratic leaders could decide the basic outlines of their healthcare bill by Friday after a sharply divided rank and file spent Thursday evening hashing out the shape of the [...]

Politically vulnerable Democrats say Speaker Nancy Pelosi and other House leaders aren't offering them the protection from tough votes that they did in the last Congress. Conservative Democrats fear that dozens of members could be swept out of their districts in the midterm election next year, and that fear has been intensifying in recent weeks. Between a tough vote on a climate change bill that many don't expect to become law and a leftward push on healthcare legislation, Pelosi's (D-Calif.) critics within her caucus say she's left the so-called "majority makers" exposed. "She keeps trying to push an unpopular package," said Rep. Gene Taylor (D-Miss.), a centrist Blue Dog Democrat, referring to healthcare. "I think it's fair to say they were better at it before." Another Blue Dog lawmaker put it more bluntly. "They're seriously endangering their majority," said the Blue Dog, who requested anonymity. "With the increased margin and a [Democratic] president, there seems to be a different feeling." There are 79 more Democrats than Republicans in the lower DEMS from page 1 chamber, giving Pelosi a strong working majority. But her caucus includes 84 Democrats who represent districts won by either President George W. Bush in 2004 or Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) in 2008. "In a party this big and diverse, somebody's going to get left out," said Rep. Parker Griffith (Ala.), a conservative Democrat who has criticized the Speaker. Pelosi's defenders note that in the last Congress, she was dealing with a thinner majority and a Republican president. Now she is tasked with moving a Democratic agenda, instead of trying to pass veto-proof bills or legislation that a Republican president could sign. The most dangerous situation for Democrats in the 2010 election, the Pelosi allies say, will be if Democrats cannot enact their agenda. "Being in the majority and being in charge means you have to do something," said Rep. Tim Walz (D -Minn.), a centrist who voted for the climate change bill. "I don't think people should be surprised. We knew we wanted to do healthcare and an energy bill. The Speaker's attention to first-and second-term Democrats hasn't changed." Pelosi is one of the most powerful Speakers in recent memory and has many close relationships with liberal and conservative Democrats. With bolstered majorities in both chambers and a friend in the White House, she knows that now is the time to push a bold and aggressive agenda. "She's a masterful herder of cats," said Rep. John Yarmuth (D-Ky.), a sophomore who wrested his district from a Republican. He said he believes Pelosi enjoys "overwhelming" support among his fellow centrists. Pelosi has raised more than $14 million for Democrats this year. And she hasn't shied away from conservative districts. Last weekend, for example, she raised $1 million on a swing through Texas. When she was minority leader, she didn't raise as much money in Southern districts and other GOP-leaning areas, but now, more House Democrats have welcomed her to meet their constituents. Yet fears are growing in Democratic circles as political handicappers like Charlie Cook talk about Democrats losing more than 20 seats next fall. At a fundraiser this week, Vice President Joe Biden referred to 35 House seats that Republicans have targeted. "If they take them back, this is the end of the road for what Barack and I are trying to do," Biden said. "This is their one shot." The House is the Democrats' major concern because Republicans have almost no chance to win back control of the Senate. It would take a huge net loss of 39 House seats to swing control into Republican hands. Historical trends show that the president's party loses seats in a midterm election, though that trend was bucked in 1998 and 2002. Should Democrats lose about 20 seats, getting controversial legislation through the House would be extremely difficult. The slog of legislating also seems to have slowed Democrats' momentum. The Republican right-wing base has been fired up by the August town hall meetings, Tea Party protests and skepticism about Obama's big agenda. Meanwhile, the Democrats' left-wing base is growing dispirited by Obama's actions, or lack thereof, on gayrights issues and the prospect that the president will escalate the war in Afghanistan. Centrists say Pelosi protected vulnerable members from conservative districts more consistently in the previous Congress. For example, after calling offshore drilling a "hoax," she relented and allowed a vote that opened up the Outer Continental Shelf to oil and gas exploration. She also backed off to centrists on terrorist surveillance. Leaders have allowed members to vote against leadership on procedural votes with impunity. Republicans specifically targeted vulnerable freshman Democrats with procedural moves called "motions to recommit" on contentious matters, like guns and national security. Pelosi also helped Blue Dogs avoid a showdown with the powerful National Rifle Association by allowing a vote on a bill that would erase many of the District of Columbia's gun laws. And to the relief of some centrist Democrats, the Speaker has refused to have the House vote on immigration reform and a unionbacked "card-check" bill until the Senate acts first. Many centrists credit Rahm Emanuel, now White House chief of staff, then a congressman from Illinois and a member of leadership, for pushing Pelosi to protect vulnerable members. As the former head of the House Democrats' campaign arm, Emanuel had recruited many of them to run in the 2006 election that gave Democrats the majority. "Rahm could say, 'Nance, I'm the guy who delivered the House.' He had a special ability to talk to her," said a senior Democratic aide. This year, members have been asked to spend $787 billion to stimulate the economy and vote on a budget with many liberal agenda items. Democratic members point most to Pelosi's handling of the climate change measure. Pelosi worked the floor relentlessly to pass the fast- tracked bill, persuading a number of worried centrists to vote for it just before the Independence Day holiday. Some Democratic centrists have regretted backing that bill. What irks them most is the sense that the Senate won't pass anything so strong, if it passes anything at all. So they expect to get beaten up for voting on a bill that will never become law. "What bothers me is I was put in that position unnecessarily," said one vulnerable lawmaker. That has made vulnerable and centrist lawmakers wary now that lawmakers are working on the president's top priority: healthcare. Centrist Blue Dogs threatened to stop the bill in committee, saying their priorities had been ignored, particularly on the contentious issue of a "public option." That group negotiated a compromise, but Blue Dogs were enraged this week to find out that Pelosi has told fellow leaders she was backing a public option and a surtax that ignored that deal. Pelosi has since backed off, saying she will leave the decision to the caucus. Still, vulnerable Democrats are worried that they will be pressured into supporting a public option that many of their constituents consider a "government takeover." Aides say centrist lawmakers have complained loudly to House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) when they feel like Pelosi isn't listening. Hoyer has been more open to a bill without a public option than Pelosi, who has said a measure without one can't pass the House. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

