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The phenomenon of "democratic backsliding" is becoming a topical issue in today's international relations, with recent occurrences in various regions, including Europe. This paper examines the weakening of democracy in the Russian Federation from 2012 to 2021. The study aims to determine whether democratic elements were dismantled in Russia during this period. For this purpose, the theoretical framework by Ellen Lust and David Waldner was utilized, alongside Merkel's concept of embedded democracy. Appropriate indicators were selected to reliably reveal the deterioration in the quality of democratic institutions and processes in Russia, specifically the Freedom House index, Democracy Index, and the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI). By employing these three indices, the study assesses whether Russia can be classified as an anchored democracy or a defective democracy. The findings, presented in the final section of the paper, indicate significant erosion of democratic practices and institutions in Russia during the observed period. This deterioration underscores a shift from an already flawed democratic structure to one that increasingly resembles an authoritarian regime. The study concludes that Russia cannot be considered an anchored democracy; rather, it exhibits numerous characteristics of a defective democracy, marked by weakened institutions and diminished political freedoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper was to identify the nature of hybrid threats posed by Russia in Bosnia and Herzegovina and, subsequently, to identify to what extent the Kremlin is successful in destabilising the political situation in this country. For this purpose, disciplined interpretative case study was employed. This study is primarily based on four expert interviews which were conducted in August 2021, in Sarajevo. The theoretical part of this study introduces the concept of hybrid threats. This concept is then applied to the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Based on a comprehensive analysis, the authors were able to identify three areas where the Kremlin's hybrid threats are the most significant. These are political and economic influence, information space and proxy organizations. This paper may contribute to the understanding of how Russia constructs its hybrid threats and may also lead to further research on hybrid threats in the Western Balkans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study was to explore the reasons why the United States supported the pro-Western candidate for Venezuelan President Juan Guaidó in January 2019. To achieve this goal, Walt's balance of threat was employed. This theory assumes that states try to balance potential threats. The study concludes that the United States felt threatened by Russia's recent actions in Venezuela and the entire Latin American region. Therefore, the United States imposed sanctions on Maduro's regime and successfully balanced the international system through international organisations. This case study serves as a good example of how balance of threat theory can be used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper looks at selected one-sided pro-kremlin websites in Slovakia through thematic discursive analysis. Enforcement of one-sided propagandistic thoughts and opinions, primarily through freely available internet media, has become one of the most important aspects of hybrid warfare in today's world. The aim of this paper was to identify the specific goals of Russian propaganda and to clarify in what ways through language resources is propaganda spread on pro-kremlin websites. The results of the analysis are interpreted and word resources used by these websites are presented at the end of the paper. The results prove that pro-kremlin disinformation websites use word and language manipulation which helps in the acceptance and spreading of unilaterally focused and distorted information in Slovakia. The paper is trying to continue and complement current researches devoted to the problematic of pro-kremlin websites in central Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By stepping up linkages with post-Soviet states and by creating a various and sophisticated scope of soft power instruments, the Russian federation has striven to maintain its strong influence and simultaneously sought to block Western impact in the Post-soviet region. The principal goal of this study is to explore how the Russian political establishment and the influential Russian Orthodox Church are working together to generate Orthodox Christian linkages in the post-Soviet state of the Republic of Moldova and how they are using Orthodox aspects related to "Orthodox identity" and "Orthodox brotherhood" with a view of obtaining support and admiration of the population of this country. The Russian Orthodox Church as an institution is increasingly becoming an effective tool of the Russian concept of soft power, which is taking on growing dimensions and dangerous forms in the hands of the current Russian political leaders. A success or failure of this kind of Russian soft power is subsequently evaluated in the conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Phenomenon of non-military power in international relations theory has been quite intensively investigated in recent years in the form of soft and smart power, which effectively combines soft and hard power. These concepts of power were introduced by Joseph S. Nye, a prominent American professor in international relations at Harvard University. However this research rather reflected these type of powers in the Western or liberal perception. Specifics of the smart power (and its tools) in the perception of non-Western and illiberal countries such as China, Russian federation or Turkey have been developed only in a few specialized studies. Most of the researchers within the frame of international relations could not imagine attractive soft power tools and effective smart power tools in Russia´s foreign policy. For this reason was drawn this study. Russia's renewed influence has caused strategic paralysis in the West. The root cause is a failure to understand the true nature of Russian smart power, which, as a unique adaption of J. S. Nye's original theory, enables Russian strategists to manipulate their adversaries-seemingly at will. The aim of this study is to explain how Russian smart power uses deception to disrupt the awareness of its target, create opportunities to apply coercion, and legitimize its attractive soft power. Concretely the study analyze the conceptions of fascism and anti-fascism that have become a sophisticated part of the Russian complex smart power and presents how this form of the power works. In this study are presented specific instruments promoting anti-fascist Russian smart power abroad. Success or failure of this form of the power is subsequently evaluated in the conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The successor countries of the former Soviet Union are facing many problems in building their national character, respectively, their national identity. One of the important aspects in the construction of national identity is growing, but controversial role of religion and religious institutions in post-Soviet societies. In Belarus and Ukraine independent Autocephalous Orthodox Churches were created, which are independent of the Russian Orthodox Church based in Moscow. Primary objective of the contribution is to offer two variants of functioning of Autocephalous Church as a social force that seeks to shape the Ukrainian and Belarusian identity, but at the same time pulls combat for its existence with other churches. In these countries, the religious affiliation serves as an element of ethnic, political and regional differentiation. Too many churches on their territory mean a variety of particular interests. The part of the article is devoted to the description of coordinates, which shaped the destinies of the Autocephalous Orthodox Churches in the interwar and World War II period too. What was the situation of the Churches in the key periods of formation of national identity in the history? Can they nowadays gain more influence in the minds of the Ukrainian and Belarusian believers? The contribution tries to address these issues too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Phenomenon of the soft power in international relations theory has been quite intensively investigated in recent years. However this research rather reflected the soft power in the Western perception. Specifics of the soft power (and its tools) in the perception of countries such as China Russia or Brazil have been developed only in a few specialized studies. Most of the researchers within the frame of international relations could not imagine effective soft power tools in Russian foreign policy. For this reason was drawn this study. The study deals with a potential of soft power in the Russian concept. Authors of the study analyze broadspectrum concept known as the 'Russian world'. Through this concept Russia implements its soft power abroad. The authors point out that the Russian concept of the soft power is different significantly compared to the American (the West) model of the soft power and present specific instruments promoting Russian soft power abroad. Success or failure of the concept of the 'Russian world' is subsequently evaluated in the conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]