Democrats' failure to attract Republican support on health reform has launched new bipartisan talks in both chambers as groups seek to influence the legislation ahead of crucial floor debates. Seven Senate centrists--two Republicans, four Democrats and one Independent--are stepping up their activity after a bipartisan group on the Senate Finance Committee produced a bill with only Democratic support after months of negotiations. At the same time, Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) on Tuesday reached out to Minority Whip Eric Cantor (R-Va.) and other Republicans, hoping to find middle ground on healthcare reform. "We believe the door to bipartisanship shouldn't be completely closed and we're doing what we can to keep it open," said Sen. Mary Landrieu, a centrist Democrat from Louisiana who has joined the Senate group. The balance of power in the healthcare debate is shifting as the Senate Finance Committee began marking up legislation this week that Democrats once hoped would serve as a vehicle for bipartisanship. But so far that bill has alienated both liberals and conservatives, leaving an opening for others to step in. On the House side, Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) is gearing up for a contentious floor debate on legislation that has been sharply criticized by both Republicans and centrist Democrats. Hoyer is attempting to head that off, focusing on comments Rep. Charles Boustany Jr. (R-La.) made that Republicans agree on "80 percent of the issues" surrounding healthcare. "I want to find out what that 80 percent is," said Hoyer. "Because if we have 80 percent, we ought to work very hard on that remaining 20 percent." Boustany, who delivered the GOP response to President Barack Obama's joint address to Congress this month, accepted Hoyer's invitation. "I appreciate the majority leader's desire to talk about the broad solutions I outlined following the president's remarks to Congress the week before last, and I look forward to meeting with him soon to discuss patient-centered alternatives to [the House bill]," he said in a statement. The new Senate group includes GOP Sens. Susan Collins and Olympia Snowe of Maine, Sen. Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.) and Democratic Sens. Ben Nelson (Neb.), Claire McCaskill (Mo.), Landrieu and Ron Wyden (Ore.). Four of the members--Snowe, Collins, Lieberman and Nelson--played a significant role in helping pass Obama's $787 billion stimulus package. But these lawmakers are hesitant to call themselves a Gang of Seven, or any other type of gang. They are still wincing at the memory of the weeks of protracted negotiations among members of the Finance Committee that failed to produce a much-hoped-for bipartisan agreement. "I think we already have enough gangs," said Landrieu. "What you're seeing is an attempt to keep some effort for bipartisanship alive." The lawmakers are looking past the Finance Committee markup to how they can wield their influence and shape the bill before it comes to the Senate floor. They haven't yet met formally as a group, but they are talking frequently on the phone, on the floor and in the corridors of the Capitol complex. Two principles have emerged from these conversations: The cost of the reform package should be kept in strong check to avoid increasing the federal deficit; and the final package should receive bipartisan support. "We're going to be ready to do everything we can to play a constructive role after the bill comes out of committee," Lieberman said. "We'd like to see healthcare reform pass this year, and we don't think it can be passed unless there is a bipartisan agreement [that] the bill comes to the center." Several members of the new gang have already expressed serious reservations over legislation unveiled by Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus (D-Mont.). [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Wyden, a member of the Finance Committee, has questioned whether the bill would ensure competition among insurance companies that cover more than 200 million Americans with policies through their employers. Wyden did not take part in the negotiations led by Baucus and has authored a bill that has attracted the support of seven Republicans. Obama invited him to the White House last week to discuss healthcare, a sign of his importance down the road. Collins declined last week to sign onto a letter commending Baucus's "effort to forge a healthcare proposal that has the potential to gain broad bipartisan support." She told The Hill she had significant concerns with the Baucus bill "even though I appreciate the work he's done." Snowe, who participated in the Baucus negotiations, has also withheld support for the bill, expressing concern that it would not do enough to make federally mandated insurance affordable to working- and middle-class Americans. She also has questions about how the Baucus proposal to tax high-cost insurance plans would affect Maine, which has a high average premium cost. Lieberman said the group formed initially out of concern over Democratic plans to create a government-run insurance program, which critics fear would drive the private insurance industry out of business. But since those early talks, the bipartisan group of senators has focused more on the potential impact of healthcare reform on the deficit. While Obama has promised that healthcare reform will be paid for entirely, some Democratic and Republican senators have doubts. "I personally want to be really sure that the numbers hold up," said Lieberman. "The last thing we want to do is contribute even more to the debt. I think that would undo our economic recovery." Group members have grown more alarmed at the prospect of Democratic leaders using a procedural maneuver to push healthcare reform through the Senate with a simple majority. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) on Tuesday gave Republicans his most explicit warning to date that he is prepared to use budget reconciliation rules to protect healthcare legislation from a filibuster. Reid spelled out how the process would work in a floor speech: "On reconciliation, under the order, there's only 20 hours of debate. There would be a free amendment process, which would take some time." "We've done reconciliation on many, many different issues in recent years," he added. "We've done it on a number of healthcare issues." Mike Soraghan contributed to this article.

Speaker Nancy Pelosi wants to make final decisions this week on the healthcare reform bill that will hit the House floor, but some centrists in the lower chamber want her [...]